Chairperson of the House, Ministers and Deputy Ministers - they all seem to have left - MECs - I'm not quite sure - hon members of Parliament, members of this House, it is really a great honour for me to be here and have the opportunity to open the debate on the occasion of the celebration of the 47th Africa Day celebration.
It was on 25 May 1963 that the leaders of 32 independent African states signed this charter on the establishment of the Organisation for African Unity. All these years later, Africa Day celebrations present us with an opportunity to take stock of the continent's pursuit of the realisation of a united, peaceful and prosperous Africa captured in today's theme.
As you would all know, the vision of African unity was championed from as early as the 19th century, and many great African leaders expanded on this vision in the ensuing years. It is important for us to remember this history and the importance of what Africa Day is now within the context of African unity and its contribution to the liberation struggle of the countries of the continent, and in particular, our own country, South Africa.
It is a well-documented fact now how the Organisation for African Unity, OAU, the precursor to the African Union, prioritised the decolonisation of Africa as its main objective. The OAU had, all those years ago, decided to establish the African Liberation Support Committee, ALSC. The people of Africa, within the framework of the OAU Charter, took a conscious and deliberate decision to wage a united struggle against colonialism and apartheid. Our fellow Africans, in collaboration with progressive forces throughout the world, steadfastly supported our liberation movements as we fought to end the abhorrent system of apartheid in our country. It was in the pursuit of African unity that apartheid in South Africa became internationally isolated from the 1960s until its demise in the 1990s.
We recall with pride and gratitude the role of the frontline states, whose leaders and people were at the forefront of this campaign. These frontline states subsequently went on to form, as you will recall, the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, SADCC, which then transformed into the Southern African Development Community, SADC, the regional organisation as we know it today.
It was against this background that the ANC was granted observer status in the OAU. President Zuma reminded us during his closing remarks at the assembly of the 13th Ordinary Session of the African Union Summit in Libya in July last year, when he said:
South Africa, guided by the oldest liberation movement in Africa, the ANC, has a long and a proud tradition of working for African unity.
I'm proud to say that in 2012, this oldest liberation movement will turn 100 years old. The President went on to remind us of the role that president Mandela and the late O R Tambo played in the process of the establishment of the OAU, the launch of which was attended by none other than our ANC President, President Tambo. It will further be recalled that it was OR Tambo who was instrumental in crafting the well-known Harare Declaration which laid down a statement of principles and modalities for negotiations in South Africa which was adopted by the OAU Assembly in August 1989. This declaration paved the way for our negotiated political settlement.
The 26th Ordinary Session of the OAU Heads of State and Government held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in July 1990, carried out a critical review of Africa's political, social and economic situation informed by the rapidly changing international environment and further committed itself to enhancing the promotion of democracy on the continent. This was the period during which we in South Africa were undergoing our own transition through the multiparty negotiations at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, Codesa, in Kempton Park, which resulted ultimately in the establishment of our own constitutional democracy. Our path to democracy was underpinned by this change that took place in the development of the OAU when the OAU transformed into the African Union.
This brief historic account emphasises, I believe, the place of global changes in the decisions taken by African leaders at that time that the OAU be transformed into the African Union in order for the continent to address and to meet the challenges of our modern era.
In the process of the transformation from the OAU to the African Union, Nepad was conceived. South Africa was one of the initial architects of Nepad, with the primary objective to eradicate poverty and to place African countries, both individually and collectively, on a path of peace, stability, democracy and sustainable growth and development.
Since we achieved our democracy, we have committed ourselves anew to working towards the realisation of this vision of a united, peaceful and prosperous Africa. We have done so mindful of the high expectations that SADC, Africa and the world have of our emerging democratic country. South Africa has had to transform from a pariah state to a responsible global citizen. We have had also to play our role in the transformation from the OAU to the Africa Union, which was launched in Durban in July 2002, and South Africa thus took on the historic mantle to become the first chair of the African Union.
The Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the acceleration of the African integration agenda. This agenda is predicated on the same vision of a united, peaceful and prosperous Africa. You will all recall our contribution through our people and our leadership, with other like-minded countries, to the establishment of Nepad, the continent's programme for socioeconomic development.
Through Nepad, Africa has also managed to expand development priorities and it has allowed for Africa to take ownership of its own development and success. Development and funding in critical sectors such as agriculture, ICT, science and technology, infrastructure and education have revitalised the continent in many aspects and allowed for significant improvements in the quality of life for millions of Africans. It has, we believe, unleashed a progressive renewal agenda which needs to be sustained to bring the vision of Nepad to fruition.
Linked to Nepad was the establishment of the African Peer Review Mechanism, APRM, in order to improve economic, corporate and political governance on the continent. This was informed by our understanding that good economic, corporate and political governance is central to the implementation of Nepad to improve the living conditions of our people. It not only sets the standard for mutual accountability, but plays a major role in accelerating political, economic and social reform on the continent.
Our country has been active in efforts to bring about peace and stability also on the continent. We have engaged in peacekeeping operations together with peace-building measures in support of the African agenda, and have also played an important mediation and facilitation role in countries such as Burundi, DRC, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Cte d'Ivoire and Zimbabwe, to name a few.
We have used our own experience of reaching a negotiated settlement and creating a progressive constitutional democratic state to work with other states currently in conflict situations and share our experiences. South Africa, with its limited resources, has invested in assisting countries on the continent to set up institutions which entrench the culture and practice of democracy, such as our own Independent Electoral Commission's participation in many election observation missions; building governance capacity by assisting in the establishment of functioning civil services; and utilising South Africa's experience and expertise in postconflict reconstruction and development, PCRD, programmes on the continent. I think we can be proud of these achievements.
This we do in concert with our civil society, think-tanks and the private sector. You will recall that the statute of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council, Ecosocc, which was adopted by the African Union provides for the establishment of country chapters of Ecosocc. In this regard, we continue to enhance civil society participation in the processes of the union in partnership with the Ecosocc-SA Chapter.
