Minister on COP 17 outcomes & United Nations Security Council Presidency

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International Relations

07 February 2012
Chairperson: Mr T Magama (ANC
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Meeting Summary

The Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, highlighted the achievements of the COP17 Durban based conference, outlining the ways in which the event had been a landmark success and would leave South Africa with a legacy in the field of multi lateral negotiations.

She highlighted key achievements within the COP17 conference which included the tackling of issues that had previously been irresolvable as well as the passing unanimously of various protocols. She outlined the challenges faced in this endeavour which included having only eight months to plan the event.

Discussion with Members included how South Africa was to implement the ideas discussed at COP17; access to the Green Climate Fund; the issue of South; how South Africa would move forward on this success; requests for more information from the Department.

The briefing on the United Nations Security Council Presidency outlined the issues faced by the Council during South Africa’s tenure as President. These included a post-conflict Libya, The Arab Spring and the South Sudan Referendum. The Minister outlined the various resolutions passed in order to deal with these fluid issues as well as how South Africa had voted and stood on various matters. Most prominent was its position on Syria where she said South Africa believed that a Syrian led resolution to the problem was the only means of resolving the matter. South Africa’s position on ending piracy in Somalia was that the problem could only be resolved through finding a solution to the political instability and not focusing only on maritime activity. The presentation tackled the limitations of the Council and its need for reform.

The discussion was an opportunity for Members to find out how far reform had gone in the Security Council. Africa’s lack of representation in terms of permanent members on the Security Council was raised. South Africa’s own security was noted, as one member stated that the nation may be at risk playing ‘policeman’ to the continent. This point was answered by the statement that South Africa’s history and position on the continent could not allow her to look away from any problems Africa faced.

Members sought clarification on the South African position on Syria in light of various resolutions and statements that the position had reached an impasse between allowing Syrians autonomy and the international call for those in power to step down. The issue of broadcasting South Africa’s international activities and achievements to the people of South Africa was discussed as the importance of the role of the SABC in doing this was highlighted.

Meeting report

Minister of International Relations and Co-operation on the way forward on the outcome of COP 17
Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane began by explaining the context of COP 17, stating that the Copenhagen legacy was one in which trust had been torn to shreds. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) had been put under considerable strain. The Minister went on to say that the Cancun legacy had eroded the integrity and efficacy of the decision-making process further. Historically the accumulation of intractable issues had resulted in the largest COP/CMP agenda in recent times across two tracks (KP and Convention). It had resulted in four subsidiary bodies (AWG-KP, AWG-LCA, SBI and SBSTA) which had led to initially 55 work streams that  went up to 60 across 15 negotiating slots. There had been a loss of negotiating time in Bangkok under the AWG-LCA which carried the largest bulk of agenda issues in six months. There was an adding of difficult agenda issues as a result of the WTO stagnation as well as contestations.

Key Achievements
The Minister mentioned a number of key achievements for which South Africa made history:
▪ The unanimous adoption of the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action
▪ The unanimous adoption of the 2nd commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol (this included Canada, Japan and Russia).
▪ The establishment of the Green Climate Fund as well as the internalisation structurally of the process of Long-term Finance for the first time in history.
▪ The establishment of the Adaptation Committee as well as Technology Mechanism.
▪  The implementation of the Bali and Cancun decisions including difficult issues such as the response measures and loss and damage.
▪  Decisions were reached on all the issues under the 60 negotiating tracks
▪  Complex agenda were finally adopted as the basis for the decisions.

Durban Platform for Enhanced Action
The Minister explained that this Platform for enhanced action had historically reset the system and integrated it and, in a time-framed manner, paced it. This was done whilst defining tangible results to be accomplished as it stabilized what was current and fazed out what was old. It was the anchor of the entire package that was accomplished in Durban. She explained that without it there would have been no Second Commitment Period of the Kyoto Protocol (KP), Green Climate Fund and Adaptation Committee (CP2) amongst others. She was doubtful whether there would have been anything left of the system and it was now the pivot of the UNFCCC. This should be seen as a unique SA legacy as it resolved problems dating back to Bali and beyond including Copenhagen. It had uniquely brought the USA and BASIC on board whilst being applicable to all parties and thus could be seen as a big victory for developing nations, especially Africa.

