Thank you, Chairperson. Hon members, yesterday the Inter-Parliamentary Union and parliaments around the world celebrated the second International Day of Democracy, declared by the United Nations General Assembly in 2007.
In its Resolution 62/7 establishing the International Day of Democracy, the UN says:
Reaffirming the Charter of the United Nations, including the principles and purposes contained therein, and recognizing that human rights, the rule of law and democracy are interlinked and mutually reinforcing and that they belong to the universal and indivisible core values and principles of United Nations, ...
reaffirms -
... that democracy is a universal value based on the freely expressed will of people to determine their political, economic, social and cultural systems and their full participation in all aspects of their lives; ...
3. Encourages governments to strengthen national programmes devoted to the promotion and consolidation of democracy, including through increased bilateral, regional and international co-operation, taking into account innovative approaches and best practices; ...
4. Encourages regional and other intergovernmental organisations to share their experiences in the field of democracy promotion with each other and with the United Nations system where appropriate, ...
The International Day of Democracy is meant both to celebrate democracy and to serve as a reminder that the need to promote and protect democracy is as urgent now as ever.
The choice of 15 September for the International Day of Democracy corresponds to the adoption, in September 1997, by the IPU, of a Universal Declaration on Democracy. That declaration affirms the principles of democracy, the elements and exercise of democratic government and the global scope of democracy.
The 2009 International Day of Democracy was held under the theme, "Democracy and Political Tolerance". In a statement released yesterday to mark this day, IPU President Dr Theo-Ben Gurirab described political tolerance as follows:
... accepting and respecting the basic rights and civil liberties of persons and groups whose viewpoints differ from one's own. ... It is the foundation of democratic dialogue and political pluralism.
This year's International Day of Democracy has been defined as an opportunity for parliamentarians to emphasise the importance of democracy, what it involves, the challenges it faces as well as the opportunities it offers, and the central responsibility that all parliaments have as the key institutions of democracy; to examine and discuss how well parliament performs its democratic functions, possibly on the basis of self-assessment and identify what steps it may take to strengthen its effectiveness; and to promote awareness and practice of political tolerance within parliament and the greater society.
As noted by the UN in 2007, we are mindful of the central role of Parliament and the active involvement of civil society organisations and media and their interaction with government at all levels in promoting democracy, freedom, equality, participation, development, respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law.
The Freedom Charter, the seminal document adopted in 1955 and which gave meaning to our struggle for democracy, states that the government of the country shall be based on the will of all people, black and white, and that all adults shall be entitled to a universal suffrage; and that all national groups shall be equal and racialism shall be considered a serious state crime.
In 1994 this dream was realised when South Africa joined the rest of humanity as a free nation. In the 15 years of our democracy we have been applauded for entrenching democratic practices. We have done more than many established democracies in espousing political tolerance. This is not surprising because our struggle for freedom was informed by a deeper yearning for democratic rule.
Bidding farewell to the UN General Assembly in September 1998, our first President and struggle veteran Nelson Mandela, said that in his retirement he would -
... continue to entertain the hope that there has emerged a cadre of leadership in my own country and region, on my continent and in the world, which will not allow that any should be denied their freedom as we were; that any should be turned into refugees as we were; that any should be condemned to go hungry as we were; that any should be stripped of their human dignity as we were.
As we mark the International Day of Democracy, we are reminded of the many in our land and abroad who sacrificed their lives for others to enjoy freedom. We salute the veterans of the struggle who were inspired by the vision enshrined in the Freedom Charter, that the government of the day shall be based on the will of all people, black and white.
South Africa is now a better place, the envy of many nations. As we forge ahead, building our nonracial democratic society, we must continue to work hard to create a better place for present and future generations.
Our democracy will be meaningless if it does not lift our people from poverty. It will be meaningless if the wealth of our country is not shared among all the people.
History is an important teacher for us. Building strong democracy remains our goal as a nation. Central to this is the building of strong institutions of democracy, promotion of political tolerance and ensuring a government that is open and accountable to the electorate.
Parliament, whose role is to oversee the work of government on behalf of the people, is an important institution in the world, and therefore people should regard it as such and respect it.