There have been successes and challenges which accompanied this endeavour. However, we continue to support the peaceful resolution of conflicts, knowing very well that there will be no development without peace and stability on the continent. We realise we need to maximise our collective efforts in realising Africa's vision of a peaceful continent. Thus, the Tripoli Plan of Action was adopted by the African heads of state and government and outlines specific commitments aimed at accelerating the resolution of conflict and crisis situations, as well as consolidating peace where it has been achieved.
Further to this, the African Union has declared 2010 as the year of peace and security in Africa at a special summit held in Libya last year to strengthen peace-making efforts across the continent. The year of peace and security will culminate on 21 September this year, which is the International Day of Peace and Security. We believe this provides an opportunity for all of Africa to come together and prove to the world that peace on our continent is indeed possible.
I raise all these issues to challenge you in this debate today to reflect on the continent's past and present and to map out a way forward towards African unity and prosperity. We must do a critical assessment of our role on the continent and the current status of Africa. The question we should be able to answer at the end of this debate is: How do we intend to move forward from this current situation, considering the lessons we draw from our past?
We acknowledge that much still needs to be done towards the realisation of this important vision. Having registered considerable gains in the consolidation of democracy in Africa, it is disheartening to experience the re-emergence of unconstitutional changes of government most recently. The question is: How do we start to work towards the prevention of this contradiction to our vision? It is my belief that we can bring lasting peace and stability by intensifying conflict prevention mechanisms. At times there are warning signs which alert us to a potential conflict, but in some cases we have not responded adequately. This is a serious weakness in the overall African peace and security architecture. We may also need to further strengthen the African Union's sanction regime and revisit certain mechanisms such as the Lom Declaration of 2000.
Let me conclude by reminding us all about the big theme of this year's Africa Day celebration, which is "Building and Maintaining Peace through Sport in Africa". This is happening as South Africa and the rest of Africa prepare to host the 2010 Fifa World Cup in just two weeks' time - and I see not one vuvuzela here and only one South African scarf, including my own.
This sporting event presents Africa with a unique opportunity to harness the power of sport for the promotion of peace and security in diverse communities, in environments where personal security is a challenge and in countries with conflict and postconflict situations. Let us ensure that Africa takes advantage of this opportunity to encourage a developmental legacy across the continent, speed up economic growth and halve poverty and unemployment by 2014. Ke Nako! The time is now. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Chair, hon Deputy Minister, it is really Africa Day today. It is Africa my continent, our continent, our home, our land and home for the ANC and everybody.
May I start by quoting what other leaders and writers have said. I will start by quoting David J Francis in a book titled Uniting Africa:
The wave of decolonisation started with the independence of Sudan in 1956, and was rapidly followed by the freedom from colonial rule of more than 30 states.
All these liberties were moved by Pan-Africanism.
Marcus Garvey, with his Back to Africa Movement, also played an influential role in raising the consciousness of African nationalism.
Another African leader, Kwame Nkrumah, in the book Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism, said:
We are Africans first and last, and as Africans our best interests can only be served by uniting within an African community.
Chairperson, this day is also made profoundly significant by the fact that after centuries of slavery, political, racial, economic and ethnics subjudication, the people of Africa could still remain adamant in their quest for carving a destiny of unity and solidarity. It is a day that rallied leaders of the continent to establish a shared vision for the people of Africa. It is a day that demonstrated the resilience of the African people and their determined yearning for a prosperous Africa.
Indeed many people would ask a relevant question on how far the African continent is in implementing the visions and aspirations as articulated in 1963 when the OAU was formed. This is a pertinent question that, if taken lightly, can lead one to misguided presuppositions that do not understand the profound impact of colonialism and apartheid on African people.
The founding fathers of the African Union saw peace and security as essential preconditions for translating the determination to achieve unity and progress on our continent. To them peaceful settlements of disputes by negotiations, mediation, conciliation and arbitration and adherence to the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided a solid foundation for peaceful and positive co-operation among states.
Underlying all these objectives was a realisation of the need to ensure sustainable economic development through co-ordination and co-operation in various sectors. These essential components constitute the vision that inspired the founding of the OAU, which, I may add, was later changed to the African Union. It is a vision which, though couched in the perspective of the realities of the early 60s, contains a fundamental framework which has remained valid and relevant even today.
Indeed, as the ANC, we are concerned about the wars engulfing our continent and the continued mutilation and abuse of women and children in some parts of Africa. As you will note, the ANC government has made it a priority to mediate peaceful settlements in countries such as Sudan. We will remain committed to ensuring that the people of Africa live in peace and that they are able to resolve their political differences with no acts of violence or civil war.
We acknowledge that peaceful settlements of political and civil disputes provide an inspiration and dynamism for unity and economic prosperity on a continent. As the ANC, we have made it clear that the end of the liberation struggle compels us to direct all our efforts to tackling the task of socioeconomic development and building credible institutions and systems for democracy.
We are also concerned that many African states are still battling with addressing their political differences through democratic processes. Political violence continues to escalate the problem of refugees and undermines any efforts to promote basic human and people's rights and foster democratic governance on our continent.
We are indeed concerned about the levels of literacy and the state of education in many states in Africa. For a prosperous Africa, we need to work tirelessly to transform our education system and expand access for poor communities. We need to ensure that our education system produces learners with the knowledge and technical skills that will enable us to fill the skills gap facing our prospects of building a prosperous Africa.
However, we can say without any fear of contradiction that our continent has overcome many constraints since the establishment of the OAU. As the ANC, we take comfort in the fact that our continent has made noticeable successes in redressing the legacy of colonialism and apartheid on our continent. For example, the signing of the Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community a year after the promulgation of the 1990 declaration was a further manifestation of the determination of African countries to advance our collective destiny and the reaffirmation of a strong faith in each other. It marked a resolute effort aimed at consolidating our political unity by fostering closer economic co-operation and integration amongst the people of Africa.