Second Commitment Period Under the Kyoto Protocol
The Minister explained that this had stabilised the current system as it transitioned forward under the Durban Platform. It had been another significant victory for the developing countries, especially Africa. This was done as per the Malabo Heads of State Summit resolutions made possible by the Durban Platform and a key delivery point on the promises made by President Zuma to the world. She explained that although the period of agreement of the second Commitment of the KP was in the range of five to eight years, Africa and the G77 and China had managed to get a higher level of ambition in five years. The decision to amend the KP to affect the CP2 to KP had been unanimously adopted including the three musketeers, Japan, Canada and Russia.

Green Climate Fund
The Minister stated that the Report of the Transitional Committee had been adopted therefore approving the governing instrument for the Green Climate Fund. This had been a key delivery point on the promises made by President Zuma to the world and was a part of the Malabo AU Summit resolutions. The Board, interim Secretariat and Trustee had all been established. The first meeting of the board needed to be convened by 30 April 2012. Switzerland and the Republic of Korea had offered to host the first and second meetings. For the first time the Fund would be accountable to and function under the guidance of COP.  South Africa had to firm up its resolve to host the Green Climate Fund.

Long-term Finance
The Minister stated that up until Durban the discussion of long-term finance had been scattered all over, for example, G20, UN Secretary-General’s High Level Advisory Group on Climate Change Finance. For the first time it was brought back into the UNFCCC structurally in the decision to set up a work programme on this, yet another key delivery point on the promises made by President Jacob Zuma and a fulfilment of the wishes of the African Heads of State in Malabo. Uniquely, the Durban COP gave the Minister the responsibility to appoint the two co-chairs to effect the work programme of long-term finance, while the Standing Committee got on its feet – there was an urgency for the Minister to act.

Operationalization of Bali and Cancun
The Minister stated that the establishment of the Adaptation Committee had fulfilled the wishes of the developing world, in particular Africa, to ensure an integrated approach to adaptation. There had been modalities and guidelines for National Adaptation Plans as well as a work programme on Loss and Damage. The Technology Mechanism had been established under which emerged the Technology Executive Committee and the Climate Technology Centre and Network (TORs). The Minister expanded on the accomplishments of this by stating that the Registry (NAMAs seeking support) had been a key win for South Africa. There had been a forum on response measures and work programme, as well as agreement to develop a new market-based mechanism.

Indaba Process
This was pivotal in the generation of the Durban Platform and had therefore ensured the adoption of the entire Durban Package unanimously across all of the negotiating tracks. It had facilitated the resolution of the three additional difficult agenda items that were submitted by India. It was strategically the key in clearing the negative legacy left behind by Copenhagen and Cancun. The Indaba Process had been the mechanism for addressing the intractable issues central to moving the system forward, which hitherto could never be discussed in any meaningful way. It had been key to the restoration of trust, transparency and inclusive participation and had thereby salvaged this multilateral process and the integrity of the UNFCCC. The Indaba process had a two tiered series of informal meetings which were open-ended and inclusive. At Durban it had been the culmination of a process started in Bonn to extract these intractable issues from the various tracks of negotiations and bring them under one platform for resolution. In Panama the process had continued, narrowing the issues down to ensure that when we brought the process to Durban, it would be in a shape that expedited significant process. In between official negotiating sessions, it had been supported by a range of activities, for example, the workshop in New Zealand, Major Economies Forum (MEF) and Ministerials. In Durban the process had translated into a two tiered system with the Minister at the political level and negotiators at the technical level.

Challenges
The Minister stated that the event had not been without its challenges. One example being that DIRCO only had eight months to prepare hosting the COP17 / CMP7. There had been a lack of resources both within the realms of budget and support staff as well as a lack of intelligent support. There had been a number of contestations. A further problem was participants had come from different places and were used to how things were done in their respective countries. This problem was resolved and those present managed to narrow the gap between the spheres of developing, developed and emerging countries. The advice given to South Africa had been to deposit the difficult issues into the future and not to take on ‘everything’.

Follow-up work
In closing the Minister stated that no specific mandate had been given to the incoming COP 18/CMP8 Presidency and thus South Africa was expected to drive the process in 2012. The COP17/CMP7 President had been given till the opening of COP 18/CMP8 which included Bureau meetings and informal Ministerial Consultations. There had been an initiative to launch the work programme of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action. Follow up work included the running and access to the Green Climate Fund as well as the establishment of a work programme on this issue. The last point was that in terms of long-term finance, the Minister was to appoint two co-chairs.

