Developments in Somalia: briefing by Department of International Relations and Cooperation, UNISA & Gift of the Givers

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International Relations

09 August 2011
Chairperson: Ms R Magau (ANC) (Acting)
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Meeting Summary

The Committee received three briefings on recent developments in Somalia. The Committee was briefed by the Department of International Relations and Cooperation, the University of South Africa and the Gift of the Givers.

The Department of International Relations and Cooperation informed the Committee that Somalia had been without a functioning government for over 20 years. The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was established following the conclusion of Djibouti Agreement in 2009 following numerous attempts at establishing peace and stability in the country. Elections scheduled to take place at the end of August 2011, had been postponed for twelve months until the end of August 2012 to allow stability to take hold in Somalia. The political situation in Somalia had allowed the security situation to deteriorate with the TFG only in control of a few areas in the capital city, Mogadishu. The insecurity had resulted in a large number of Internally Displaced People fleeing to the border Somalia shares with Kenya. The insecurity situation had also been exacerbated by the presence of the African Union Mission in Somalia who was supporting the TFG in its offensive against Al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab controlled most of the regions in Southern Somalia, which still remains contested and there is constant conflict between the TFG forces and Al-Shabaab over territory in Mogadishu. The Government of South Africa had to date raised R8 million which had been donated by a number of Government Departments. The Department had appealed to other National Departments to assist wherever possible in providing aid to the people of Somalia and pledges had already been received from the Department of Social Development. An amount of R4 million from various Government Departments had been pledged to the Gift of the Givers, who had set up a camp in Mogadishu. An additional R4 million would be distributed between other organisations. South African Civil Society and communities had been mobilised and the response had been phenomenal. The Somali Diaspora in South Africa had also mobilised to collect funds for aid to their brethren. Through the Government’s endorsement of these South African and South African based aid organisations, the humanitarian assistance would be given a South African identity and continue in the spirit of Ubuntu and in line with SA policy towards an African Agenda. South Africa was working with locally based aid organisations.

The University of South Africa highlighted that more than half of the Somali territory was controlled by responsible, comparatively stable authorities that had demonstrated, to varying degrees, their capacity to provide relative peace and security to their populations. South Africa had no choice but to engage the Somali issue intensely. The numbers of the Somali refugees in the country was big and continued to grow. The Somali community in South Africa would be bigger than the Somali community in the United Kingdom which was supposed to have the largest Somali populace outside of Somalia (300 000). The threat of Al-Shabaab was also a factor in demanding South African action and attention. The Somali community in South Africa was highly entrepreneurial and sent back a lot of money to Somalia to relatives. It recommended that there be a mobilisation of all possible resources to provide immediate relief to Somalis in the famine regions via tried & tested SA humanitarian organisations. The country should utilise its diplomatic machinery to alert friendly countries of the ‘emergency’ & ‘crisis’ areas, such as Central Somalia, Puntland, Somaliland, & begin with water relief & essential supplies projects, it should assist in developing water catchment areas, agricultural & livestock support. SA should consider facilitating a platform (like the Democratic Republic of Congo) for Somalis to develop their own home-grown peace-building solutions & the relevant heavy- weight lifting & engagement that required. SA should engage Somalia’s neighbours and key external countries on the urgency of a new approach to Somalia’s peace-building & development. Increased material resources were clearly needed in Somalia and even more, long-term sustained engagement and a strategic vision for peace-building and development on the Somali Coast.

The Gift of the Givers had been involved in Somalia since 2004 when the country had been affected by a Tsunami. The organisation had provided assistance and support for various problems in that country since that year. The situation in Somalia was absolutely dire. The Transitional Federal Government had no respect for the Somali people and was unstable. The African Union Mission in Somalia head was very responsible and very helpful. The Mission had assisted on more than just a military level. There was little constant support for Somalia and the international media and community came and went with little addition or support for the country. International organisations were not active on the ground in Mogadishu. The time for discussing solutions and meeting over Somalia was over. Immediate action was needed on the ground as the situation was dire and getting worse. Although the organisation could not save 12 million people it could save one camp at least and if every organisation in the world adopted one camp, a lot of people could be saved. The South African parliament needed to get involved in contributing to Somalia. The public and civil society organisations had been helpful in contributing to the Somalia relief effort.

Members asked about the level of the African Union’s involvement in Somalia and whether it was effective. They expressed doubts over whether the Union was doing enough in Somalia. They asked whether South Africa was adopting a unilateral approach in trying to solve the Somali crisis. They asked whether elections scheduled to take place in that country would go ahead and how strong the Transitional Federal Government was. They asked what was being done to provide security assistance to South Africans and organisations working in Somalia. They asked where the R8 million pledged to Somalia would go specifically. They asked where the remittance funds from the Somali community in South Africa went to. They expressed appreciation for the Gift of the Givers briefing.