As President Mandela said, we must -
... not allow that any should be denied their freedom as we were; that any should be turned into refugees as we were; that any should be condemned to go hungry as we were; that any should be stripped of their human dignity as we were.
We should not allow this as parliamentarians. We should guard against it. We should go around in our country and make our democracy stronger, and protect our Constitution that was not just drafted by us as parliamentarians, but by the entire society of South Africa that we've engaged in completing this document, which is so wonderful and praised by the entire world. Thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, Chairperson of the NCOP, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, it is with a sense of honour and pleasure that I address this august House this afternoon. Like many hon members present here today - and there are not that many present - I have spent the better part of my life campaigning for democracy in our country.
There are those who will argue that South Africa is now a democratic country, and in many ways they will be correct. It is indeed a better country. A democracy, however, is not an event that occurred for South Africa in 1994. It is a system of government which evolved, and continues to evolve; one which requires every one of us to nurture and protect it. It is, therefore, fit and proper that we should celebrate this the International Day of Democracy.
Democracy is not simply government of the people by the people; there is so much more to democracy than that. There are certain core and independent institutions in any real democracy. These are the legislature, the executive - or government - the state, the judiciary and the Press. If even one of these institutions ceases to be independent or to exist, then democracy under these conditions is doomed to failure.
There is a dangerous view amongst many of the people in South Africa that democracy starts and finishes at the ballot box, that once the majority has won, then it is the democratic right of those with the majority to control, not only the legislature and the government, but also all other institutions of democracy such as the SABC, the judiciary and other institutions.
Thus we see the appointment of cadres of the ruling party at all levels in state departments, the JSC, the SABC board, the Reserve Bank and others.
The holding of elections and forming a government does not constitute a democracy. Before 1994, South Africa was no more democratic than Swaziland is today. Elections and governments existed or exist in both, but neither can be called democracies. Largely as a result of the unselfish efforts of our very own hon Nzimande, who is not here today, there is today a disabled person who is a member of the Swaziland parliament. Even so, that parliament is still not part of a functioning democracy.
I spent last week in the company of the Kwa-Zulu Natal delegates to the NCOP; good people, every one of them, with whom I believe I have formed a close bond. Despite these good people, two of us, delegates from Kwa-Zulu Natal, who are not members of the ruling party, were left high and dry on Thursday because the official programme had been cancelled to allow the ANC delegates to attend an ANC workshop.
In a small way, this is an example of the view that interests of the ruling party take precedence over the interests of government. I raise this point not to embarrass my Kwa-Zulu Natal colleagues in any way, but simply to highlight the dangerous mode of undermining democracy that we sometimes find ourselves in.
Some of us will argue that it is the job of both Parliament and government to implement the wishes of the people. In a democracy, the wishes of the people must always be balanced against the requirements of justice, and in particular, justice for every single man, woman and child. A situation wherein the rights of a single person are trodden on in order to carry out the wishes of the people is not a democracy.
The National Socialist German Workers' Party, the Nazis, in Germany had the support of the people, but it was certainly not a democracy. In South Africa, there can be no justification either for my son to be denied employment simply because he's a so-called white. How can we justify it when my son is interviewed for job by a large corporation, reaches the final selection, but is then told that despite his suitability for the job, they cannot employ him because he is not African.
Let me say it to you that this manipulation of individual rights to give preference to some South Africans simply on the basis of skin colour is undemocratic and is no better than the job reservation laws of the apartheid government. I say it to you today, ladies and gentlemen, my family and I are African, and no government will ever take that away from us.
What our democracy in South Africa urgently needs is for opportunities to be created for all its people; that is what we need to make it a true democracy.
We all need to grapple with the meaning of real democracy for South Africa, and to try, without rest, to put this into place. We must never again allow our country to slide into the undemocratic state of nationalism.
With God's help, may we all strive for a nonracial liberal democracy in South Africa. I thank you, Mr Chairman.
On a point of order: Hon Chair, is it in order for a member of the ANC, hon Gamede, during the speech of hon Lees to admit it verbally by saying "Kunjalo" when the member was saying that it is not democracy for the governing party to think they control the judiciary, and by so doing defying the Constitution which says that its not the right of any party to control the judiciary?