The creation of a mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution by another solemn declaration of the assembly of heads of state and government in Cairo in 1993 was, thus, an important achievement in our quest to ensure the wellbeing of our people.
It is encouraging to observe that all initiatives that are currently being undertaken to resolve conflicts in Africa are being led by Africans themselves. Indeed, despite various hurdles to be overcome, there are positive developments in many of these conflict areas which signal prospects for democracy, unity, peace and prosperity in Africa. As the ANC, we remain firm in our conviction to work tirelessly with the people of Africa to advance our continent. We are truly convinced that the prospects of attaining the vision espoused by the founding fathers of Africa are increasingly becoming brighter and nearer.
My last quotation is from a book by Alfred Nhema and Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, The Resolution of African Conflicts: The Management of Conflict Resolution and Post-Conflict Reconstruction:
Any attempt to resolve conflicts in Africa has to take into account the root causes of some of the current problems in Africa. The role of the external power has been cited as one of the main causes of African conflict.
One may add here and say that the West is always at war. However, this is never in the West but in Africa. When music is played in London and New York, people in Accra, Bulawayo, Tanzania, Blantyre and Pretoria should not dance. I thank you, Chair. [Applause.]
House Chairperson, MECs and hon members, I would like to thank the Deputy Minister for the compliments on the scarf. She will find that the DA is a patriotic opposition. I would also like to thank her for a very nice speech that she gave. But I am not quite sure how to respond to and debate on it, because I agree with just about everything she said.
Instead of reviewing the comprehensive history the Deputy Minister ran us through, let me rather look at a few aspects of her department's work in Africa that she didn't deal with. Her department has nine strategic objectives. I want to deal with three of them today, especially as they relate to our foreign policy.
The first is to provide consular services to South African nationals abroad. Here I want to heartily congratulate the Deputy Minister on a job well done. I spent most of 2007 and 2008 travelling through 18 African countries on a personal mission to explore our continent. I travelled with two friends in an old truck, with a budget of less than what most of the hon members sitting here probably spent on lunch today. We made hundreds of friends all over the continent. I am pleased to report that some of the best friends we made were the diplomats and staff of our foreign missions. They were - without fail - helpful, accommodating and friendly. I must, in particular, thank the embassies in Gabon, Nigeria, Ghana and Senegal for their kind assistance, and the Deputy Minister for making sure that our missions were staffed with such excellent people. The other two strategic objectives I want to deal with are the ones that concern protecting and promoting South African national interests and values and contributing to the formulation of international law and enhancing respect for its provisions. I believe that our government, led by the Deputy Minister of the Department of International Relations and Co- operation, is failing in these objectives. On the continent of Africa, these failures amount to an abandonment of moral leadership.
The fact that we have a leadership role to play on the continent is uncontested. The Minister herself has stressed this. But that this leadership role should include moral leadership is also clear to me. The father of our nation, Nelson Mandela, in 1994 promised South Africa and the world that human rights would be the light that guides our foreign affairs. Yet today these rights are left out in the dark as we have abandoned the role of moral leadership in African foreign affairs.
Let me tell you why. Last week a Malawian court sentenced Steven Monjeza and Tiwonge Chimbalanga to 14 years' hard labour for unnatural acts and gross indecency under an Act that dated from colonial days. Their crime was that they expressed love for each other, which they committed to publicly at a same-sex ceremony in December last year. Notwithstanding the clear directive in our Constitution that no one should be discriminated against on the grounds of private, consensual, adult sexual relations, the department's silence on this matter has been deafening. And by remaining silent they failed to protect and promote South African national interests and values.
In comparison, dozens of other states and organisations have condemned the sentence. Unfortunately, our government has a proud history of failing to protect and promote principles we adhere to at home in our foreign affairs.
In 2008, a Declaration on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity was brought to the United Nations. Amongst other things, it called on states to take all the necessary measures to ensure that sexual orientation may under no circumstances be the basis for criminal penalties. About 67 countries, including Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Gabon, Mauritius and Guinea-Bissau signed this declaration, yet South Africa - with our liberal Constitution - has not signed it. It is worth noting that the countries that opposed this declaration included such bastions of human rights as Iran, North Korea, Syria, Swaziland, Sudan and Zimbabwe.
I would appreciate the Minister's views on which side our government is on. This is because domestically we stand proud as one of only seven countries that have no official heterosexist discrimination. But our foreign policy practices urgently need to be aligned with our country's constitutional principles.
In Mauritania, Sudan and northern Nigeria, homosexuality can be punishable by death - silence from the department. Last week Zimbabwean police raided the headquarters of Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe and arrested two activists who had dared to display a letter they had received that was critical of Mugabe's homophobia. They have been denied access to lawyers - no comment from the department.
In another example, in Uganda, offenders can receive a maximum sentence of life imprisonment for homosexual acts and legislation changing this to the death penalty is before their Parliament. Yet our government responds not by speaking out against this, but by sending a known homophobe, Jon Qwelane, to be our ambassador there. In just over an hour's time, the Deputy Minister will reply to this debate. I challenge her to respond to all of the concerns raised by all the speakers in this debate.
In recent days, my party's leaders have called on this government to renounce the prosecution of the Malawian men and the criminalisation of private, consensual adult sexual relations. [Interjections.]
The policy of the DA on homosexuality is that we respect the rights of people to practice what they like behind their closed bedroom doors.
I call on the Deputy Minister, in her reply to this debate, to break the department's deafening silence on the recent human rights abuses in Malawi and to commit the South African state to signing the UN Declaration on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity as soon as possible. By doing these things she will start to lead us out of the darkness and back onto the course of moral leadership in African foreign policy that Tata Mandela set us on 16 years ago. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, hon members, distinguished guests, Africa Day is a celebration of a continent that has given so much to us. It is Africa that fought so bravely with the ANC and other liberation movements against the apartheid regime so that, as equal to any other, we could exercise our sovereignty as a nation. We will forever be indebted to the continent and its people for the support. The Africa of which we speak is a cradle of humanity and it has given humanity her civilisation and continues to hold unlimited opportunities for the future.