Meeting report

Election of Acting Chairperson
The Committee elected Ms Ruth Magau (ANC) as the Acting Chairperson in light of the absence of the Chairperson, who was attending to other commitments.

Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) briefing
Ambassador Rapu Molekane, Deputy Director-General: Europe, DIRCO, briefed the Committee on the situation in Somalia. He thanked the Gift of the Givers for the sterling work it had done during their recent visit to Somalia.

Somalia had been without a functioning government for over 20 years. The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was established following the conclusion of the Djibouti Agreement in 2009 following numerous attempts at establishing peace and stability in the country. The Agreement was welcomed by some sectors of the Somali population and the international community, but was rejected by a number of other clans and groups, including the Islamist group Al-Shabaab, who felt that the government was not inclusive and was centred on Western ideals.

Since 2009, the TFG had had three different Prime Ministers and two Speakers of Parliament. In-fighting and a blatant power struggle between the President, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, and the Speaker of Parliament, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden, had limited the effectiveness of the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs). Elections scheduled to take place at the end of August 2011, had been postponed for twelve months until the end of August 2012 to allow stability to take hold in Somalia. The political situation in Somalia had allowed the security situation to deteriorate with the TFG only in control of a few areas in the capital city, Mogadishu.

Somalia had experienced over 20 years of insecurity, apart from a short period during 2006, when it was under the control of the Union of Islamic Courts. The insecurity had resulted in a large number of Internally Displaced People (IDPs) fleeing to the border Somalia shares with Kenya. The insecurity situation had also been exacerbated by the presence of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which supported the TFG in its offensive against Al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab controlled most of the regions in Southern Somalia, which still remained contested and there was constant conflict between the TFG forces and Al-Shabaab over territory in Mogadishu.

Al-Shabaab regarded the TFG as an exclusive western centric government. Al-Shabaab was also hostile towards AMISOM as the group felt that AMISOM was supportive of the imposed government and present foreign forces on Somali territory. Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for the attacks on Uganda in July 2010, as a warning to Burundi and Uganda to withdraw their troops, who made up AMISOM, from Somalia. The continued instability had also negatively impacted on the dire humanitarian situation in Somalia. The humanitarian situation in Somalia was deteriorating on a daily basis. It was estimated that 3.7 million Somalis were in a state of crisis. Southern Somalia, mostly under Al-Shabaab control, had been the most affected region, with Mogadishu also declared as one of the areas affected by famine. The UN had called on the International Community to mobilise itself and to contribute any form of assistance it could to the people of Somalia. The AU had declared that it would be convening a Pledging Conference on 25 August 2011 in Addis Ababa where African countries were expected to make pledges toward alleviating the situation in Somalia.

The Government of South Africa had to date raised R8 million which had been donated by a number of Government Departments. DIRCO had appealed to other National Departments to assist wherever possible in providing aid to the people of Somalia and pledges had already been received from the Department of Social Development. An amount of R4 million from various Government Departments had been pledged to the Gift of the Givers, who had set up a camp in Mogadishu. An additional R4 million would be distributed between other organisations. South African Civil Society and communities had been mobilised and the response had been phenomenal.

The Somali Diaspora in South Africa had also mobilised to collect funds for aid to their brethren. Through the Government’s endorsement of these South African based aid organisations, the humanitarian assistance would be given a South African identity and continue in the spirit of Ubuntu and in line with the country’s policy towards an African Agenda.

Discussion
Ms L Jacobus (ANC) thanked the Ambassador for his briefing and thereafter raised two questions. Firstly, she noted that the planned election set for late August 2011 had been postponed by a year and asked whether there was a roadmap plan leading up to the conduction of those elections. Secondly, she asked whether other South African government departments had plans to provide assistance to Somalia.

Ambassador Molekane responded that the initial election roadmap had been put in place as a result of negotiations which had taken place at the behest of the AU in Djibouti. The TFG had been created as an interim government which was meant to set up a foundation for elections in August of this year but due to the continued instability, a year extension had been granted to the TFG so elections would be held in August 2012. The elections being held depended on the TFG drawing together the various tribes and clans in Somalia and staving off the threat posed by the Al-Shabaab terrorist group. DIRCO was leading other government departments in mobilising contributions for Somalia. The Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries had contributed R2 million, the Department of Social Development had contributed R2.5 million, and the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs had contributed R1.5 million. The money collected would be handled by DIRCO and transferred to the various aid agencies on the ground in Somalia to provided assistance.