What is your objection? What is the point of Order?
That is a reflection on the Constitution. By saying "Kunjalo" that means it is true that the party that governs this House and this country is not in line with the Constitution, and objectively disrupts the Constitution.
I don't have the benefit of the statement that you are referring to, which will make my life very difficult if I am to make a ruling on that. Do you mind if we then allow me to satisfy myself with what you have said and then maybe present the ruling in the next sitting on that particular matter? Also I need to verify the state of order of whatever statement that was made. Is that agreed to? You don't agree?
Chairperson, we want to agree but it is important that, in the future, members must not raise issues if they have not listened to what other people were saying in this House. Satisfy yourself, because I think he is out of order; it's incorrect. He has not said that. Please satisfy yourself and give a ruling in this House.
If we are agreed on that particular process, then let's conclude it. I think ... [Interjections.] Hon Watson ... [Interjections.]
Chair, you gave a ruling, and now he says I'm out of order. Rule against him.
Hon Watson, we had agreed as a House that we are going to proceed in a particular way, and... [Interjections.]
But the member does not agree, Chair.
No, he is not objecting to that ruling. [Interjections.]
He says I'm out of order; that means he's not agreeing.
No, if he had not agreed with the ruling, he would have then said that my ruling was incorrect; but it's not what he is saying. Hence the ruling stands. Can we proceed with the debate.
Hon Chairman, hon members, it is nearly 12 years since the Inter-Parliamentary Union adopted the Universal Declaration on Democracy.
The IPU did this to affirm the principles of democracy and of the elements and exercise of democratic government. Naturally, the IPU was keen to see the parliaments of the world doing more to entrench these principles within society. Since last year, 40 countries have begun participating in celebrating the International Day of Democracy.
It's a pleasure for me to stand up this afternoon and affirm the principles of democracy on behalf of Cope. I know that we all share the ideal.
A mere 20 years ago it was not even possible to conceive of such a thought, yet here we are, celebrating democracy. The theme for this year's International Day of Democracy is "Political Tolerance". It is common cause that political tolerance is indeed a central tenet of democracy. As such, political tolerance is absolutely essential for the functioning of our parliamentary system and mode of government.
Today, we should not only be mouthing platitudes concerning political tolerance, but should also be reflecting deeply on it and committing ourselves to it without reservation. Our commitment to political tolerance has to be absolute.
Our unique history must teach us political tolerance. The example of the iconic Nelson Mandela must teach us tolerance. The philosophy of ubuntu, to which all of us subscribe, must teach us tolerance. A perfect democrat, in my view, is the person who shows the greatest political tolerance and is open to new ideas for the common good of all.
In our country we have many political parties. Political parties have many disagreements about processes and policies, but never about outcomes. All of us who are here are motivated by a single desire to serve our people in the best possible manner.
As parties, we are therefore united on the outcome we want. Our contestation, therefore, is limited to practice and policies. This is democracy at work, and let us therefore set high standards for ourselves in this regard. We know that it is through debate that the best ideas are born. And where debate is suppressed, the worst excesses occur.
In conclusion, may I propose to this House that we take the cue from Uruguay and launch an essay competition for grade 11 learners on the phrase that appears on the upper walls of the General Assembly, namely:
My authority emanates from you and it ceases before your sovereign presence.
If our children imbibe the principle of democracy, that which we are seeking to build here today will indeed last into the future. Let democracy in our country never falter. Let us, therefore, on this momentous occasion, recall the following stirring words by Nelson Mandela:
Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another. Let freedom reign.
I thank you. [Applause.]
UMntwana M M M ZULU: Sihlalo ohloniphekile waleNdlu, Mnumzane uMahlangu osihola kulezi zinkulumompikiswano, namalunga ahloniphekile aleNdlu,ngithi thina lapha njengezwe laseNingizimu Afrika siyazi ukuthi inkululeko yethu sayilwela kanjani ngendlela ezehlukene kule lizwe.