In 1963, at the epoch-making conference to establish the OAU, leaders such as Nyerere, Kaunda, Nasser, Nkrumah and others with their rich and unfailing fountain of wisdom made the following commitment.
The organisation shall have the following purposes:
a. To promote the unity and solidarity of the African states; b. To co-ordinate and intensify their co-operation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa.
Our then President of the ANC, Oliver Tambo, had the following to say on that watershed day:
The Organisation for African Unity is one of the most hopeful symbols of African aspiration and determination to carve a proper place for our continent in the world.
To us, the sentiment of African solidarity and unity is deeply rooted, and it has always found expression in our movement. The song Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika, composed by an African man, Enoch Sontonga, in 1903, became the national anthem of the ANC and contributed to the north of our borders - Zimbabwe- for a period and Zambia to this day. This anthem was inspired by the moving ideal of African brotherhood and sisterhood, an outlook expressed by our slogan "Mayibuye iAfrika" [Let Africa return].
We are all too aware of the sordid record of colonialism and what it did to the African continent; from slavery, which robbed Africa of her able-bodied and healthy men and women, to imperialism and colonialism, which pillaged and plundered her raw materials and destroyed her culture, traditional agriculture and domestic food security. These ventures and escapades on the continent by colonialists took place on the premise that as Africans we were not equal to the colonial master. For them Africans were subhumans.
Neocolonialism perpetuated and reinforced the exploitation of the continent while creating a self-serving and greedy elite, whose only interest was the accumulation of wealth and the strengthening of their positions in the global balance of forces. Unstable political systems such as military dictatorships that followed only served to plunge the continent into a process of intractable conflicts, genocide and civil wars. This resulted in the displacement of millions and refugee populations, especially women and children. This, coupled with the unfavourable terms of trade, international debt, declining development assistance, lack of foreign direct investment, malaria, HIV and Aids and poor governance, led to the marginalisation of the continent from the global economy.
Notwithstanding all these, a new generation of African leaders emerged on the continent - a leadership that is hard at work to create conditions where security, peace, stability, multiparty democracy, human rights and emancipation of women are the norm rather than the exception. This is where people themselves will regain sovereignty to determine their destiny.
The economic recovery of Africa can be traced back to the 1990s when the then OAU mandated the then Presidents - Mbeki of South Africa, Bouteflika of Algeria and Obasanjo of Nigeria - to work on a plan for economic rejuvenation to address the principal development challenge facing the continent. They were later joined by President Wade of Senegal and Mubarak of Egypt. Extensive consultation took place with their colleagues inside and outside the continent, in international financial institutions, multilateral institutions, business and civil society.
They worked closely with their regional counterparts and identified the following areas as deserving the undivided attention of the continent and constituting the basis for the Millennium Africa Recovery Programme. The areas are as follows: peace, security and governance; investing in Africa's people; the diversification of Africa's production; investing in information and communication technology; basic infrastructure; and developing financing mechanisms.
The economic programme was to be later extended into a more comprehensive programme - New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad - which the African Union endorsed and to which it is giving considerable time and resources for its functioning and success. The success of Nepad will be judged on its ability to substantially reduce poverty, which is disproportionately affecting women and children. Part of this programme is to ensure gender mainstreaming in public policies.
The information technology revolution is a driving force. The information gap between the continent and the rest of the world determines who has, to a large extent, access to knowledge, ideas and information that drives development. Africa's contribution to international trade lies with her raw materials. In this knowledge-based economy, it is more imperative to work towards the benefaction of her products, thereby adding value and ensuring the exportation of finished products. Developed countries have demonstrated their commitment to help Africa to close the digital gap through specific projects.
With regard to women in Africa, the incontestable reality is that "African" is inseparably interwoven with the emancipation of African women. She, who has single-handedly and disproportionately borne all the ills of the continent, deserves a frontline position in the battalion for the rebirth of our continent. The leadership in Africa can only ignore at their peril the enormous contribution of more than half of the continent's people. Women have given so magnanimously in the sustenance of the continent intellectually, politically and socially. Their creative energy, resilience and organisational skills will indeed ensure that this century belongs to Africa.
Seeing into the future in 1961, President Luthuli, the visionary President of the ANC, had the following to say about the continent's rebirth: Let me invite Africa to cast her eyes beyond the past and to some extent the present with their woes and tribulations, trials and failures, and some success, and see herself an emerging continent, bursting to freedom through the shell of centuries of serfdom.
In conclusion, Africa Day instils in us a sense of responsibility to improve the quality of life of all people affected in critical areas of socioeconomic life. It provides a moment to renew our commitment to ourselves, the African continent and our shared heritage and destiny. We join other Africans in renewing our pledge to work together for the rebirth and renewal of the African continent and the advancement of Africans, wherever they may be. We recommit ourselves to work with other Africans in our region and the rest of our continent to promote the achievement of the goal of African unity.
Motho ke motho ka batho. Ke a leboga, Modulasetulo. [Legoswi.] [A person is a person because of other people. Thank you, Chairperson.] [Applause.]
Pastor E V DUBE (KwaZulu-Natal): Chair, hon members, MECs, Deputy Minister, this day is indeed being celebrated at a very opportune time when South Africa is about to show the world how we will deal with Mexico in our first game. The celebration of this day is thus the acknowledgement of the progress that we as Africa have made while we are also aware of the challenges we are facing in the global environment.
This day marks another point of introspection for us in looking deep within ourselves to see whether we have been able to cross the barrier of the past era that was characterised by political instability, poverty and underdevelopment in our lovely continent, Africa.