Ms Zeenat Adam, Director of the Horn of Africa Section, DIRCO, replied that the Djibouti Peace Process of 2009 had outlined the terms of reference and the parameters of the TFG. She reiterated that the TFG was meant to expire in August of this year but due to the volatile situation on the ground an extension had been granted to next August. There was constant interaction between the international community and the TFG to assess where assistance could be given and progress was being made.

Mr S Mokgalapa (DA) welcomed the briefing by the Department. He lamented the fact that South Africa and the African Union (AU) had not come out strongly enough in mobilising support for Somalia.

Ambassador Molekane replied that the AU was providing assistance in Somalia and was working towards assisting the TFG to attain stability in the country.

Ms C September (ANC) commented that the role of the AU did not come through in the briefing. The underlying problems affecting Somalia’s stability needed to be addressed. She asked whether the AU had a humanitarian arm. It was important that the TFG get popular support from the Somali populace before pursuing reform. South Africans should contribute in providing assistance to people in Somalia and popular support for that effort should be garnered. In addition, she asked whether the Committee could do something to provide assistance on the Somalia issue. She then asked the Department to comment on possible famine in Kenya. Lastly, she suggested that more creative ways to get the South African populace interested in contributing to assist in Somalia be developed and that Parliament pledge an amount to the assistance of that country.

Ambassador Molekane responded that the Kenyan government was working on addressing the famine, which arose from the drought affecting the Horn of Africa region. The AU had a social development arm which also had a focus on humanitarian work. The Department would take direction from the Committee on how to mobilise local popular support for the contribution to Somalia.

Mr M Booi (ANC) commented that a broader approach was needed to awaken the consciousness of the South African society to the problems faced by Somalia. He asked what was being done to provide security assistance to South Africans and organisations working in Somalia. He asked where the R8 million pledged to Somalia would go specifically. He asked whether South Africa was adopting a unilateral approach to trying to assist Somalia. He commented that it seemed like South Africa was taking on the bulk of responsibility in assisting Somalia and questioned the sustainability of such an approach.

Ambassador Molekane replied that AMISOM (AU forces) provided security support to all organisations and people working in Somalia. South Africa had been the main reason for the holding of a pledging summit to commit assistance to Somalia. DIRCO was leading other government departments in mobilising contributions for Somalia. The Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries had contributed R2 million, the Department of Social Development had contributed R2.5 million, and the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs had contributed R1.5 million. The money collected would be handled by DIRCO and transferred to the various aid agencies on the ground in Somalia to provided assistance. South Africa was adopting a multilateral approach to Somalia in conjunction with the AU and countries in the region; the focus of the Department was on assessing how South Africa could contribute to provide relief in Somalia. The restoration and development of Somalia was an issue that affected and impacted the whole continent thus the issue could not be dealt with unilaterally. South Africa firmly supported the Djibouti Peace Process and the accords it had led to.

Ms Adam replied that South African consular services were highly present to assist any South Africans working in Somalia or any other hostile countries. The Department cautioned citizens to avoid travelling to certain parts of Somalia due to the state of instability in them. Citizens should rather work through existing structures in Somalia which had been set up to provide assistance. The Department had done extensive research and assessments in order to ascertain which organisations would be best placed to assist in Somalia and which organisations were able to prior to asking for contributions. The R8 million gathered for assistance thus far was made up of government pooled funds and more would come in as organisations and individuals contributed to the assistance of the country. It would be important to help Somalia in several ways other than just providing money so that the development of that country may progress on a wider scale.

Mr K Mubu (DA) commented that it was important that Somalia be peaceful and stable. For 20 years the situation in had been deteriorating in that country and the AU had stood on the sidelines and done little to alleviate the situation. Somalia was controlled by warlords and there was deep-seated tribalism which made it hard to govern it effectively. He further asked why an effective federal system based on existent fiefdoms could not be developed. Somaliland in the north of Somalia seemed to be working well but received little or no recognition from the international community and the AU.

Ambassador Molekane replied that the African agenda which was a part of South African foreign policy mandated that the continent be peaceful and stable and the Department held that view on Somalia.

Mr E Suleiman (ANC) asked about the drought affecting the horn of Africa.

Ambassador Molekane responded that the drought in the Horn of Africa was not only affecting Somalia but the rest of the region. It was cyclical and occurred every so often. The drought had a worse effect on Somalia due to the constant state of conflict there and due to the lack of an effective government.

Ms Adam responded that the Department was aware of the drought and famine assuaging the Horn of Africa region and was getting updates on the situation on the ground.

