Hon Speaker, I have chosen to speak on the regeneration of Africa for sustainable development. My starting point is that people who do not know where they come from will not know where they are going to, and any road will lead them anywhere. Such a people will be like a rudderless ship.
Africa Day celebrations cannot be just an event. They must be an opportunity to remind our people, especially the youth and children, of the history and revolutionary morality which informed the Pan-African struggles which produced the freedom that we enjoy today. Africa Day celebrations must serve to remind us of the challenges that we still face in our quest to deepen and entrench democracy, the human and people's rights culture on the continent, and the impediments to the right to development of African peoples and nations. Last, but not least, we must remember that we have not yet achieved the total liberation of the African continent, because the people of the Sahwari still live under colonial rule.
We need to use this opportunity to remind ourselves that the Sahwari people and the people of the newly formed Southern Sudan need moral and material support to realise their right to self-determination, and human and people's rights. South Africans should consider establishing solidarity groups to support the Sahwarian and Southern Sudanese people.
As South Africans, it is an important opportunity to reflect on the road we have travelled since 1994 to create a nonracial, nonsexist, united, democratic and prosperous society in which the value of every citizen is measured by our common humanity. It is the time to reflect on our South African and African identity and the revolutionary values that we must forge to achieve social cohesion and nation-building.
Knowledge of the history of Pan-African struggles and the revolutionary morality that informed them is a prerequisite for understanding our South African and African identity and for achieving social cohesion and nation- building.
The challenges and tasks facing us take us back to the days of the transatlantic slave trade and the partition of Africa by Western powers in Berlin in 1885.
We must pause here and remember the role played by the Prince Hall Masonic lodges and Ethiopianism in the Caribbean and North America in enlightening the slaves and inspiring them to fight for civil and political rights. This enlightenment was brought about by a recollection of the past glories of Africa and its contribution to human civilisation and, in particular, the prophesy of African redemption in Psalm 68:31, which says that:
Princes shall come out of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands into God.
The Ethiopia of the Bible referred to Africa south of the Sahara. The slaves and colonised Africans interpreted Psalm 68:31 to mean that Africa had been killed and buried by the transatlantic slave trade and colonial imperialism, but that it would be reborn, renewed and develop again.
In pursuit of this Ethiopian-African liberation theology, the Prince Hall Masonic lodges and Ethiopian churches, notably the Baptist and African Methodist Episcopal churches, built schools and universities for children of ex-slaves. These institutions produced civil rights and Pan-African leaders, including Frederick Douglass, Booker T Washington, W E B du Bois, Henry Sylvester Williams, George Padmore and Marcus Garvey.
The Ethiopian church and the Pan-African leaders, on the continent were profoundly influenced by the Ethiopian and Pan-African ideals coming from the Caribbean and North America. These leaders include John Langalibalele Dube and Charlotte Makgomo Maxeke, the founding presidents of the ANC and the ANC Women's League respectively. The founder of the Ethiopian Church of Africa, the Rev Mangena Maake Mokone, was also profoundly influenced by Pan- Africanism. In 2010 President Jacob Zuma posthumously awarded a National Order to Rev Mangena Maake Mokone as a founder of the Ethiopian Church and liberation theology in South Africa.
Our icon, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, taught us that Ethiopianism had spiritual and political dimensions. As a spiritual or religious movement, it rejected the negative interpretation of the Bible which sought to reduce Africans to a subhuman race and asserted the potential of African redemption. In its political dimension, Ethiopianism preached the culture of self-help and self-reliance and the historic mission of African people to free themselves from slavery and colonial imperialism.
Under the influence of Booker T Washington, the self-confessed Ethiopian Christian John Langalibalele Dube revealed his vision of a free, spiritual, caring and prosperous Africa in his public lecture titled "Upon my Native Land". In the same year, the Rev Mangena Maake Mokone broke away from the Wesleyan Methodist Church and founded the Ethiopian Church of Africa in Marabastad, Pretoria. On the continent of Africa and throughout her diaspora African Christians broke away from missionary churches to form Ethiopian - that is, indigenous - African churches because of racism and racially discriminatory practices in church and state institutions.
The history of Africa would not be complete without the role played by the Ethiopian movement in the development of the revolutionary moral vision and formation of early welfare associations and congresses which conducted the civil rights and national liberation struggles which produced the freedom we enjoy today.
Charlotte Makgomo Mannya-Maxeke facilitated the affiliation of the Ethiopian Church of Africa to the AME Church of the United States in 1896. In the same year, the Ethiopian armed forces defeated the fascist Italian army at Adowa. This victory aroused the spirit of Afro-Asian solidarity and reinforced the desire of African peoples for freedom and equality.
In 1898 Bishop Turner of the AME Church in America visited the city of Cape Town where he ordained 65 pastors and dispatched them into the interior of South Africa to spread Ethiopianism and the spirit of Africa for Africans. By this time African kingdoms had just been conquered and peasants had lost their livestock, and their land and its natural resources. Thus, Ethiopianism and Pan-Africanism appealed to peasants, and traditional and religious leaders.
When the Anglo-Boer War broke out in 1899, African people fought on both sides hoping that in the event of victory they would regain their civil and political rights. During the war Henry Sylvester Williams, a Trinidadian lawyer, convened the first Pan-African Congress in London. The Congress condemned the atrocities which were perpetrated on Africans on both sides of the war.
In his opening address to the Congress, W E B du Bois opined that the problem of the 20th century would be the problem of the colour line, and rejected colour as a legitimate basis for denying millions of people of African descent equal opportunities for development. He went on to state that both ancient and modern history could not produce evidence of African inferiority to Europeans or any other race. His observation about the problem of the colour line was confirmed at the end of the Anglo-Boer War in 1902 when the Boers and Britons concluded the Treaty of Vereeniging which institutionalised the colour line.
After the Pan-African Congresses, Henry Sylvester Williams, convener of the conference, and the Ghananian delegate to the Congress, Peregrino, joined Bishop Coppin and AME officials in Cape Town and together they spread the Ethiopian and Pan-African ideals to the whole of South Africa. This led to the formation of the African People's Organisation, the Apo Abdullah Abdularahm, who used the words ``African'' and ``coloured'' interchangeably. Thus today's unfortunate distinction between coloured and African did not exist. The formation of the APO was followed by welfare associations and Native Congresses which brought together peasants, and traditional and religious leaders to fight for African civil and political rights.
In 1905 Pixley ka Isaka Seme, a student at Columbia University in the United States, spelt out his vision for a post-colonial Africa in his oration titled "The Regeneration of Africa". In this oration, Seme endorsed the values of a caring society espoused by John Dube in 1892 and called for the creation of a unique civilisation for Africa and Africans.
By this time, Ethiopianism and Pan-Africanism had become the black peril - die "swartgevaar" - which forced the Dutch and British settlers to move towards greater unity which led to the formation of the Union of South Africa, which excluded African people. The formation of the Union was followed by statutory measures which enforced racial segregation in church and state, in the labour market and territorial separation.
In 1912 Pixley ka Isaka Seme and three other lawyers convened the founding conference of the ANC, which brought peasants, and religious and traditional leaders together to form a national organisation for the defence of African civil and political rights. The organisation was anchored in the unity and co-operation of African people.