Ukwehlukana kwemiqondo yethu sasilwa nabantu ababodwa-nje, nabantu ababodwa ababezama ukusikhubaza nokusikhinyabeza ukuthi ezweni lethu sibe yizihlupheki. Kepha angeke sakubamba lokho ngoba sesalilwela lelizwe futhi sesikhululekile sonke. Ngiyazi ukuthi ngonyaka ka1994 kwakungokuqala ukuthi ngivote kule lizwe ngivotela uhulumeni wentando yeningi. Uhulumeni usekhona manje kufuneka sazi ukuthi bab'u Mahlangu, impilo yentando yeningi emazweni womhlaba yilapho kuphikiswana khona. Kodwa ukuphikisana kwethu akungasho ukuthi kufuneka sibambane ngezandla kodwa silwa impi yamazwi ukuze sikwazi ukuthi uhulumeni obusa ngaleso sikhathi abesendleleni okuyiyona yona.
Akungasho ukuthi kufuneka ngigxeke ngephuzu lokuthi kufuneka ngizuze amaphuzu ezepolitiki yini ohlangothini lwami kodwa kufuneka ngigxeke ngokwakhayo uma kugxekwa ukuze kwakhiwe kuyiwe phambili. Ngithi-ke sonke lapha kufuneka siyijabulele inkululeko yethu sikwazi futhi ukuyigada ukuze sibone ukuthi kuhamba kanjani ezintweni eziningi. Ngoba inkululeko ihamba ihambe ibenomkhawulo.
Uzakwethu uthe Isahluko 9 soMthethosisekelo nezinye izinhlangothi kufuneke ziyekwe zisebenze nje. Hayi! Mina ngithi cha! Cha! Ngeke kuthi uhlelo lwezobulungiswa luyekwe nje lusebenze ngaphandle kokuthi lugadwe nguhulumeni ngoba uma kungenzeka lokho ngoba sonke sophelela emajele singabantu ngenxa yentando yemantshi ethile eyodwa noma ngomeli othile. Ngiyabonga. (Translation of isiZulu speech follows.)
[Prince M M M ZULU: Hon House Chairperson, hon Mahlangu who is leading us in the debates and the hon Members of this House, we know as the people of this country how we used different strategies as different people when we fought for our liberation.
We used different strategies in our fight against a group of people - we were fighting a group of people who were trying to cripple us so that we could not prosper; they wanted to make us impoverished in our own country. But we are not going to hold on to that now because we have fought and won and we are all free now. I know that I voted for the first time in 1994 when I voted for this country's democratic government. We have a democratic government now, hon Mahlangu, and we must be aware that in a democracy there are disagreements, and that happens all over the world. But our debates should not necessarily end up in physical fights but we should engage one another so that the government of the day can stay on the right track.
It should not mean that I need to criticise for the sake of scoring political points, but I must criticise constructively when there is a need to do so, so that we can go forward. I am saying that all of us here must be grateful for our freedom and be able to safeguard it by seeing to it that everything goes well because at times freedom has its own limitations.
My colleague said section 9 of the Constitution and other parts thereof must be left unchanged. I disagree with that. We cannot allow the justice system to function without being monitored by government because if that happens many people will end up behind bars because a magistrate or a lawyer did as he/she pleased. Thank you.]
House Chair, Chair of the NCOP and hon members, let me start off by saying that the International Day of Democracy is a time for all of us around the world to reflect on the value of democracy.
What is also important is that those of us who are fortunate enough to live in a democracy need to look at ways in which we cannot only strengthen our own democracy, but also show solidarity with our fellow human beings who are still living in undemocratic societies.
It is up to each and every one of us to ensure that the flame of democracy is lit throughout the world and burns brighter and brighter.
Democracy is government by the people; a form of government in which the supreme powers vested in the people are exercised directly by them or by the elected agents under a free electoral system; a state of society characterised by formal equality of rights and privileges, political or social equality and democratic spirit; democracy is about the common people of the community, as distinguished from any privileged class; and the common people with respect to their political power.
Democracy needs to deliver on the aspirations of the people and form part of the drive for the creation of a more socially and economically just world.