UNISA briefing on Somalia
Prof Iqbal Jhazbhay, Analyst: Horn of Africa and Islamic and Arabic Studies Professor at the University of South Africa (UNISA), briefed the Committee on recent developments in Somalia.

Prof Jhazbhay said that more than half of the Somali territory was controlled by responsible, comparatively stable authorities that had demonstrated, to varying degrees, their capacity to provide relative peace and security to their populations. Southern Somalia was the exception. Somaliland, Puntland, Galmuduq, and “Himan iyo Heeb” evolved independently of centralised State-building initiatives, from painstaking, organic local political processes’.

Prof Jhazbhay outlined the strength of the extremist organisation called Al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab had business interests which funded its operations and allowed it to procure weaponry. Al-Shabaab further relied on money it got from the Port of Kismayo. The organisation was one of the main obstacles in the effort to attain peace and stability in Somalia.

Prof Jhazbhay expressed his view that South Africa had no choice but to engage the Somali issue intensely. The numbers of the Somali refugees in the country was big and continued to grow. The Somali community in South Africa would be bigger than the Somali community in the United Kingdom which was supposed to have the largest Somali populace outside of Somalia (300 000). The threat of Al-Shabaab was also a factor in demanding South African action and attention. The Somali community in South Africa was highly entrepreneurial and sent back a lot of money to Somalia to relatives.

Prof Jhazbhay stated that AMISOM had the support of clan based militias who were aligned to individual warlords. AMISOM had made some gains against Al-Shabaab but at great cost to civilian lives.

Prof Jhazbhay reported that the TFG was corrupt and essentially represented a rent seeking exercise. Its lack of cohesion and leadership were outstanding flaws which denied it legitimacy, respect and effectiveness. The TFGs active resistance to consult the various stakeholders in the country and monopolise power, further weakened its credibility. The TFG was slowing down the transitional process and not assisting in the war against Al-Shabaab.

He highlighted the main stakeholders in the different regions of Somalia. In Southern Somalia Al-Shabaab, AMISOM and the TFG were the main players. In Northern Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland were the main regions. In Central Somalia, the main groups were Galmuduq Iman wa Heeb and some of the proxy-entities were Azania State and Shebelle Valley State.

Piracy remained a Somali-based threat to regional and international security. International counter-piracy efforts had made little or no headway in curbing the number of piracy attacks and hijackings, but they had helped to displace the threat further from Somali shores, threatening an even wider area. The enhanced risks and costs to pirates associated with operating at greater distances from shore had helped to drive up ransom demands and prolong negotiations for the release of hijacked vessels.

Prof Jhazbhay recommended that there be a
mobilisation of all possible resources to provide immediate relief to Somalis in the famine regions via tried & tested SA humanitarian organisations. The country should utilise its diplomatic machinery to alert friendly countries of the ‘emergency’ and ‘crisis’ areas, such as Central Somalia, Puntland, Somaliland, and begin with water relief & essential supplies projects, it should assist in developing water catchment areas, agricultural & livestock support. South Africa should consider facilitating a platform (like the Democratic Republic of Congo) for Somalis to develop their own home-grown peace-building solutions and the relevant heavy-weight lifting and engagement that required. South Africa should engage Somalia’s neighbours and key external countries on the urgency for a new approach to that country’s peace-building & development. Increased material resources were clearly needed in Somalia and even more, long-term sustained engagement and a strategic vision for peace-building and development on the Somali Coast.

Discussion
Mr B Skosana (IFP) commented that North Somalia was stable but South Somalia was not stable at all. In the absence of strong government institutions such as the legislature, the judiciary and the executive there would be continued anarchy and chaos in Somalia regardless of aid and assistance. Bad leadership and tribalism had historically been the main reason for the demise of the African nation state. Conflicts were counterproductive and negatively impacted a country’s gross domestic product. He asked where pledged funds would go and who they would assist and what plans were around the funds. He asked how Al-Shabaab was making money through the Port of Kismayo. He asked where the bulk of the remittance sent back to Somalia was going to.

Prof Jhazbhay replied that Somalia did not need heavy boosts of aid to solve its problems. Sweden and Denmark had contributed aid to Somalia to improve infrastructure development in the country. Puntland had survived predominantly from its own revenue and income due to fishing licenses and piracy. Somaliland had made an effort to move away from clan ruling by instituting local government elections and presidential elections. Al-Shabaab made its money through extortion and taxation at the Port. Most of the remittances were sent to relatives still in Somalia and not used for funding terror.

Mr Booi thanked the Prof for his presentation. He commented that the presentation lacked a discussion on what role the AU was playing in Somalia and what effect its presence was having in the country. He asked what South Africa could do to assist effectively in Somalia. He asked how the role of the West could be best used to provide assistance in Somalia. It was clear that Al-Shabaab had the capacity to repel military attacks, so what was the best solution of dealing with Al-Shabaab?