However, in 1919, Sefako Mapogo Makgatho, the second president of the ANC, spelt out the nonracial character of the ANC struggle. In its 1919 constitution, the ANC also described itself as a Pan-African organisation.
From its inception the ANC was driven by a moral vision that was spelt out by the Rev Z R Mahabane in 1921 in a speech titled "We are not political children". Mahabane observed that African people had been forcibly deprived of their land, degraded and dehumanised, and rendered voteless, hopeless and homeless. Thus in 1923 he told the national conference of the ANC, which elected him the third president, that, given this African condition, the ANC must strive for the recovery of the African humanity, ubuntu, as a prerequisite for the recovery of the humanity of all South Africans, both black and white. Thus the opening paragraph of the Bill of Rights, adopted by the ANC in 1923, asserted African humanity and the right of African people to participate in the economic life of the country.
African people had also participated in World War I, hoping that in the event of victory they would regain their civil and political rights. After the war, W E B du Bois convened the second Pan-African Congress at Versailles, France, to plead the African cause, but that was in vain.
The conference was attended by Sol Tshekisho Plaatje, the founding secretary-general of the ANC. From Versailles Sol Plaatje travelled to the United States, where he shared platforms with Marcus Garvey who had founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Unia, in Jamaica in 1914. In 1917 he had re-established this organisation in Harlem in the US.
Unia became the largest black mass movement in the US, which forged the spirit of Pan-African unity among people of African descent, and demanded the right of African people to self-determination and human rights, and the creation of independent African states. He also preached the African humanist philosophy of "I" and "I", that is, ``I am through others''. Marcus Garvey also catalysed the development of radical Pan-African nationalism and the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s and 1930s.
His radicalism was reinforced by the invasion of Ethiopia by Fascist Italian forces in 1935. This invasion also forced people of African descent the world over to rally behind Ethiopia. Even Indians and Chinese rallied behind Ethiopia and claimed that the defeat of Ethiopia would be the defeat of all people of colour the world over. This sowed the seeds of Afro-Asian solidarity.
The radical Pan-Africanism of the 1920s and early 1930s, including the Harlem Renaissance, had a profound impact on young African intellectuals, notably Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. The Harlem Renaissance witnessed a remarkable flowering of creative energies by African-American writers and artists seeking to draw inspiration from, and to celebrate, their African heritage. Nigerian leader Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe's Renascent Africa in 1937 was another important landmark in this gradual rediscovery of a history that had been forcibly denied and therefore forgotten during the colonial period when massive exploitation of the continent's human and natural resources went hand in hand with a refusal to honour and respect its cultural achievements.
Azikiwe, who was studying in the United States of America when the Harlem Renaissance was in full swing, refused to accept that Africa's future had been blighted forever by the impact of European imperialism. According to him, the wellbeing of the continent depended on reactivating a spiritual balance through respect for others, achieving social regeneration through the triumph of democracy, ensuring mental emancipation through a rejection of racism, and striving for economic prosperity through self-determination.
Nkrumah, who was also in the United States during the Harlem Renaissance, proclaimed during World War II that after the war African people would demand nothing less than their right to self-determination and human rights. This young Pan-African leader was angered by the fact that President Theodore Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill issued the Atlantic Charter which recognised the East European excluding the African right of self-determination and human rights.
When it comes to the birth of the Organisation of African Unity, it should be noted that the idea of African unity grew in the late 19th century and during the 20th century. It is the idea that led to the development of African nationalism in Africa and the diaspora. But Pan-Africanism did not just mean nationalism. It looked forward to a time when the countries of Africa would be united and would co-operate with each other to help Africa as a whole to develop.
It was in Ghana that the first moves were made towards African unity. In 1958, Nkrumah, the prime minister of Ghana, organised the All-African People's Conference in Accra. This was followed by a meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on 25 May 1963, at which it was agreed to form the Organisation of African Unity, the OAU.
East African leaders realised that political freedom without economic freedom could not create a better life for all. They also realised that at independence colonial powers imposed a constitutional order and rule of law which sought to entrench and guarantee colonial interests, especially property rights. Thus in 1961 African jurists developed their rule of law and democracy in the African context which, unfortunately, in some countries led to one-party states.
Nevertheless, the founders of African nation states did not lose sight of the fact that the colonial bills of rights kept the land and its natural resources in the hands of former colonial powers and made African freedom and independence an empty shell. The newly independent African states therefore used their membership of the United Nations and the OAU itself to demand a new economic order, which would restore the land and its natural resources to the African people. This was seen as a basic requirement for sustainable development.
African leaders also recognised and acknowledged that colonialism not only affected the land and its natural resources, but also the African mind. They then took active steps to decolonise the mind. First, they observed that international human rights charters, for instance the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, emphasised political rights, not socioeconomic rights. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child emphasised rights without responsibilities. To remedy the situation, African countries adopted the Banjul Charter, also called the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. They also adopted the Charter on the Rights of the African Child.
It is clear, therefore, that Africa has developed her own developmental paradigm, and that all that we need to do is use this opportunity to call on African governments ...
Hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party, your time has expired.
Thank you, hon Speaker, for this opportunity. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, Chairperson of the NCOP, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members of both Houses of Parliament, and distinguished ladies and gentlemen, this year, 2011, marks 48 years since the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity, the OAU, the forerunner to what we today call the African Union, the AU. It was created in Addis Ababa when 37 independent countries came together to promote unity and development, defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of members, eradicate all forms of colonialism and promote international co- operation, among other things. The OAU was also established to symbolise independence, peace, unity and commitment to the principles of democracy and socioeconomic development.
At that time the founding of the organisation was the most significant symbol of Pan-Africanism on this continent. During the decade of its founding, the 1960s, no fewer than 18 new African nations attained their independence, and joined the family of nations as fully-fledged members of the international community. It can therefore be said that the 1960s was the decade of hope for Africa as, one by one, new nations emerged from the yoke of colonialism to stake their claim of nationhood and to stand alongside their former colonisers as equals.
Today, half a century later, Africa grapples with a variety of challenges associated with hunger, poverty, disease, political instability, corruption, and general lack of access to proper health care, clean water and education, to name but a few.
This year's Africa Day theme of "African renewal, advancement and development" is an appropriate description of what this continent dearly needs. The political independence achieved by the peoples of this vast continent cannot be complete while they are still economically deprived. The recent World Economic Forum on Africa, which was held here in Cape Town, observed that Africa was indeed on the move towards economic growth that has not been seen in past decades. However, the reality is that many of the so-called economic advances have not translated into quality growth, as former President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria observed.
It is important to remind ourselves that an African should never pretend to be someone else. We should realise the uniqueness of our being, of our problems and our challenges, and of the solutions that we try to fashion for those problems. Former President Thabo Mbeki, while addressing the annual general meeting of the SADC Electoral Commissions Forum in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on 27 September 1999. said, "We are Africans! We are not American! We are not British! We are not German! We are not French! We are Africans!"