Here at home, this is an auspicious day on which we should celebrate our people's freedom from oppression and the fact that we overcame a racist, undemocratic regime and replaced it with a democratic dispensation.
Our unique and impressive story is an example to nations around the world. We, in the ID, believe that democracy is not true democracy unless it is a purveyor of social and economic justice.
As an example to other nations in the Third World, South Africa has a leading role to play in negotiations around fair trade and climate change.
We also cannot allow the recognition of our position as a role model to other nations to stand in the way of honesty when it comes to the living conditions of our own people. With more than half of our people living in abject poverty, it is clear that our democracy has not yet translated into something tangible for our people.
Only once we have ensured that increasing numbers of our people taste the fruits of our democracy will we be able to say that as public representatives we have achieved what our people trusted us to deliver.
We have certainly seen some improvements in the lives of our people, but we still have a huge amount of work to do. And until that work is done, true democracy will remain a reality only for the upper echelons of our society. We, in the ID, would therefore like to recommit ourselves to the task at hand.
Let me also just agree with hon M J Mahlangu that we need to have political tolerance so that we can respect each other, so that we can have a better life. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon members, on 18 November 2007, the 192- member UN General Assembly, stressing the need to promote democratisation, development and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, agreed to observe 15 September each year as the International Day of Democracy.
In addition, the Assembly affirmed that democracy is a universal value based on the freely expressed will of people to determine their own political, economic, social and cultural systems and their full participation in all aspects of life.
The quest of the ANC for a better Africa and a better world derives from the internationalist tradition, with its origins in the Freedom Charter, which states that "There Shall be Peace and Friendship!" and that-
South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the settlement of all international disputes by negotiation - not war ...
South Africa's geopolitical location continues to shape and inform this agenda for a world order which must be characterised by greater security, peace, dialogue and greater equilibrium between the poor and rich.
In this, we are guided by the ANC's principles of a better life for all and a vision of a better Africa and a just world, hence our country entered a global discourse with a clear reform agenda and with a view to promoting the democratisation of international, political and economic relations.
South Africa, while cognisant of its status as a middle power on the global stage, has deliberately set out to confront the global realities of a skewed distribution of political and economic power, mass poverty and conflict resolution. It is committed to the promotion of human rights, to democracy, to Africa and to international peace through participation in the global system of governance.
To this end, and recognising the relationship between armed conflict and poverty, the ANC has prioritised the reconstruction of Africa, particularly where internal and armed conflict, poverty and underdevelopment militate against democracy, peace, stability and development.
History informs us that parts of the African continent, especially postcolonial Africa, have been subjected to dictatorships, armed conflict, ethnic wars and genocide. This culminated in the displacement of her peoples, concomitant outbreaks of disease, hunger, and the absorption of millions of refugees in countries that were perceived to be safer.
As a signatory to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, we have, as a country, reaffirmed our commitment to the relevant decisions of the OAU: the 1999 Algiers Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government, the Lom Declaration for an AU response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government, and the 2002 AU Declaration on Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa.
In fact, the preamble to the African Charter commits the member states of the AU to the principles enshrined in its Constitutive Act, particularly the articles which emphasise the critical importance of good governance, popular participation, respect for the rule of law and upholding human rights.
It places obligations on African countries in relation to the holding of regular, transparent, free and fair elections; the separation of powers; the promotion of gender equality in public and private institutions; effective participation of citizens in democratic and development processes and governance of public affairs; the condemnation and rejection of acts of corruption, related offences and impunity; and the condemnation and total rejection of unconstitutional changes of government.
It currently remains uncertain as to how many countries actually ratified the Charter. Although the Charter does provide for state parties to initiate measures, including legislative, executive and administrative actions to bring state parties' national laws into conformity with itself, it leaves a lot to be desired.
It can therefore be argued that the African Peer Review Mechanism, established by Nepad as an instrument for voluntary self-monitoring for good governance by AU member states, was neither adequately applied in terms of its injunctions, nor addressed by parliamentarians on the continent.
But, even so, in all countries, democracy is about much more than a single decision or a hastily organised election. It requires a deeper process of political development to embed democratic values and culture in all parts of society and a political maturity to sustain it.