Discussion
Establishment of Green Climate Fund
Ms R Magau (ANC) congratulated the team led by the Minister on a job well done. He asked for clarity on the establishment of the Green Climate Fund. He understood that it focused on developing countries but asked what were the main requirements for accessing this fund.

Mr B Skosana (ANC) asked for an explanation of how representative the fund was. He asked if the Committee could be given a glimpse of the implementation process to deal with the resolution.

South Africa finding their own way forward
Mr B Holomisa (ANC) congratulated the Minister and her team on a job well done. He then went on to argue that as a country South Africa needed to look inwards and ask themselves how do we implement resolutions taken in Durban. He asked if there were structures in place do facilitate this type of implementation. He suggested that there should be a meeting and perhaps eventually a national conference on climate change. He outlined the need to unpack the White Paper that was already in circulation in order to help South Africans. He suggested that South Africa could look into having their own National Council on Climate Change in order to go to other countries with a position that had nationwide support and this allowed South Africa to show case what was done in the country.

He further suggested having a National Green Fund.

Lastly Mr Holomisa suggested that it would be wise for the Ministries of International Relations, Environment,  Energy, and Finance and the National Planning Commssion to meet and decide how to take the process forward. He concluded by saying that there was a need to look inwards as a country.

Mr Skosana echoed these statements and queried if there was any special structure to deal with issues raised here. How representative was the fund itself. 

Ms C September (ANC) agreed that there should have been talk about a package of implementation which could strengthen the COP President’s hand and ensure that she could continue the delivery started in Durban. She requested that the Minister, from time to time, speak to the Committee about the situation in other countries so that the difficulties facing them were understood.

Ms Nozipho Mxakato-diseko, Ambassador at Large for COP17, was requested to respond to these queries and stated that the issues of access to the Green Climate Fund was contained in the instrument adopted in Durban. Although it was open to the private sector, it was stipulated that central government must have ownership of the programmes and whatever was implemented must be nationally driven. There was a need to find a means of accrediting the Fund to both the national and the regional level. It was stipulated that recipient countries would decide the mode and access of the Fund and they would need to establish the structure of an entity that accredits and decides how funding and access would be done. Opportunities for this would be done by national entities and international finance entities and structures.

More Information Required
Ms September said it would be have been helpful to get the finer details as the Minister had given a broad outline. She argued that with the finer details there had not been difficulties as had happened many years ago with Doha. There was a need for another opportunity to get into the finer details, and be provided with a little more information. She stated there was a need for more than just speeches to ensure there was implementation at the level of Parliament.

Mr E Sulliman (ANC) also requested more information, stating that there had been a lot of speeches and reports in the media but was there an information pack the Committee was able to study?

In response to the request for more information, Ms Nozipho Mxakato-Diseko stated that packages would be sent to those who requested. The Minister said information could be provided on the 16 negotiating tracks.

Presence of the United States
Ms September sought to clarify the position and participation of the US throughout the COP 17 process.

Ambassador at Large for COP 17, Ms Nozipho Mxakato-Diseko, replied that in essence Brazil, USA and China had been very constructive during the talks as they had been left with no choice.

The Minister added that the USA had adopted initially Kyoto but did not ratify it. Under the value action plan that had been created, all nation states would be responsible, even those ho were not members of Kyoto. The USA had thus been brought back in as part of the broader Durban Action Plan and were thus involved. The fact that it was unanimous had been what made it historic as it included all countries. She ended by thanking the security services for ensuring a safe conference.

The Chairperson stated that clearly there was a need for more information which the ambassador had assured all present would receive. He remarked that proposals had been made both to the Minister and to the Committee about debates that would allow the process to go forward. They were sure to find a way to channel the ideas to the relevant climate change portfolios. There was clearly a need for further engagement both in the Committee and with others in order to follow on the work that was being done towards COP 18 in Doha in November/December 2012. There was a need to keep an eye on the ball. He thanked the Minister and ‘Team SA’ for a job well done as well as the South African citizens who played a key role in building a positive perception of the country.