In this regard, as we reflect on the past half-century of African independence, we also have to look hard at the many trouble spots on the continent. Just next door to us, on the northern part of our borders, is Zimbabwe, which is categorised as one of the failed states in the world. The SADC region is one of the most stable on this continent, and yet Zimbabwe continues to be a source of political and social instability for this region. The recent political upheavals we have seen in Swaziland should also be a source of concern for the leadership of this region. South Africa, as one of the two closest neighbours to the world's last absolute monarchy, has a responsibility to assist those who are advocating and calling for democracy and respect for human rights to be achieved in Swaziland.
The protests we saw in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya should also be a warning to some African leaders that Africans will no longer tolerate tinpot dictators and despots. In reference to these protests recently, President Zuma said:
Exile, torture, jail or even killing did not succeed to stop the masses of South Africa from demanding their freedom and cannot succeed anywhere else. ... The recently erupted and massive protests happened because people were tired of autocratic governments ...
Finally, although democracy has taken root in a number of African countries since independence, in the words of Narnia Bohler-Muller:
Democracy cannot merely be understood as the holding of regular elections. The ballot box is ineffective if the electoral process is not free and fair, or if those who cast the votes are not free - from oppression, war, poverty and an authoritarian state.
Long live Africa! I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker and members of this House, today, 25 May, we celebrate Africa Day as Africans proud of our "Africanness". Our neighbours, Kenya and Tanzania, and all other African countries will be marking this day with a public holiday. In this regard, South Africa must follow what the rest of Africa is doing, by proclaiming this day as a public holiday. We certainly need to realign our public holidays so that the significance of this day is not lost on generations to come.
Today we are gathered here to reflect on the dream of those iconic leaders who got together to form the Organisation of African Unity to ensure that all Africans enjoy human rights, to raise the living standards of Africans, and to achieve unity and solidarity among African people. We have made some progress, but in general we have slipped back.
Former South African President Mbeki, in his quest to preserve the legacy of the founding fathers of this day, saw an opportunity to remind the nations of this, with the African Renaissance, the African century and the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad. He was committed to seeing that we were not only connected to Africa, but that we were actively asserting our "Africanness" in the global scheme of things.
Africa becomes an important global player. President Mbeki had a vision of Africa working as a united continent to reverse the impact of colonialism and to give Africans a sense of pride in the achievements of this continent. This is why South Africa and Mali entered into a partnership to create a library to preserve more than 200 000 Arabic and West African manuscripts dating from the 13th century to the 19th century. This became the first official cultural project of Nepad. When President Mbeki was recalled after the Polokwane conference, this dream of a united Africa began to disintegrate with his departure; hence the president of Algeria's comment that South Africa must revive Nepad.
Africa, at the present moment, does not seem to have charismatic and intellectual leaders to inspire Africans to greatness. To the north of us, dictators are being overthrown and even as we are debating here, Egyptian authorities are preparing to bring Hosni Mubarak to trial for murder. Closer to us, in Zimbabwe, the search for political freedom and political stability remains a distant dream. Ugandan President Museveni is slowly becoming a dictator. Very soon, he is going to be no different from Idi Amin, because he is suppressing the voice of the opposition in his own country.
As a result of a lack of high-quality leadership, Africa remains underdeveloped and impoverished. Yet Africa is not poor. Researchers have established that the African continent has 50% of the world's gold, 90% of its cobalt, 65% of its manganese, and most of the world's diamonds and chromium. Our continent is rich in these and numerous other commodities, and yet we are underindustrialised!
At the same time, our universities do not produce the number of PhDs that the knowledge economy of today requires. Governments in Africa, like the ANC government in South Africa, do not understand the importance and significance of the free flow of information. At this critical moment in our history, the ANC is ploughing ahead with its Protection of Information Bill, which will take us back to the apartheid era! [Interjections.] Those who still vote for the ANC, and that number is declining, should be asking themselves where the ANC is taking us with this regressive proposal. [Interjections.]
Order, hon members! Order!
As you celebrate the centenary of this glorious movement, please go back to the founding principles and foundation of the founding fathers of this movement.
Colonial and apartheid regimes provided for themselves and their people at the expense of the population at large. People clearly understood this and began their fight for liberation. Today the people of South Africa are slowly beginning to realise that they are being offered crumbs while others in the country are enjoying the cream. People are seeing this; the people of Africa are also seeing this.
A new liberation struggle is now emerging, and it is the young people of Africa who are leading the struggle. These young people are university graduates and they therefore understand that governments which are repressive are, by their very nature, secretive, defensive, self-serving, corrupt and inefficient. Such governments are very energetic in seeking to preserve power, but they are slow and uninterested in bringing development to the people or using resources to benefit their people.
At the July 2008 African Union Summit, the ministers of justice formally adopted a single legal instrument to create an African Court of Justice and Human Rights. The "Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights", the single protocol, resulted from the decision by African states to merge the two courts to find a single effective court.
The establishment of this human rights court in Africa, which considers violations of human rights and abuses and renders binding judgments, is long overdue. While individuals cannot approach the court directly and this is a great pity state parties, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, African intergovernmental organisations and African national human rights institutions will be able to do so. As I understand it, South Africa has yet to ratify the protocol and, if that is the case, one must ask why this is so.
South Africa should not only be ratifying the protocol but should be campaigning vigorously for individual petitions to be received by the court. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Speaker Xhamela, hon Chairperson of the NCOP Ndzuza, hon Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP Gambu, hon members, as the dust settles after last week's local government elections, it is good to be brought together again in this House in a joint sitting to celebrate an event that emphasises our unity.
Africa Day reminds us to lift up our eyes from local issues to regain a wider perspective. It encourages us to look beyond our differences, which have been so keenly focused on in the past few weeks, to see our commonality or shared identity as sons and daughters of Africa.
I wish to thank the honourable Secretary of this Assembly, Mr Z A Dingani, for driving a dialogue on Africa Day which is focused on democratisation and political renewal in Africa, and on rethinking development and climate change. It is right and fitting for our national Parliament to lead the debate on what unites us on this continent, and what role, we as South Africans can play in the success of Africa. In fact, I think we should congratulate Mr Mandela's Cabinet and congratulate ourselves, because we were pointed in this direction of being Afro-centric by Sontonga. In 1994, we could easily have said our national anthem should be "Nkosi sikelel' iSouth Africa". We didn't do that; we said, "Sikelel' iAfrika".
Success in Africa relies on our ability to create peace, to foster sustainable development and to enable true democracy to flourish. South Africa's position as the economic powerhouse of our continent places on us the unique responsibility of supporting the success of our neighbours, both near and far, and of ensuring that our policies are never detrimental to the peace and prosperity of others.
I have spoken in this House before about the damage we are doing through our government's policy of quiet diplomacy which, in fact, should be called diplomatic silence! Our continued silence on Zimbabwe has made us somehow complicit in our neighbour's woes. I think that Inkosi Albert Luthuli set up the ANC mission in exile to campaign for our liberation abroad. If the mind-set was that one should not interfere in the domestic affairs of others, I don't think Inkosi Luthuli would have sent Oliver Tambo abroad. So it's really a very weak pretext to say it is interfering in the domestic affairs of others. I would also say that Mr Vorster himself brought pressure to bear on Ian Smith. Ian Smith didn't just move without the pressure that Mr Vorster brought to bear on him.
Likewise, our government was slow to speak out on the crisis in Libya, while the international world was swift to react and engage with the problem. I struggle to accept the anomaly of the international response to Libya, as compared to the enduring inertia towards Zimbabwe.