In his remarks on 31 May 2007 in welcoming Africa Day, the UN Secretary, Ban Ki-moon, said that this day provides an opportunity to reflect on the continent's prospects, for taking stock of its problems and acknowledging its achievements. I want to reiterate in this House and emphasise that when we speak about democracy, unity, peace and prosperity in Africa, we are speaking about South Africa. We are indeed speaking about the leadership of the ANC that has been tried and tested in democracy, unity and peace. As we look at the subjects of democracy, unity and peace, we are striving to fully realise and get the results of prosperity. We must not forget the devastation that is being inflicted by HIV and Aids, including its alarming spread amongst women, thus surely reversing past developments and things we have gained. We must strive at this age of democracy to protect those who are infected and affected by using our spirit of "umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu" [a person is a person because of other people].
One cannot look down upon important steps taken by our government towards consolidating peace in Africa. This includes our involvement as a country in Madagascar, Zimbabwe and Sudan, to mention but a few. This is to ensure that there is a notable democratic process that will give birth to peace, uniting Africa towards the destination of a prosperous Africa.
We are also aware of and notice the violence that is still taking place in the small pockets of some countries in our continent, which is motivated by intolerance amongst human lives. Indeed, there is a definite need to find political solutions through democratic means in those areas that are facing crises that are afflicting our people in our beloved Africa. I fully agree with Kofi Annan when he says that the continent will have a bright future if its people will stand tall.
Today, we pride ourselves on hosting the World Cup. Of course this puts us at the centre of global attention. We can surely appreciate the foreseen GDP growth rate of about 5% by the end of this year, as indicated by the African Development Bank, ADB, and the International Monetary Fund, IMF. This can be attributed to our democracy, unity, peace and prosperity that we strive for as a country through the mechanism of mature leadership, obviously, of the ANC in South Africa. One cannot fail to comment on growth in trade within Africa and with partners including the Global South.
In making sure that democracy, peace, unity and prosperity in Africa are entrenched and enhanced, we'll fulfil the dreams of our forefathers - the likes of Nkwame Nkrumah, iNkosi Albert Luthuli and the one and only Tata Madiba.
There are notable strides and undeniable achievements when one has to compare what Bill Clinton did when he was still president. Looking at his mission in 1998 in Accra, Ghana, he said that from Kampala to Cape Town and from Dakar to Dar es Salaam, Africans are being stirred by new hope for democracy, peace and prosperity. Challenges remain, but they must be aware that there is a call for action; there's no cause to despair. He said people must draw strength from the past and energy from the promise of a new future.
I want to conclude and close by saying that the ANC will make sure that we keep peace. We'll build democracy so that we'll have a prosperous Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon members, good afternoon. As we meet on this special day, we rededicate ourselves to the common desire and aspirations that inspired African leaders to commit themselves to work. Today I will speak about specific work for the continent - work towards the total liberation of our continent and the tireless struggle for equality, justice and progress for all.
Today we also remember the efforts that went into transforming our continent. Like my hon colleague, I have also travelled the continent, and many members in this House can testify to the great pleasure it is to travel the great continent of Africa. Therefore, my next career will involve travelling around the continent.
We cannot but remember the great leaders of Africa such as Julius Nyerere, and I was also very happy to see him speaking in this Parliament. We also remember Nelson Mandela, as well as a former member of Parliament, the late Frederik Van Zyl Slabbert, and many others who dedicated their lives to save the lives of so many other people on this continent.
It is also of critical importance to ask ourselves what it is that we are doing in the Western Cape to create a better life for people in the Western Cape. We are committed to living the dream of an open society as contained in the preamble to the Constitution of South Africa. Page one of the Constitution of South Africa commits us to an open society. That society, we believe, is one in which people have choices, take personal responsibility and can excel.
So, colleagues ...
... dit is ook 'n bekende feit dat die provinsiale regering poog om alles in werking te stel om die provinsie 'n wreldklas provinsie te maak. Dit, op sigself, stel geweldige ho eise, veral ten opsigte van die ontwikkeling van dienslewering oor die hele spektrum van die administrasie, deur gemotiveerde en gewillige amptenary. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[... it is also a known fact that the provincial government is trying to put everything into action to make this province a world-class province. That, on its own, demands extremely high standards, especially in regard to cultivating service delivery over the whole spectrum of the administration, by motivated and willing public servants.]
Hon members of this House, I believe deeply in a modern, African public service. A modern, African public service is one in which we give content and meaning to the spirit of Batho Pele. Batho Pele means "we share, we care and we belong". But people must experience this when they go to Home Affairs, Sassa or any of the other government departments. This is a great challenge. We are not there yet.
We are also proud of what we have done and achieved in the Western Cape in the areas of HIV/Aids, malaria and TB. We are also proud to have a world- class hospital - the Red Cross Children's Hospital - not only for the Western Cape, but for the continent of Africa.
Agb lede, met sy ryk verskeidenheid van intellektuele dryfkrag, gee di provinsie die toon aan waarby die land en Afrika groot baat kan vind. Ook op die pad van die tegnologie het die Wes-Kaap reeds sy bydrae gemaak. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Hon members, with its rich variety of intellectual driving forces, this province takes the lead from which the country and Africa can greatly benefit. Even in the field of technology the Western Cape has already made its contribution.]
I believe in the people of Africa. I have travelled the continent and I also led a Commonwealth delegation of east and southern African countries 18 years ago. It is because of my love for Africa that I co-edited a book on public and development management for Africa. But my love for Africa does not blind me to the challenges we face.
I'm equally not shy to boast about our rights and our historical, cultural and community value systems. Whenever I meet foreigners, I take the liberty to explain why we, despite all the obstacles and shortcomings, are a nation proud of our history and our culture. I am proud when I tell them about the first African who paid US$20 million to fly into space.
I am also proud of the many organisations in South Africa that are excelling in their work. Last week, Dr Rhoda Kadalie, at an awards ceremony, presented certificates to people who, despite all the odds, delivered excellence. The people who took part in this certificate ceremony were not only from across the Western Cape but were in fact from different parts of the country's different provinces. Although we have pockets of excellence, we believe we have to fast-track a culture of rewarding excellence. I am deeply worried that at times we get the impression that we reward mediocrity.