Prof Jhazbhay replied that any military approach would be unsuccessful. In 1993, an international force had been repelled in the country and the United States had suffered a humiliating withdrawal from the country after the deaths of thirteen soldiers in battle. A political approach was the best means to solving the problems in Southern Somalia. The AU had been good at raising the question of Somalia, having a special envoy to the country and increasing world focus on the country and the problems affecting it. It was in the Western world’s interests to assist in resolving Southern Somalia’s issues.

Mr Mubu asked whether it was possible that the remittance from the Somali community in South Africa could be used to fund terrorist activities. He asked where the funds received from piracy off the Somali coast went to.

Prof Jhazbhay replied that most of the remittance was sent to relatives still in Somalia and not used for funding terror. Puntland benefited from piracy and used it as part of its revenue. South Africa’s financial regulations meant that money was monitored and if it was diverted to unsavoury sources, regulators would find out about it.

Mr Mokgalapa sought clarity on the Al-Shabaab view that the TFG represented Western interests and adopted a Western view to dealing with the issues of the country. The role of the AU was not coming through except for the work of AMISOM, was the AU only making a contribution through military intervention in Somalia?

Prof Jhazbhay replied that a political approach was the best means to solving the problems in Southern Somalia. The AU had been good at raising the question of Somalia through having a special envoy to the country and increasing world focus on the country and the problems affecting it.

Gift of the Givers briefing on Somalia
Dr Imtiaz Sooliman, Chairperson of the Gift of the Givers (GOG), briefed the Committee on his organisation’s recent visit to Somalia.

The GOG had been involved in Somalia since 2004 when the country had been affected by a Tsunami. The organisation had provided assistance and support for various problems in that country since that year. The situation in Somalia was absolutely dire. The TFG had no respect for the Somali people and was unstable. The AMISOM head was very responsible and very helpful. AMISOM assisted on more than just a military level. There was little constant support for Somalia and the international media and community came and went with little addition or support for the country. International organisations were not active on the ground in Mogadishu.

Dr Sooliman stated that food warlords were a challenge as they used food aid as a weapon against people who opposed them and used to gain profit. The GOG had provided aid in Somalia with no regard to affiliation or links. Both the South African government and the AU’s response to the Somali issue had been slow. Children were dying and immediate action was needed. South Africa needed to make a huge contribution and commitment to Somalia, R4 million was not nearly enough.

Africa was rich and more needed to be done to solve the Somalia issue. 98% of the people that the GOG had seen were children; there were 6 children for every household. The GOG had been given 30 soldiers to accompany them on their travels in the country by AMISOM. The GOG had taken a supplement of R1 300 per child in the country for the areas it had visited in the country. The GOG had chartered a ship which would go to Somalia and provide assistance in the form of tents and food for people in the country. The ship would travel via Dubai to Mogadishu, as that was a safe and secure route.

Dr Sooliman stated that the time for discussing solutions and meeting over Somalia was over. Immediate action was needed on the ground as the situation was dire and getting worse. Although the organisation could not save 12 million people it could save one camp at least and if every organisation in the world adopted one camp, a lot of people could be saved. The South African Parliament needed to get involved in contributing to Somalia. The public and civil society organisations had been helpful in contributing to the Somalia relief effort.

Discussion
The Chairperson commented that the presentation had been frank and emotional as Dr Sooliman had been on the ground.

Mr Mubu commented that the presentation had been very moving. It was important that attention be given to issues that affected humankind.

Mr Skosana asked where the coordination of the contribution effort was being run through. 

Dr Sooliman replied that other organisations were coordinating their own efforts and the GOG was coordinating its effort in Somalia.

Ms Adam replied that the Muslim Judicial Council had contributed upon the request of DIRCO. Other organisations were coordinating their own efforts to provide assistance in Somalia. The R4 million that had been pledged to GOG had been announced the previous day and Mr Marius Fransman, Deputy Minister: DIRCO would meet with the organisation to hand over that money.

Mr Booi asked whether Vodacom was contributing to assisting in Somalia.  

Dr Sooliman responded that he was unaware of whether Vodacom was contributing to the effort or not. 

Ms September commented that the GOG had given the Committee its marching orders on the Somali issue and an effort was being made. She thanked the GOG for its work across the globe where suffering was prevalent.

Prof Jhazbhay thanked the Committee for listening to his presentation and providing the platform for a discussion on the severity of the Somali issue.

The Chairperson thanked all participants in the meeting.

The meeting was adjourned.



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