We know that there are debts to pay, some of which remain from our troubled past and some of which are more recent. Some question the ruling party's choice of friends. But the real issue is the responsibility that rests on friends to step in and get involved when a wrong course of action is taken.
I do not think South Africa could be seen as interfering when we on this continent have a long and shared history of struggle for freedom. It does not enhance solidarity to remain silent when one of us falls. Indeed, it breaks solidarity to say that a government can rule our fellow Africans in whatever way it pleases, while we all turn and look the other way.
I am prepared to acknowledge that there is a sense among our neighbours that South Africa could easily move from being ``big brother'' to being a bully, and even the role of big brother, in fact, resented to some extent. But that does not absolve us from our responsibility of offering leadership. Indeed, it compounds our responsibility, demanding our vigilance against our own arrogance and self-interest.
South Africa is part of Africa. Our borders are porous and the dynamics that move people into and out of the country are many and complex. At any one time, we host millions of Africans of other nationalities, benefiting from their presence, their skills and their culture, yet seeing them as foreigners rather than friends. When I was Minister of Home Affairs during the first 10 years of our democracy, my department was confronted with the inadequacies of migration legislation that was forged in the crucible of apartheid. Our migration policy reflected our isolationism, referring to foreign nationals as ``aliens'' and ``illegal aliens''. This captures the mind-set that we were mandated to change.
But a legislative transformation, although ponderous, is faster by far than a transformation of mind-set. Even now, 17 years into democracy and recognising our shared "Africanness", South Africa still struggles with xenophobia.
I am pleased that part of this year's celebration of Africa Day is a campaign to redress xenophobia within our communities. It is a campaign I launched more than a decade ago as Minister of Home Affairs, and one that must still be pursued with vigour. [Laughter.] Well, you can have your derisive fun, but the truth is that I did.
On behalf of the IFP, I am proud to support Africa Day. Our country is uniquely positioned to be a leader on our continent. The time has never been riper for a national debate on the quality of our leadership. I thank you, Sir. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, as we celebrate Africa today, we can say with some certainty that our continent is well and truly on the path of renewal.
This is a continent that has had to endure centuries of abuse, first from slavery, then colonialism, and in the last 50 years of independence certain dictatorial regimes that have been allowed to thwart the hopes and dreams of the African people.
This year, however, we have seen Africans in the north of the continent rising up and demanding control of their own countries. In countries like Ghana we are seeing a consolidation of democracy, and in Sudan we have even seen the will of the people bringing into being a new country. We must rejoice in these events and ensure that the momentum for democratic change is fostered throughout our continent. It is now time for Africa to ensure that accountable governance institutions are put in place in every country so that all African people can truly benefit from their own resources.
Economically, Africa is also rising quickly, with the World Economic Forum stating that it is the fastest growing area in the world outside of Asia. Asia, in the form of China and India, is also looking to cement its presence on the continent, as the bounty of our natural resources is a prize that everyone is looking to secure. In this second ``scramble for Africa'', though, we must ensure that the exploitation of our resources is done to further our continent's own development and not simply to entrench the power and wealth of elites.
In this regard, the ID believes that we should be looking to develop an African corporate accountability convention that can hold all companies accountable to certain standards wherever they may operate on the continent.
Finally, we also need to raise the voice of Africa on important global issues that will affect our future development. One of the most important of these issues is climate change, the effects of which are already starting to be felt with devastating consequences. It is a cruel injustice that Africa is the continent most vulnerable to climate change, even though it has done the least to cause it. As the hosts of CoP 17, South Africa has a duty to help galvanise and amplify the African voice on this issue so that the world can finally be awoken to its moral responsibility. No longer can we allow African people to suffer due to the excesses and interests of other nations. This is Africa's century and we need to claim it. Mayibuye i- Afrika! [Africa must come back to us.] Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, hon Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, Ministers, premiers and Deputy Ministers present, and hon members, when addressing the Organisation of African Unity in 1994, former President Nelson Mandela said:
If freedom was the crown which the fighters of liberation sought to place on the head of mother Africa, let the upliftment, the happiness, prosperity and comfort of her children be the jewel of the crown.
There can be no dispute among us that we must bend every effort to rebuild the African economies.
Today, we celebrate the 48th anniversary of Africa Day, a day of great historical significance to Africa and the world. Africa Day is the commemoration of the founding of the Organisation of African Unity on 25 May 1963. It was on this day that leaders of 30 of the 32 independent African states signed the founding Charter in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
In the decades that followed African states stood united under this framework and made huge efforts that gave depth and meaning to the political independence and socioeconomic developments of the peoples of Africa.
This day is very important on the calendar of Africa, as it calls on us to reflect on the achievements and challenges of the continent. Moreover, it calls on us to reflect on our ability to change the future for the better. As we reflect, we should remember the many heroes of our continent that have spoken out and acted so that our people could further liberate themselves from poverty and underdevelopment.
Earlier this year, when he was addressing the 99th anniversary of the ANC on 8 January, President Jacob Zuma stated that almost all the founding presidents of the ANC spoke passionately about the unity of the African continent. These courageous leaders included John Langalibalele Dube, Pixley ka Isaka Seme, Sefako Makgatho, Chief Albert Luthuli and Charlotte Maxeke. In honouring these leaders we should continue to work together as the people of our continent to cultivate cohesion, unity, democracy and prosperity, as well as to strengthen our capabilities to respond to the challenges we face under present-day circumstances.
The ANC has always cherished the unity of the African continent and the African people, and we salute the national liberation movement for ceaselessly calling for unity within the African continent.
As Members of this Parliament we have committed ourselves to pursuing our strategic objective of ensuring that we improve our participation in international matters. This includes remaining fully committed to the African agenda, which is achievable through the promotion of democracy, good governance, and peace and stability on the continent.
Our commitment to the African agenda requires, among other things, that we strengthen renewal programmes in areas such as agriculture, trade, infrastructure, human resources, technology and scientific development on the continent. This, I believe, could lead to a form of integration and development of the African continent. Of course, to be meaningful, integration has to be more organic than imposed.
This brings me to the question of how we ensure inclusivity in the manner in which we take decisions. Yes, we have established representative structures to facilitate decision-making on matters affecting the continent, but there remains a gap in regard to the role of ordinary Africans in influencing decision-making. It seems to me that we need to come up deliberately with creative ways of ensuring that the voices of ordinary Africans find expression.
This Parliament has a great role to play in ensuring that these voices are heard. For example, through its interactions with the different spheres of government, the National Council of Provinces could serve as the receptacle for the varying aspirations of our communities in so far as economic development is concerned. These interests or aspirations could then be deliberated upon by this Parliament. In turn, they could be articulated with a view to influencing bilateral and multilateral interactions by the executive, which is responsible for the implementation of the country's foreign policy.
In essence, Parliament is better placed to co-ordinate the expression of the views of South Africans in the different communities and vocations on all matters that affect them. This model for public involvement could bring legitimacy to the decisions taken at the level of our leading institutions on the continent. This would be in line with the strategic objective of the Fourth Parliament, which is to improve and widen the role of Parliament in international relations, co-operation and participation.