Therefore, Africa also needs to take serious stock of why development aid has not worked. We don't have the time to go into why development aid is not helping Africa. But there is a great book - Architects of Poverty - that helps us understand why development aid is not working in Africa.
There is another great book - Dead Aid, by Dambisa Moyo - that explains in great detail why development aid is not working in Africa. Moyo, who is from Lusaka, believes - and I share this view - that if we stop development aid in Africa, a new spirit of entrepreneurship will be ignited.
My plea is therefore that we must create opportunities in and for Africa. We must not put Africa on sale to China, to India or to America. We must find African solutions to African problems; we must celebrate what we have already achieved in the 2010 Fifa World Cup. We must invest more in the protection of our children and women on the African continent; and we must recognise and reward our many social entrepreneurs. Now, I want to ask this House to take the lead in convincing the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament to start a new project to give Africa life - the manufacturing of a car, a motor vehicle. One could start with North Africa and arrange a competition to encourage the North African students to design the car. Then one could go to West Africa and get the West African students to design the interior of the car for competition purposes. Then one could have a competition in East Africa for the design of the electrical parts of the car. And one could come to South Africa, where the engine of the car could be manufactured.
In this way, can we have a car for Africa. We can export things. Millions of people can buy cars. Africa, thus, doesn't have to import cars; we can export cars. If you want to be a great continent, Africa, come alive! Manufacture a car. The technology is so simple. You can take the brain power in this room and manufacture a car in your backyard! Africa, come alive! I greet Africa. I dream of a day when I can drive in an African car.
Malaysia is now manufacturing a car called Proton. The Chinese are manufacturing a car called Chana. I dream of a day when I no longer drive a car from Germany but a car from the great continent of Africa. I believe that, if you give my passion for Africa, the content that hon Tim Harris has spoken of, we can make Africa come alive. I thank you.
Chairperson, at the recent dinner in Limpopo, the hon Chairperson of this House, Mahlangu, raised the most critical question regarding today's very topical debate on Africa. He asked, "What went wrong with Africa?" I want to add Cope's voice to that question.
A continent alive with opportunities, wealth and prosperity, but in all reality a continent that cannot rid itself of the stench of poverty, the hardship of oppression, the images of fruitless wars and dictatorships, crippling disease and the looting of state resources. Because of this, Afro- pessimism labels Africa as the dark continent of the world.
But on the eve of hosting the biggest and most glorious sports event in the world and on behalf of Africa, South Africa can boast as a nation that we have paved the way for millions of Africans. By presenting alternatives, creating hope and building a future built on the principles of freedom, respect, and equality, South Africa, through qualitative leadership influenced by, inter alia, Nelson Mandela, F W de Klerk and Thabo Mbeki and implemented by many respectful and credible leaders, became a beacon of hope. That was through decisive leadership!
The Nobel Peace Prize Laureate from Kenya, Wangari Maathai, remarked:
One of the major tragedies of postcolonial Africa is that the African people have trusted their leaders, but only a few of those leaders have honoured that trust.
The answer to our extremely relevant question is not far removed from this notion of credible leadership. Must Africa be satisfied with mediocre leaders who, in the name of liberalisation, destroy the principles of constitutions? Must Africa be satisfied to remain the skunk of the world whilst warlords, military juntas and the politically connected loot the wealth of their country? Or must we as Africans remain patient whilst the neglect of our people reflects in the rising infant mortality rate and the declining levels of our education?
No, the voices of credible African leaders must fill the boardrooms and chambers of the world. Africa cannot remain the stepchild of the world, living on grants and handouts from the developed world. We must take responsibility for our future. I also want to drive an African car.
The reality that freedom brings responsibility must always be superior in our behaviour and conduct. This freedom also presents opportunities to us as Africans to make our place of birth and the home of our ancestors the continent of hope and prosperity. Through visionary leadership, the opportunities created by globalisation and climate change must be used. Credible institutions, a transparent and participative democracy, effective and efficient governance, commitment to all the people who elect us and other representatives in all spheres of government, must be the glue that cements us together.
But as leaders, we must reinstate the trust of the people who elected us. This is the answer to the question of the hon Mahlangu. The majority of African leaders have betrayed the trust that their own people put in them. As Africans, we must put the interests of our continent and our people first again. Only then will we achieve sustainable democracy, unity, peace and prosperity in Africa. [Interjections.] [Time expired.]
I thank you. [Applause.]
House Chair and hon Deputy Minister, what is it to be an African? Being an African means embracing the rich diversity that makes up this beautiful continent. An African is also someone who feels solidarity with all the people of the continent and the enormous struggles that are being waged by them on a daily basis.
Despite the images that are continuously presented by those with an Afro- pessimistic outlook, this is a continent of hope, which is busy lifting itself up from centuries of abuse at the hands of slave merchants, colonialists and dictators who have all exploited Africa's wealth for their own ends. The greatest challenge facing us in Africa now is to grow strong democratic and accountable institutions that can ensure that the immense wealth of this continent is no longer used to further the interests of elites, but rather those of the people themselves. The people of Africa need to be economically empowered. The wealth of Africa must belong to the people of Africa. This is a struggle we must never pull back from!
It is time for us to rebuild the strength of Africa by unlocking the resourcefulness of our people to overcome adversity and by giving the world the human face that it so desperately requires. Being African and being proud of that also demands a certain kind of behaviour from us.
We should at all times be guided by the principles of those who have led the way, like Steve Biko, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, O R Tambo, Lilian Ngoyi, Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson Mandela and thousands of ordinary citizens that have fought for real freedom over centuries. This means that the behaviour of our currently leading government's front company Chancellor House in acquiring a majority share in the Maloma Colliery in Swaziland, must be condemned as an act that strengthens the authoritarian Swaziland monarchy and regime. Is this the ANC's response to Amnesty International's call on the ANC government to take action against Swaziland over the death in detention of Swazi political activist Sipho Jele?