Minister on developments related to South Africa’s presidency of United Nations Security Council
Minister Nkoana-Mashabane stated that issues of peace and security were never easy. Resolutions, early warning systems were good but the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) was the supreme body that deals with these issues. It was where the culmination of the systems on how to maintain peace and security came together. She argued that no matter if South Africa was in the Security Council or not, because of its history there was always an expectation that it should say something. If there was one body that the whole world, and in particular the developing world, had said needs to change and had not changed, it was the Security Council. The more things changed, the more they stayed the same. The Security Council was still dealing with issues the way it did in 1945. There was still a lack of democracy within the UNSC. Key challenges to the body were that it was not 1945 but 2012 and one was dealing with issues in the same way as back then. With the support of this Committee, South Africa managed to return to the UNSC, albeit on a non-permanent basis, for the year 2011-2012. She thanked the Committee for allowing the Ministry the opportunity to discuss the great international responsibility South Africa had had over the past year.

She reminded those present that South Africa had begun its second term as a non-permanent member of the UNSC on 1 January 2011. The period ran from 1 January 2011 to 31 December 2012. This membership took place at a time when the world was facing many challenges and conflicts especially the fluid situation in the Middle East and North Africa (Arab Spring), the holding of a referendum in South Sudan and the eventual emergence of an independent state into the world family of nations, the ongoing debate between Israel and Palestine including the attempt by Palestine to gain statehood and membership to the United Nations, the debate on the Iranian nuclear programme, the eminent drawdown or exit of key UN Peace Keeping missions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Even as South Africa entered the UNSC, more than 50 percent of the issues present there, stemmed from Africa. Due to all these issues, the UNSC adopted over 60 resolutions and 20 presidential statements. The UNSC convened over 60 meetings, some closed consultations and deliberations over various issues on its agenda. At the same time the UNSC held many open debates and close consultations with governments and ministers including debates on Afghanistan, Burundi and the DRC, Liberia, Sudan and Somalia amongst others. South Africa had occupied various positions of responsibility, including being at the helm the 1540 Committee that dealt with the issue of weapons of mass destruction as well as Chairing the Ad Hoc Working Group on Conflict Prevention and Resolution in Africa.

She gave the Committee a bird’s eye view of some of the resolutions taken and how South Africa voted on the various issues. The first was Resolution 1975 on Cote d'Ivoire, South Africa voted no. On Resolution 1979 on Western Sahara, South Africa had voted yes. On the issue of allowing South Sudan as a new member, Resolution 1999, South Africa voted yes. For Resolution 2023 on Eritrea and more precisely sanctions, South Africa voted yes. South Africa supported Resolutions 1970 and 1973. She explained that there was a time in which South Africa championed increased coordination and cooperation between the UNSC and the AU, this related to Resolution 2033 which was a resolution sponsored by South Africa and unanimously adopted. The resolution on Syria the Minister tackled later in her speech.

The Minister then went on to tackle the general resolutions, beginning with Libya. The focus had shifted to post-conflict Libya and the four resolutions adopted after Resolution 1970 and 1973. Resolution 2009 authorized the deployment of UN support missions and looked to lifting the sanctions against Libya. Resolution 2012 terminated the no-fly zone and lifted provision of use of force to protect Libyans as allowed by resolution 1973. Resolution 2017 asked the interim government to ensure the proper custody of missiles and other weapons. Resolution 2022 which extended the mandate of UNSMIL to 16 March 2012.

Somalia was another issue that continued to occupy the attention of the council. Resolution 2020 was adopted on 22 November 2011 by UNSC on the issue of piracy in Somali. SA remained concerned at the continued instability in Somali which led to a multitude of problems including terrorism acts of piracy and armed robbery. South Africa supported a comprehensive, strategic and holistic approach to the many challenges in Somalia. Such an approach was crucial to establishing peace and stability in Somali by international communities. The Minister argued that until a political solution was found to the problem then the world would face the current Somali problem for a long time as those who conducted activities such as piracy were based within the country. The more we focused on the problem at sea then the goal of resolving the problem would forever be out of reach. Piracy was a concern for South Africa due to the effect it had on the Mozambican Channel and it had made regional efforts through SADC to patrol this space.