This strategic objective identifies, among other things, the need for the implementation of the Pan-African Parliament protocols through establishing participation systems; playing a role in conflict resolution, through contributing to the strengthening of democracy in Africa, and through sharing the experience of South Africa; developing participation systems in general; and monitoring the implementation of international agreements. Parliament needs to be actively engaged in overseeing executive action, especially on matters that bind the Republic, and I think issues affecting the continent will be uppermost.
I wish to conclude by saying that Africa Day reminds us that being an African means understanding the history of our continent and embracing the spirit of ubuntu that has come to define what it means to be an African. In our endeavours to correct our history, let us continue to unite for the good of the continent, the land of our forefathers. NdingumAfrika kwaye ndiyazingca ngobu-Afrika bam. [I'm an African and I'm proud of it.] Ngiyabonga. [Thank you.] Ke a leboga. Thank you. [Applause.]
Deputy Chairperson, Chairperson of the NCOP and hon members, today, 25 May, Africans all over the world join together to celebrate Africa Day. It may be opportune for me to remark that this year's celebration of Africa Day coincides with the 10th anniversary of the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, African Union strategic framework for pan-African socioeconomic development.
As we take time to pause and reflect on what it means to be an African, we should assess progress made in Africa against the strategic objectives of Nepad, which include economic development, regional integration, human development, agriculture and food security, national resource management, and so forth.
Despite patchy pockets of success in achieving political stability and improving economic growth in a number of African countries, much more still needs to be done to eradicate grinding poverty and to democratise many African countries. Africa has the highest number of despotic and oppressive governments, and leaders who want to rule forever.
In the majority of cases where elections are held, pre- and postelection violence is the norm. As we speak, Cte d'Ivoire is recovering from pre- and postelectoral violence, with many around the world pledging their support to assist it in achieving some form of stability. Libya is also in turmoil, with the man at the helm hellbent on treating the country as his fiefdom.
Often, the noble strategic objectives of Nepad, the AU, economic and regional bodies such as SADC, the Economic Community of West African States, Ecowas, and so on, are undermined by the lack of political will and leadership of many African heads of state, who refuse democratic reforms or regional integration of their economies. In addition, it is the way in which those objectives are sought and the immediate steps taken to implement them which leave us concerned about the seriousness of African leaders to change the African situation for the better.
However, in conclusion, I believe that, as Haile Selassie said on this day in 1963 in Addis Ababa:
We remain persuaded that in our efforts to scatter the clouds which rim the horizon of our future, success must come, if only because failure is unthinkable.
I thank you, Deputy Chairperson.
Die ADJUNKMINISTER VAN LANDBOU, BOSBOU EN VISSERYE: Voorsitter, onlangs in 'n gesprek met 'n sakeman van Wes-Afrika, het hy die wens teenoor my uitgespreek dat Suid-Afrika vir Afrika kan help om te ontwikkel sodat Afrika meer soos Suid-Afrika kan word. Hy het sy gesprek met my afgesluit: "Afrika is so ver agter julle."
Kan Suid-Afrika dit doen? Ja, Suid-Afrika kan. Ons is ekonomies twee keer sterker as Nigeri, en amper drie keer so sterk soos Egipte. Suid-Afrika se ekonomie is 80 keer sterker as die gemiddelde Afrikastaat. Daarbenewens het ons die beste paaie-, krag- en telefoonnetwerke in Afrika, en ons aandelebeurs is een van die tien grootste aandelebeurse in die wreld. Amper die helfte van alle teerpaaie in Afrika is in Suid-Afrika.
As ons oor Afrika praat, moet ek s dat ons ook realisties moet wees. Ek is kwaad vir Afrika se probleme van korrupsie en magsmisbruik. Ek is moeg vir konflikte in Afrika en televisiebeelde van jong soldate in kamoefleeruniforms wat vol bravade agter op 'n bakkie staan met 'n swaar masjiengeweer in die hand en 'n band vol koels om die nek. Ek word moedeloos as ek nog 'n keer moet kyk na Afrika-babas wat met dowwe o en uitgeteerde lyfies l en hoop op kos.
Kommunikasie-infrastruktuur is 'n belangrike voorwaarde om Afrika te ontwikkel. Vodacom en MTN het byvoorbeeld die "pay-as-you-go"-konsep ontwikkel en groot sukses in Afrika behaal. Hulle is tans van die vernaamste selfoonverskaffers in 'n hele klomp Afrikalande.
Daar is baie ander voorbeelde van sulke suksesse. Shoprite Checkers is tans die grootste voedselnetwerk in Afrika, met amper 200 winkels in 15 lande. Suid-Afrikaners bedryf Kameroen se spoorwe. Ons bou paaie en bre in Malawi en Mosambiek. Deur MultiChoice en die Suid-Afrikaanse Uitsaaikorporasie, SABC, bereik Suid-Afrikaanse televisieprogramme nou reeds 48 Afrikalande, terwyl Media24 tydskrifte in Nigeri en Kenia verkoop. Suid-Afrika het binne 10 jaar een van die top lande met beleggings in Afrika geword waar ons 'n groot verskil gemaak aan die lewenstandaard van baie Afrikane.
Ek wil egter ook met Afrikaners praat. Baie Afrikaners onttrek hulle en hoop die probleme gaan weg. As hulle eerlik is oor hul posisie, het hulle op die oomblik nie baie keuses nie. Of jy emigreer, of jy raak betrokke en help om vir die Afrikaner 'n plek in die son in Afrika te skep maar dit kan nie in isolasie gedoen word nie. Die feit is dat as Afrika tot niet gaan, is Suid-Afrika in die moeilikheid.
'n Britse joernalis het onlangs aan my ges, "Julle Afrikaners kan nooit brugbouers in Afrika wees nie vanwe julle geskiedenis." Is hy reg? Wat is die houding teenoor Afrikaners in die res van Afrika? Ek s vir u, behalwe in Suid-Afrika, waar Malema s ons is almal misdadigers, is ek orals in Afrika nog altyd oorweldigend positief ontvang.
Tans is daar 24 Afrikastate wat versoeke gerig het vir Suid-Afrikaanse boere om by hulle te kom boer, maar dan s ek daar is 'n voorwaarde. Dan moet Afrikaners nie permanent voel hulle word geteiken nie, wat maak dat al hulle energie na binne gaan om te oorleef. Dan moet ons veilig voel om energie na Afrika te kan uitreik in belang van al die mense, want die wreld gee nie meer om vir Afrika nie. As ons nie self na hom gaan kyk nie, gaan daar niks van ons oorbly nie. Baie dankie. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[The DEPUTY MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES: Chairperson, during a recent discussion with a businessman from West Africa, he expressed the wish to me that South Africa should assist Africa in developing to become more like South Africa. He ended the discussion with me by saying: "Africa lags so far behind you."
Can South Africa do it? Yes, South Africa can. South Africa's economy is twice as strong as that of Nigeria and almost three times as strong as that of Egypt. South Africa's economy is 80 times stronger than the average state on the African continent. Apart from that, we have the best road, electricity and telecommunications networks in Africa, and our stock exchange is one of the ten largest in the world. South Africa has almost half of all asphalt roads in Africa.