In fact, let me correct hon Lees by pointing out that the apartheid regime never practised democracy. It protected only the few at the expense of the majority of South African citizens, Africans in particular. So, real democracy was ushered in by the ANC, for the people, by the people, for the people's power, in 1994.
In South Africa, under the ANC-led government, the Constitution has enshrined a number of institutions supporting constitutional democracy. These include the Public Protector, the Auditor-General, the Public Service Commission, the Human Rights Commission, the Commission for Gender Equality, the Independent Electoral Commission and the Commission for the Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities, and the Hawks - formerly known as the Scorpions.
The independence and impartiality of these institutions are entrenched in the Constitution. Hon Lees, mazambane. The three pillars of democracy are Parliament, the judiciary, and the executive.
It is of great significance that Parliament has ensured maximum public participation and public accountability, which is central to democratic governance. Public participation enables popular participation by nongovernmental organisations and institutions, various stakeholders and all those who have an interest in various pieces of legislation, specific debates and the performance of the state in general.
Public accountability has ensured that there is transparent and robust debate and scrutiny of government actions. Overall, the transparent functioning of particularly select committees of this august House and the dedication of parliamentary activists has deepened accountability.
In conclusion, let us always remember that it was the ANC who introduced the Freedom Charter. I heard my hon colleague from Cope quoting from the Freedom Charter. The first systematic statement in the history of our country of the political and constitutional vision of a free, democratic and nonracial South Africa can be found in the ANC's 1989 Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic South Africa.
That document stated that the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa required a constitution based on, among other principles, a Bill of Rights and that such a Bill of Rights should guarantee the fundamental human rights of all citizens irrespective of race, colour, sex or creed. I thank you. [Applause.]
House Chairperson, I thank all the members of the House for supporting this debate. I think everybody has driven home his or her point. However, I just want to say a few words. If one listened to me very well, I said quite a few things that I quoted from other people. I think those things are very important in democracy.
Firstly, I said that when the chairperson of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, Mr Gurirab, was celebrating this day last week he said that democracy is accepting and respecting the basic rights and civil liberties of persons and groups whose view points differ from one's own. That is very important. We will never agree on everything in this world. We will always differ. But differing does not mean hating each other, neither does it mean fighting each other. That is what democracy is about.
We don't have the same minds as we are seated here. Every one of us has a unique way of thinking. These things are normal. For example, I normally have a fight with my wife as well as my children. But I've never chased them out of our home. It is their democratic right to question some of the things that I do as much as I have the right to question some of the things that they do. At the end of the day we sleep together, and we've got a very happy family. [Interjections.] That is all it means.
There are people who are so self-centred and selfish because they want to be recognised as individuals. We shouldn't be doing that because we would be killing democracy. All these views from the different walks of life that we are living as people in this country are very important. That's a viewpoint which I have expressed, and I put it very clearly.
Also, I said we are mindful of the central role of parliaments and the active involvement of civil society organisations and media. I have said it here; it's in my statement. I am reading from my statement about their interaction with government at all levels in promoting democracy, freedom and equality. They should not be destroying.
There are those who destroy. Building this democracy is not an easy thing, but destroying it is a very simple thing. I'm talking about promoting and not destroying these things: freedom, equality, participation, development, respect of human rights and the rule of law. We have to promote these issues, and we have to talk about them.
We must tell those people who are destroying them that they are wrong. Let's not go to restaurants to have dinners with such people and tell them they are right whereas we, as public representatives, know that those things are wrong and are destroying our Constitution. As I have said, the Constitution is a lovely document drafted by the people of South Africa, and we respect it.
I also quoted the former President, Mr Mandela, who said we must never allow - not just himself but all of us here as public representatives - that any should be denied their freedom as we were denied ours in the past; that any should be turned into refugees as has happened in the past; that any should be condemned into going hungry as we did in the past; or that any should be stripped of their human dignity.
We must not allow those things. All of us as public representatives must protect these rights as they are enshrined in the Constitution so that our dignity will remain intact and we can be proud citizens of South Africa. I thank you, House Chairperson. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.