On the Middle East issue, South Africa had consistently promoted dialogue between Israel and Palestine based on internationally agreed parameters including UNSC adoptions. South Africa witnessed the UNSC unable to fulfill its mandate on the maintenance of peace and security, mainly because of the use of the veto of permanent members. The UNSC remained unable to place pressure on Israel to ease its illegal activities which was the single largest obstacle to direct negotiations. The UNSC remained split on the Palestinian application for membership to UN. South Africa’s position was that Palestine qualified for UN membership and South Africa supported it. The Council’s inability to take decisive action in the Middle East as well as its peripheral role, had in South Africa’s view, undermined its credibility.

On Syria, the UNSC voted on a draft Resolution condemning the violence and had prepared the ground for further action against Syria such as possible sanctions. Russia and China vetoed the resolution and South Africa along with Brazil and India abstained. South Africa abstained because the resolution did not clearly exclude possible use of force and the League of Arab States was taking the lead on resolving the issue. SA continued to believe that, for the UNSC to remain relevant, it must work in line with the Charter and make sure of the contribution that could be made by regional bodies. Thus the Arab League should have been given the space to make a contribution as they were doing currently. This was the same way the AU would have wanted the ability to play a role in activities on the continent. South Africa remained concerned with the political, security, socio-economic and humanitarian situation in Syria that continued to escalate despite calls from international communities for the Syrian government and the armed opposition to stop the violence and settle their differences in a peaceful manner. South Africa condemned the serious loss of life in Syria and called for all parties to refrain from violence. South Africa called for an end to the violence and a more peaceful solution to be sought through a Syrian led, Syrian owned, transparent and all inclusive political process that would fulfill the aspirations of the Syrian people. The process should have ensured the guarantee of the people’s fundamental political rights and freedoms and restore people’s dignity through the delivery of democracy, political reforms, human rights and socio economic development. South Africa was sure that such resolutions would ensure long-term peace and stability. South Africa regretted the slow implementation of reforms that had already been presented and urged the government to implement those reforms. South Africa urged the opposition to fully participate in the implementation of these reforms. South Africa believed that the League of Arab states, with its knowledge of the context within Syria, should be given support and the necessary political space to find a solution to the Syrian crisis. She argued that it was important that the Arab League help in a Syrian-led solution to the problem. It was important that the Syrian people were allowed to decide their own fate without external intervention. Any resolution that was reached was to preserve the unity and sovereign integrity of that country. South Africa thus voted in favour of the most recent draft resolution on Syria as it believed that it had the potential to help facilitate a Syrian-led political dialogue between the parties and bring long-term peace and stability in that country in accordance of the aspirations of the Syrian people.

The UNSC Presidency afforded the country to leave a positive legacy of its two-year term on the Council. This was especially important to non permanent members as it allowed them to highlight issues that were of national and regional interest. South Africa used its rotating presidency to facilitate continued debate on increased cooperation between the UNSC and the AU in the maintenance of international peace and security. On this note, South Africa convened a meeting on 12 January 2012 to tackle the notion of strengthening the link between the UN and regional bodies, in particular the AU. The debate was presided over by the South African President and resulted in the adoption of Resolution 2033 mentioned earlier.

South Africa continued to call for the long overdue reform of the Council. The continued non-permanent status of African countries in the Council whose agenda filled most of what occupied the Council, was incomprehensible. A continent of 54 countries and no permanent representation whatsoever was unacceptable. South Africa endeavoured in the remaining months of its membership to add value to the work of the Council by playing an active role in the Council in working groups and committees. The road ahead would be challenging as the Council continued to face fluid issues.

Discussion
United Nations Security Council Reform
Ms L Jacobus (ANC) thanked the Minister for her input as she had said in her opening remarks that the UNSC was still operating like it did in 1945. How far had the UN, and in particular South Africa, gone in terms of transformation of the Security Council which was an important organ of the United Nations. She recalled the Minister’s closing remarks about Africa not having a permanent member and asked that if one looked at all the conflicts occurring on this continent, how far had transformation gone in terms of representation? As a continent and a country, there was going to be little movement if there was under representation. Countries could make as much noise as they wanted, but those with muscle would always hold the floor.

Ms September stated that there should be more talk on reform of the United Nations and asked if the Minister could inform the Committee on what changes were being made to the UN Charter as this spelled out the powers given to each country and gave some more than others. Was this not wrong and how could the Committee continue to keep quiet on this issue? All that was wanted was peace and equality. She asked if there was a path leading to an organ that was in everyone’s favour.