If we discuss Africa, I must add that we need to be realistic. I am angry at Africa's problems of corruption and the abuse of power. I am tired of conflicts in Africa and television images of young soldiers in camouflage uniforms, full of bravado, standing on the backs of trucks with heavy machine guns in their hands and bands of bullets around their necks. I am despondent when I once more have to look at emaciated African babies with dull eyes just lying and hoping for food.
Communications infrastructure is an important prerequisite for developing Africa. For example, Vodacom and MTN have developed the "pay as you go" concept, which has been very successful in Africa. They are currently the principal cellphone providers in many African countries.
There are many different examples of success stories like these. Shoprite Checkers is currently the largest food network in Africa, with almost 200 stores in 15 countries. South Africa is operating Cameroon's railway service. We are building roads and bridges in Malawi and Mozambique. Through MultiChoice and the South African Broadcasting Corporation, SABC, South African television programmes are already reaching 48 African countries at the moment, whilst Media24 is selling magazines in Nigeria and Kenya. Within 10 years, South Africa has become one of the countries with the largest investments in Africa, and we have made a noticeable difference in the standard of living of many Africans. However, I would also like to speak to Afrikaners. Many Afrikaners withdraw with the hope that the problems will simply go away. If they are honest about their position, they will realise that they currently don't have many choices. You can either emigrate or become involved and contribute to creating a place in the sun in Africa for the Afrikaner - but this cannot happen in isolation. The fact remains that if Africa is destroyed, South Africa will be in trouble.
A British journalist recently told me: "As Afrikaners you will never be able to mend fences in Africa because of your history." Is he correct? What is the rest of Africa's attitude towards Afrikaners? I can tell you that apart from South Africa, where Malema has called all of us criminals, I have only ever experienced an overwhelmingly positive reception in the rest of Africa.
Currently there are 24 African states that have made requests for South African farmers to farm in those countries, but then again I would say that it should come with a precondition. Afrikaners should not permanently feel like they are being targeted, causing them to internalise all their energy to survive. We should feel safe to extend our energy to Africa in the best interests of all its people, because the world no longer cares about Africa. If we ourselves don't take care of Africa, there will be nothing left of us. Thank you very much. [Applause.]]
Deputy Chair, this year's Africa Day celebrations are overshadowed by the dark cloud of the unbelievable perpetuation of injustice and electoral fraud that has taken place in Cte d'Ivoire right under the noses of the international community. Former President Thabo Mbeki has written an excellent account of what happened there, entitled ``What the world got wrong in Cte d'Ivoire''. His subtitle is: ``Why is the United Nations entrenching former colonial powers on our continent?''
The answer to this question can be found in the article Mr Mbeki wrote about the remarks made by former French President, Franois Mitterrand, when he allegedly said: "Without Africa, France will have no history in the 21st century." What he meant was that France desperately needs Africa's wealth to survive in this century. So, how can we celebrate Africa Day when serious attempts are being made to recolonise Africa before our very eyes?
Advocate Patricia Hamza, the former legal representative of the government of Cte d'Ivoire, who is now a refugee in Ghana, wrote a memorandum about events that took place after President Laurent Gbagbo was arrested by French special forces and handed over to the Ouattara rebels. She said, and I quote:
All pro-Gbagbos arrested at the residence and elsewhere were tortured, with many of them executed, and their properties destroyed and ransacked. Ouattara and his rebel forces have undertaken series of killing from a list they made in the style of the Nazi war. As the legal representative of the state, my residence was attacked; my nephew and one of my bodyguards were killed. Moreover, Ouattara's Justice Minister and public prosecutor deny us visit to the prisoners. And as from 13 April 2011 to date, the health and living conditions of President Gbagbo, his spouse, their son and collaborators are unknown. Some of the wounded prisoners do not have access to medical treatments and are mostly locked up in containers. President Gbagbo is in serious danger. Ouattara and his rebels circulated rumours that he attempted suicide.
How can we celebrate Africa Day with a clear conscience when a once democratic and prosperous nation, Cte d'Ivoire, has now become worse than apartheid South Africa, where wounded prisoners are denied access to medical treatment?
How can we really celebrate Africa Day when France and the UN have been allowed to play a role in turning Cte d'Ivoire into an unsafe and undemocratic country, where the rights of a former head of state, his wife, son and support staff are grossly violated, including their right to have access to their lawyers?
How can we celebrate this day when Western powers are allowed to bomb presidential palaces in Africa and kill innocent children, as recently happened to the grandchildren of Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi?
It is a disgrace that the African Union has failed dismally in defending the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states. It is a shame, I believe, that African heads of state have chosen to remain silent when Africa's infrastructure is being systematically destroyed by those who do not share Africa's goal of renewal, advancement and development.
When these are addressed, we will celebrate Africa Day this year. Thank you. [Applause.]
Sekela-sihlalo weBhunga lamaPhondo leSizwe, ngenxa yokunqongophala kwexesha, ndivumele ukuba ndikhahlela izinxiba-mxhaka ezikule Ndlu ndithi, ngqanga neentsiba zayo. Makhe ndithabathe ezi zixhobo zabafundileyo ndithi ... (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[Dr Z LUYENGE: Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP, due to time constraints, allow me to greet all dignitaries in this House and say, all protocol observed. Now, let me use the expertise of the learned and say ...]
... in recognition of the significance of Africa Day to the nation and the continent, it has been resolved that Parliament, as from 2011, will move to a programme-based approach in celebrating Africa Day. This decision informs the programme covering the life of the fourth democratic Parliament of South Africa, until 2014. Africa Day will no longer be an event or project for one specific day, but rather a programme stretching from one year to the next, that celebrates the origins and essence of what Africa Day signifies and means.
Africa Day will be celebrated as a programme, and there will be a developmental approach to activities, recognising significant milestones between 2011 and 2014. Each year will have a specific focus and theme, and will be celebrated in a series of programmes in a build-up culminating in the main event, the debate in the National Assembly.
The focus of the fourth democratic Parliament of South Africa on Africa Day will follow two distinctive streams. Stream one will consist of debating forums, dialogues, round tables and panel discussions whose focus will be on celebrating the origins of Africa Day and how Parliament, through Africa Day, can pursue the origins of Africanism. These discussions will reflect on Africa's deep academic and cultural roots. They will reflect on rich tangible and intangible heritage resources, and centres of learning such as Egypt, Mali, Zimbabwe and elsewhere on the continent.
The emphasis, as we go forward, is the significance of 25 May 1963 regarding the origins of Africa Day. Africa Day should be seen as an opportunity to capture the rich history of Africa, a history of Africa's liberation struggle against colonialism, and economic and social exploitation, and a history of the vision that its founders had back in the 1950s and early 1960s. This vision needs to be depicted. Political solidarity should form the basis of such events.
The second stream is aimed at building conscientisation regarding the meaning and significance of Africa Day through mass activity. Here, the focus will be on the provinces and linking in with provincial events, and events that provincial legislatures may be holding. In addition it will be linking up with nongovernmental organisations, universities and institutes, both in South Africa and on the continent, whose scope and mandate are to enrich our discussions and build greater political, social and economic solidarity, as well as social cohesion on the continent. The form that these events will take will be an expression of mass participation in the form of arts and culture, sport and recreation.