The South African government is fast becoming like those western governments that encourage democracy at home while at the same time propping up authoritarian nations oversees through a variety of selfish neocolonial policies and investments. I thank you, Chairperson.
Ms B S MOHLAKA (KwaZulu-Natal): Chairperson and Deputy Minister, the history of South Africa is tragic, and our future is opaque. Africa is currently the most impoverished and least developed part of the globe. Africa's population growth rate is increasing by the day, putting pressure on limited resources and leaving future generations of Africans with nothing but absolute poverty. Africa is very poor in term of education, economic improvement, infrastructure, health care, etc.
It is hoped that economic growth would help drag the African poor above the poverty line. However, so far economic growth has been highly uneven, benefiting the skilled and wealthy disproportionately. Many of Africa's rural poor have yet to receive any tangible benefit from Africa's economic growth. The global economic crisis has also impacted negatively on Africa's growth prospects and posed challenges for job creation and development.
On this year's celebration, let us think about the global economic picture and reflect on the reasons for the persistent and extreme poverty in many African countries. Let us not only say, but truly believe, that we will never be able to tackle the multiplicity of African problems in the face of poverty.
We are therefore calling on Nepad to channel the aid and investments to public education, health and the struggle against HIV, and to restoring roads, airports, ports, telecom infrastructures and water supply and sanitation.
There can be no development for future prosperity if African governments are failing to meet their Millennium Development Goals MDGs, and targets, which are aim at improving Africa's vulnerable populace, including women, youth, children and the disabled.
Still, we are not powerless. There are reasons why optimism should prevail over pessimism. Indeed, in this globalising world of unprecedented knowledge and skill, we have deep opportunity. The trend towards multiparty democracy, and thus peace, seems to be irreversible, and countries like China have identified Africa as an economic partner. All Africa needs right now are investors who will come and invest in Africa and create jobs, so that the poor mothers and fathers can get meaningful jobs to do in order to cater for themselves and their children. Solutions to the crisis facing the African continent should not be left to a few outside countries, but Africa should take a lead in tackling its own problems.
South Africa should be conscious of its privileged position in Africa, given our economic power and resources. Consequently, the opportunity to host the 2010 Fifa World Cup gives us further leverage in our attempts to elevate the African agenda at a global level. Up, Bafana Bafana, up! We must make the most of this wonderful opportunity, and ensure that the rest of the world realises what a beautiful and culturally unique continent Africa is. I thank you, Madam Chair. [Applause.]
Chair, I am so fortunate because I get this opportunity to speak after the historic revival of the ANC during the past weekend in Mpumalanga. To those who are raising things like us having an African car, that is not a bad idea. But as members here, some don't even have a gold watch, yet they are extracting gold from South Africa. To give you some brotherly advice, I will take what was named by Gandhi as the seven things that can destroy us: politics without principle; knowledge without character; pleasure without conscience; wealth without work; commerce without morality; worship without sacrifice; and science without humanity.
On 25 May 1963, several African states converged in Addis Ababa in Ethiopia to establish the OAU with the view of creating a continental platform to debate the total liberation of the African continent. This was inspired by the spirit of unity and solidarity of all African people in addressing political and economic challenges facing the continent. While the overall political objective of the OAU was to eradicate the remaining aspects of colonialism on the continent, African leaders who gathered in Addis Ababa had a vision to promote the unity and solidarity of African states and socioeconomic and political co-operation, so as to stabilise Africa. Therefore, 25 May of each year has become a day on which Africa observes the creation of the OAU and pays tribute to African leaders who sought joint intervention to challenges which faced the African continent.
Even though in July 2002 the OAU was transformed into the African Union, 25 May remained the day on which Africa remembers the formation of the OAU and the intervention it made to advance the African cause. With its transformation into the African Union, the mandate was widened to include the promotion of democracy, human rights and economic development. Therefore, in celebrating Africa Day, we reflect on the challenges of instability, underdevelopment and abuse of human rights on the continent and the collective efforts that are required to address these challenges. While recognising challenges and acknowledging advances made since the establishment of the OAU, we need to identify required collective interventions and confront the challenges.
Throughout the painful period of colonial domination, the necessary emergence of country-specific movements for national liberation within the boundaries defined by the colonial regime took place. The people of our continent never lost their sense of being African. Their shared suffering at the hands of colonial powers and the fact that they were united by their common struggle for national liberation reinforced the sense of a common identity as Africans. This sense of common identity was reinforced by the position that independent Africa took from the start - that no African country could be genuinely free until all African countries secured their liberation.
We salute the OAU for its contribution to this historic outcome. It established the political basis that informs the approach of its member states to the struggle for the total liberation of Africa, including our country. It created its own committee for the liberation of Africa, the liberation committee which played a critical role as a partner of all African liberation movements, including the ANC. For us, the celebration of the OAU must necessarily also be a moment to pay special tribute to the OAU Liberation Committee. This will give us the opportunity to acknowledge the early support we received from a number of African countries as soon as we reached out to them after the banning of our movement and the decision to all resort to armed struggle.
The socioeconomic development of the continent involves both quantitative and qualitative changes in society. The concept of development involves both economic growth as well as the improvement of the living standards of the people. Both economic growth and socioeconomic development on the African continent could best be explained by developmental state policies.
With regard to developmental initiatives, the funding for African development has come all too often with structural adjustment programmes, which undermine the capacity of African states to realise economic development. These programmes require African governments to be more concerned about capital inflow at the expense of the demands of its citizens.
A market-driven economic strategy has been imposed in many states as a development strategy, and this paradigm still dominates the continent. However, it is true to say that in the last two years this paradigm has been challenged. We have emerging countries who have displayed the market- driven strategy, especially since the global economic crisis hit the continent. This has forced countries in Africa to rethink the essence of developmental economies - who drives this and how it should be funded.
There has been widespread disillusionment with the neoliberal policies of international financial institutions. Instead of promoting development in Africa, these policies have exacerbated unemployment, poverty and marginalisation. States pursuing these policies have recorded positive economic growth while performing poorly in improving the living conditions of the people in Africa.