Ambassador Sipho Nene, Deputy Director General of Multilateral Affairs and South Africa’s permanent representative to the Office of the United Nations, responded that transformation had been in the pipeline for more than ten years and during that time it had been negotiated and discussed. It had picked up momentum during the tenure of Kofi Annan in 2005 and since then it had remained steady. However there had been progress with other issues in terms of working members, transparency as well as with the issue of general members. The vexing issue was not reaching an agreement on the expansion of the Security Council, as all agreed that reform must take place. However, how the reforms were to take place to make the organ more democratic, that was the question.

In response to reform of the Charter, Ambassador Nene stated that it gave so much power that to reform it would need five permanent members to agree to the reforms. Thus there was talk of expansion and not necessarily of reform of the Charter. Once expansion had been dealt with, one could deal with reforms to the Charter. We were, however, a long way away from that. He was not sure if permanent members would agree to it.

South Africa’s negative image
Mr Holomisa said that he was a little concerned about reports that seemed to target South Africa and their conduct on the continent. He reminded those present to recall the time when South Africa helped during the Congolese elections and reports emerged that the South African Minister of Defence had been chased from the DRC. He spoke of how people from DRC within South Africa had protested the government which had slowly been portrayed in a bad light. He argued there was a need to apply a balancing act. There must be a balance between knowing when to involve oneself in conflicts and then have fundamentalists criticizing the actions of South Africa. There was a need for an entire security analysis from the perspective of the country. This would provide a status update on how safe South Africa was, as America had been targeted for being policeman to the world.

Ambassador S G Nene responded by stating that there was indeed a need for more and precise intelligence nationally and internationally. That was why it had taken a cautious stance on how to involve South Africa in the issue of Somalia as it was known that engaging in the issue must not have an effect on home. SA continued to engage in Somalia to try and resolve both the political issue and the issue of terrorism. South Africa would look very seriously into the proposal that all operators come and give a security briefing.

The Minister agreed there was a need for a balancing act. However, it first stance was based on the historic position South Africa had as an integral part of this continent. Thus looking the other way could never be an option. She argued that in Africa, we were ‘one big land mass’. The balancing act that they focused on should be one informed by the Constitution. This notion had been displayed before, particularly when SADC was helping with DRC elections and President Zuma had the responsibility as chair of the SADC organ on security and politics to lead the SADC observer mission in Congo. When there was trouble ferrying the ballot boxes, South Africa came in because of its position within SADC. DRC stated it did not want to deny people their democratic rights. More than 13 million Congolese had voted in those elections. What would have happened had 13 million people been witness to the postponement of elections. It would have not compared to the demonstrations witnessed locally. South Africa had given support to those who wanted an election despite the logistical problems witnessed in that country. She thus agreed with the notion of a security analysis, but not in South Africa choosing to look away from issues in Africa.

Syria
Mr I Davidson (DA) chose to focus on Syria stating he commended South Africa for voting in favor of the latest resolution. It seemed to have hit an impasse as it called for the Syrian powers to step down but the focus was that Syrian people should determine their own future. Mr Davidson questioned whether this was in fact a bit of a contradiction. He argued that the two vetoes had seemed to have been a green light for greater violence. He asked what the way forward was in the context of escalating violence. Could we give advice considering the history of South Africa? He questioned the Minister on what the way forward was and how South Africa saw its role.

Ambassador Nene stated that on Syria South Africa had not changed its stance. It was very concerned about any formulation of language that hinted at a change. All was being done by UNSC and the League of Arab States as well as IBSA (India-Brazil-South Africa), all of whom had sent envoys to keep engaging Syria forces.

SABC
Ms September touched on the notion of the role of the media. On listening to the GCEO of SABC speaking to SABC’s role in giving more coverage to South Africa’s role on UNSC and more specifically internationally, she believed this was a good path to take.

On the issues of the SABC, Ambassador Nene argued that the broadcaster needed to have more analytical and informative sessions which educated the public. That way it would help people to know how and why South Africa voted the way it did and what it did internationally. He mentioned that there were media entities in New York who worked with media entities in South Africa to provide information on the UN workings as this was privileged to only credible media on the ground.

The Chairperson concluded the meeting by thanking the Minister and her team for all their work.

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