For 2012, Africa Day must form part of the centenary celebrations in Mangaung, Free State. In 2012 we will be celebrating an African liberation movement whose history and importance stretches across the continent, a liberation movement whose influence on the continent has resulted in profound progress through the formation of the African Union and the Pan- African Parliament, and in the development of an Africa economic programme driven through regional economic blocs on the continent.
These celebrations will reflect the importance of the centenary celebrations for Africa and the importance of a developmental approach for the continent. Efforts must be made in this regard to work with the centenary committee of the ANC.
Years 2013 and 2014 will reflect Africa's agenda in different forms. In particular, 2014 will provide the opportunity to reflect on the future direction of the continent as a whole, centred on issues of legislative importance, socioeconomic development, governance, and peace and security.
What I have outlined presupposes that this programme will include key past and contemporary leaders on the African continent. Key founding members of Africa Day, such as Kenneth Kaunda, must be invited to take part in the build-up programmes and debates.
By 2014 the fourth democratic Parliament must be able to look back and evaluate the four-year programme as the foundation for ongoing work post 2014. Therefore, after 25 May 2011, there will be an ongoing programme up until Africa Day in 2012. The same will apply for each year, culminating in 2014.
In order to ensure mass-based participatory celebrations, the build-up to each main event must include a series of community activities across provinces. These activities will reflect the specific focus for the particular year, leading to the main debate on Africa Day in Parliament. These events will take the form of open lectures, round tables, and focused seminars across provinces. We will identify organisations that have organised activities on Africa Day and join in these celebrations and activities as part of the programme of celebrating Africa Day.
The main purpose of the steering committee for Africa Day is to develop mechanisms to ensure political and strategic guidance for the celebration of Africa Day. Its role and responsibilities are as follows: to provide political and strategic direction; to assist in the identification and prioritisation of all matters related to the hosting of events for Africa Day; to recommend and endorse the deliverables for hosting Africa Day; to approve changes to the scope, if the need arises; to consider and approve requests for additional funding, when necessary; to facilitate the implementation of programmes and remove barriers impacting on progress; and to report to the presiding officers and relevant stakeholders on matters relating to implementation and progress, and any other related matter they deem important.
The goals of the committee are: to conceptualise the concept and programme for Africa Day; to establish what has been done in South Africa, and by other African countries on the continent in respect of Africa Day and determine what improvements can be made; to guide the progress politically and identify the purpose, nature and identity of the programmes for Africa Day; to determine how Parliament, through Africa Day, can take the initiative to recognise the contributions of other African countries that have helped South Africa to become what it is today; and to establish programmes that give effect to the political and historical origins of Africa Day, as outlined in the concept document, and use them as an opportunity to capture the rich history of Africa to ensure that the emphasis remains on the historical and political significance of Africa Day.
In all of this we as Parliament will have to develop a strategic relationship with key stakeholders, and partnerships to ensure that we establish the role of presiding officers both in the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces the executive and departments, and determine where and how the role-players will participate; to establish partnerships and liaise with stakeholders to establish what programmes exist in South Africa and engage them to complement programmes of Parliament; and, as an activist and a people's Parliament, to involve the public in giving recognition to Africa Day, because public participation is the cornerstone of democracy and, of course, the core business of Parliament.
In conclusion, let me sound a cautionary note. For Parliament to achieve its objective of being a sectoral Parliament - and in the case of an African Parliament this is an ongoing programme and process- there has to be a far more serious approach and attitude to the importance of what in many countries is referred to as ``African Liberation Day''. This means that when we agree politically on what must be done, the administration of this Parliament must respond to those political directives. If this does not happen, we will merely be going through the motions of celebrating an event, instead of respecting the essence of what Africa Day means to all countries that have liberated themselves from the bondage of colonialism and oppression. Let us forever remember the heroes and heroines who made the ultimate sacrifice for us to be where we are today.
Xa ndisonga, ndifuna ukuthi oku bekusitshiwo lilungu elihloniphekileyo lale Ndlu uMama uNdude ... [In conclusion, I want to say what was said by an hon member of this House, hon Ndude ...]
... in relation to what she perceived the ANC to be, as well as her call on all members of the House to be responsible. The poet, Rudyard Kipling wrote in his poem If, and I quote:
If you can keep your head when all about you Are losing theirs and blaming it on you, ... you'll be a Man, my son!
Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Chair and hon members, on 19 February 1960 the present Old Assembly dining room here in Parliament, which was the original assembly chamber of the old Cape parliament from 1854 to 1910, was temporarily converted back into a parliamentary chamber for the address to Parliament by the then Prime Minister of Great Britain, the honourable Harold Macmillan.
Macmillan's now famous speech on the "wind of change" blowing across Africa heralded the systematic withdrawal of British colonial rule from Africa over the ensuing years and the eventual granting of independence to most African Commonwealth states. Independence had by then also been given to a number of French, Portuguese and Belgian states, and others soon followed suit - some peacefully and some through conflict.
It is, of course, undeniably true that the imbalances caused by colonial rule and the apartheid system here at home were at that time also evident in many African countries where unequal development and distribution of wealth prevailed. The topic of today's debate, namely "African renewal, advancement and development" should have been the theme for each independent African state all those 50 and more years ago.
Voorsitter, die teendeel is egter ongelukkig waar. Die winde van verandering het van rigting verander en in tornado's van verwoesting ontaard. Pleks van hernuwing, was agteruitgang stelselmatig aan die orde van die dag in talle lande van ons geliefde vasteland, Afrika. Van vooruitgang was daar weinig sprake en Uhuru is ongelukkig ook nie aan vooruitgang gelykgestel nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Chairperson, the opposite, however, was unfortunately true. The winds of change altered direction and degenerated into tornadoes of destruction. Instead of renewal, a systematic decline was the order of the day in numerous countries of our beloved continent, Africa. There was little indication of progress and Uhuru was unfortunately also not accompanied by progress.]
In many countries despots and dictators managed to take power and, sadly enough, mostly under the guise of democracy and along the route of manipulated election results. In their drive to enrich themselves and their closest cadres, these heads of government caused the progressive collapse of infrastructure, exploited the mining industry and virtually destroyed commercial agriculture through unsustainable land grabbing under the pretence of land distribution.
Empa, modulasetulo, ha ke re mafatshe a mona Aforika a mabe kaofela. Ke a dumela hore ho na le mafatshe a lokileng haholo. Mona haufi le rona ho na le Botswana mme hodimo ho na le Rwanda. Ka morao ho polao ya baahi ka bongata, ba hlokometse batho ba bona hantle haholo. Ha ke lle le bona. (Translation of Sesotho paragraph follows.) [Chairperson, I do not mean that all African countries are bad. I acknowledge that there are very good countries. Right next to us is Botswana, and up north there is Rwanda. After the massive genocide that occurred, they are taking very good care of their people. I send my condolences to them.]
The truth is that today collapsed infrastructure, inferior service delivery, widespread poverty, substandard education, inadequate health care and the abuse of human rights are prevalent all over Africa. We only have to look at two examples right on our doorstep - and let us not mince words.