During the course of the South African liberation struggle, sacrifices were made across the continent. This was a period during which the liberation movement received food, shelter and facilities from various countries to enhance its endeavour to destroy colonialism and apartheid in South Africa. In the same spirit with which fellow Africans acted in unity and solidarity to defeat colonialism and apartheid, they are now expected to act together to transform Africa into a peaceful and prosperous continent that is capable of resolving its own challenges and providing a better life for all.
The ANC joined the OAU in 1963, and our democratic government is part of the African Union because it views such structure as a forum where it can contribute to continental attempts to deepen the unity of Africa's diverse people and cultures and advance their common wellbeing. We have to encourage all African states to participate in these continental structures because this is where these states will develop a common understanding and common approaches to challenges which continue to undermine peace and stability on the continent.
Africans need unity, and this unity can be effected by continental structures. It is these continental structures that are supposed to unite the people of the African continent through their uniform decisions. Uniting people around decisions will result in, among others, the success, growth and strength of these continental structures. In conclusion, within the context of promoting access to social justice on the African continent, we have to ensure that African states become relevant to people's lives. States have to facilitate the redistribution of wealth because democracy is meaningless without the fulfilment of the economic aspirations of the people. Economic redistribution promotes redistributive and social justice.
Economic growth must result in qualitative development which considers the impact of such growth in relation to the changing of the quality of life of a nation. Let us use Africa Day to debate these socioeconomic issues with the view to unite African people behind one economic vision that will produce both quantitative and qualitative development on the African continent. I thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS and CO-OPERATION (Ms S C van der Merwe): Chairperson, colleagues and hon members, thank you very much for a very engaging and lively debate. I wish I could come here a little more often because I think the kind of debate you have in this forum is very conducive to talking to one another, and I think it's important.
Let me also say how wonderful I thought it was that so many of you lifted out the comments and remarks made by great African leaders - Kwame Nkrumah, Mwalimo Nyerere, Marcus Garvey and, indeed, some of our adopted heroes, such as Gandhi. I think that those things will stand us in very good stead as we talk to each other into the future about where we plan to go with our continent.
Let me also say that I was very impressed with the practicality of the suggestions that came from many of our members, including discussions around education, health and the prevention of conflicts. I think these are all extremely important points which we can take forward, not only from our department's side, but also as a South African Parliament, into the debate on where South Africa is going.
I also want to highlight something that I spent very little time on - but I think it is very important - which is the role of women in the whole process of developing the African continent. Our approach to diplomacy has always been to keep the doors open for discussion with everybody. It is no good only to talk to your friends. We believe that we must remain engaged with the countries which do not agree with us so that we can persuade them of our views. This is why I'm so glad that the hon member of the DA was complimentary on a few of the things I said. Clearly, we had an effect in our persuasion of them about our views.
I also would like to thank the hon member for the compliment on the consular services. I think we have a very, very good cadre of diplomats working abroad, and sometimes they go unnoticed. I would like to pay tribute to those good ones out there who provide the services and contribute to our country in this way.
Let me underline as well that South Africa's foreign policy is based on its domestic priorities; this is very important. There are five key domestic priorities - you all know them - namely health, education, reduction of crime, rural development and decent jobs. This is what underpins the way in which we look at our international relations. In this sense, we have a Constitution which is paramount in our domestic policy. This is a Constitution that protects the rights of all people in our country and promotes the rights of all people. It look at issues to protect people in every sphere of our lives, as underpinned by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
Here we do enjoy respect for the human rights of all people, and that includes gender rights and rights with regard to sexual orientation. I do not think that this country can be faulted on our approach in this regard. Every time somebody passes a law in another country that we disagree with, we do not necessarily comment on it. We use our diplomatic force and our diplomatic agenda to persuade them of our views on these matters underpinned by our Constitution. I do not believe that we can comment on every single law that we do not agree with in another country. But I think our record, particularly on sexual orientation, stands for itself. [Interjections.]
Well, I'm coming to that.
I also want to point out that there is no such thing as a declaration; you must get your facts right. There was indeed a statement made by one country in the United Nations, which some countries supported, but South Africa found it to be faulty and did not support it. It has no status of law at the United Nations and it does not hold any water. It was simply a statement made by some country, and I don't know off-hand what it was. There is no such thing as a declaration.
The next question, which I think is extremely important, was raised - I believe - by a member from the DA. South Africa does have a car which is called the "Joule" or the "Jol" or the "Yol" or the "Jouvielle". It is an emission-free car. It has been developed by our scientists in science and technology. It is under production in Cape Town as we speak. [Applause.] So, let's just remember that. [Laughter.] This is going to be a green, eco- friendly car. We will hopefully drive it in the near future. The prototype has been designed; it is on the floor. The car is being developed as we speak.
The next question I want to address, which was raised by many people, is about the contribution of other big players in the world, such as China and India. Many people here, especially from the opposition, spoke about these countries in a negative sense. Let's face it: China and India are driving world growth. Should we not be partners with them in this driving of world growth? I think China and India offer an opportunity for South Africa - for our products and co-operation - in a way that no European or American markets can offer at this point. I think it is negative to suggest that China and India are only here to take our resources. We, as a stand-alone, sovereign country, should use the opportunities that we have through our diplomatic relationship with them to build our own economy.
I think this is a very important point. Let's face it. Let's not talk about Africa - like some of you did - as "the dark continent", and so on. Africa has a young and growing population; not an old population like some other continents. Africa has a growing economy in a situation where many economies are in the doldrums. Africa also has resources and the potential to generate energy. I think we should use these as opportunities to take our advantage now and go forward in partnership with other countries which want to do business with us.
One of you, who doesn't agree with me on anything, said, "Africa must come alive". But I can agree with that person on that. Africa, come alive! Somebody else said, "Mayibuye iAfrika" [Let Africa return], and that's how I would like to end. Thank you very much. [Applause.]