Kunjalo, Sihlalo, siyazi ukuthi uMugabe lapha ngaphezulu bamkhipha kudala okhethweni kodwa labo abasabayo ukuthi bazowa uma ephuma yena, bayawashintsha amavoti ngemva kokhetho. [Uhleko.] Nalapha eduze kwethu eSwatini, iNgonyama yoMswati, iphila kahle yona nabafazi bayo bonke kodwa abantu bayahlupheka, bayalamba. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
[Indeed, Chairperson, we know that Mugabe lost votes a long time ago, but those who fear that they will lose out if he steps down, change election results after the elections. [Laughter.] Even in Swaziland, King Mswati and his wives are living well, but the people are living in poverty, and they are starving.]
Even in our own beloved South Africa signs of the African trends have emerged. When Harold Macmillan made his "wind of change" tour through Africa, South Africa had the best infrastructure in all of Africa, but sadly during the past 17 years the South African government seems to have been hellbent on replicating the African example.
Zikuphi iindlela zethu? Azisekho, sekusele imigodi kwaphela kizo zoke iindlela esikhamba ngazo. Nawufuna ukukhamba kuhle kufanele ukhambe ngeendlela ezibhadelelwako, ukhambe ubhadela amatholigayidi indlela yoke. Zayaphi iintimela? (Translation of isiNdebele paragraph follows.)
[Where are our roads? They are no longer there; only potholes remain in all the roads that we travel on. If you want to travel safely you must use the roads which are paid for and then pay at the tollgates the whole way while travelling. What happened to the trains?]
All these have been allowed to go into disuse, but the good news is, that a fresh new wind is sweeping through Africa and people are waking up to reality. I want to call on the leaders of Africa therefore, and tell them that they have a clear duty to promote true democracy, education and health care throughout Africa. I call on the leaders represented in the Pan- African Parliament to make this their paramount objective.
Ngithi Halala, Afrika! Halala! [Kuphele isikhathi.] [Ihlombe.][I am saying, Bravo, Afrika! Bravo! [Time expired.] [Applause.]]
Hon Deputy Speaker, hon members and guests ...
... lehono ke Let?at?i la Afrika; leina leo re le filwego ke MaYuropa. Leina le re iphilego lona ke Alkhebulan. Re kgobokane Palamenteng ya Afrika- Borwa. Leina la naga ya rena le reilwe ke MaYuropa. Leina le re itheilego lona ke Azania. Palamente ya rena e dikologilwe ke dihlwadieme t?a banna le basadi ba MaYuropa. Ga go na le sehlwaseeme se tee sa ngwana wa thari ye ntsho. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[... today is Africa Day - a name given to us by the Europeans. We had named ourselves ``Alkhebulan''. We are gathered at the Parliament of South Africa. Our country has been named by the Europeans. We call ourselves ``Azania''. Our Parliament is surrounded by statues of European men and women; there is not a single statue of a black person.]
While we celebrate Africa Day, let us acknowledge the fact that there is very little in Africa that is worth celebrating. Facts and figures can attest to that.
Today, some 300 million Africans live on less that US$1 a day; there are only 32 doctors per 100 000 people in sub-Saharan Africa; today one in three Africans is malnourished; in the year 2000, 40% of government revenue in Africa was being allocated to service debt, totalling US$350 billion, to the detriment of health, education and other services.
The so-called First World nations allot about US$48 billion each year in foreign aid to Africa, while extracting US$178 billion in debt payments. They give with their left hand and steal with their right. Africa is a continent in great distress and only Africans can save Africa. For us, Pan- Africanism is a remedy to African social, political and economic ills. We, the Africanists believe in the oneness of Africa.
African unity is the gateway to Africa's spiritual renewal, economic advancement and scientific development. The monumental failures of new colonial African states have provided an urgent need for African unity. These colonial backyards, falsely calling themselves independent states, must come to an end and give way to a monolithic United States of Africa. [Time expired.]
Madam Deputy Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, hon Minister, Deputy Ministers and hon members, we have heard increasingly during the past few days how the Organisation of African Unity, the predecessor of the African Union, was born 48 years ago. We heard that the founding fathers of the OAU met in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to create the foundation for conditions of security, peace, stability, human rights, equality, and justice. And, most importantly, they met to promote brotherhood and sisterhood among the peoples of Africa. They were determined to promote understanding and solidarity among Africans.
I was encouraged to hear, over the radio this morning, young people discussing the significance and necessity of celebrating this day. I was also encouraged by the contributions made by listeners to the discussion. They linked the principles of the OAU Charter to the life that we are living as South Africans and as Africans.
A participant who stood out from the rest responded to the question, ``What is there to celebrate?'', by saying that issues about women and how they live their achievements, prospects, struggles and triumphs are no longer treated as an afterthought in African society. She continued by saying that we have women leaders - women leaders here in this House, women in business leadership, women in political leadership, etc. She said that for her, that was a good enough reason to celebrate. The person that has just left this podium must listen very carefully. Maybe that will help him improve his percentage of voters! Today, I stand here to say that for me too that is a good enough reason to celebrate.
It gives me a great sense of pride to be standing in front of you, acknowledging what has been achieved on the African continent. It is remarkable that all over Africa, from Botswana to Benin and from Ghana to Guinea, our fellow Africans are celebrating in a similar way to what we are doing in South Africa today. Also, the diaspora of Africans elsewhere are celebrating this day that signifies the unity of Africans.
While it is acknowledged that there is much to be celebrated, it is prudent to also bear in mind that there is still much work to be done, particularly regarding issues of women and their place in African society.
We all know that the negative impact of war and poverty is visited more significantly on women and girl children. Modern-day conflicts on the continent, for example, have exposed many women and girl children to harrowing experiences of violence, starvation and death. Many of them have found themselves living under subhuman conditions in refugee camps. Here at home we have spoken in this House about young girls who have been abducted by men who are supposed to be providers of care and who are supposed to support them. Elsewhere on the continent women in armed conflict situations are vulnerable to a greatly increased risk of violence, which results in physical and psychological trauma, and may lead to permanent disability and death.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that women and children comprise 70% to 80% of the world's refugee and internally displaced population. In flight, they are often violated by armed groups, civilians or even peacekeepers. These atrocities are happening to those members of society who are the building blocks of a nation and its pulse. They symbolise the state of society and of economic health and development.
We ask ourselves the question: Where do we as the House start dealing with these problems, and how do we put all the ideas we have into practice? I suggest that the first step is to recognise that the problems and strife of my fellow Africans are mine; to pay attention to the history of the continent and its struggle to free itself from slavery; and to boldly and proudly identify ourselves as Africans - in pain and happiness, fortune and misfortune. Countless efforts have been made and mechanisms put in place on the continent and internationally to ensure that we succeed in doing this.
For example, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1325: General Women, Peace and Security on 31 October 2000. The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian responses and postconflict reconstruction.
The resolution stresses the importance of equal participation and the full involvement of women in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security. The resolution further urges all actors to increase the participation of women and incorporate gender perspectives in all United Nations peace and security efforts.
It also calls on all parties to conflicts to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse in situations of armed conflict.
Last weekend we were pleased to have here our former Deputy Speaker of this House, who is also the chairperson of the ANC - the giant movement. Umam' uBaleka is a former Deputy President of South Africa. The premier of the province also joined us, and about 25 members of this House attended the gathering of the so-called "Progressive Women's Movement".
I raise this because I could not write down all the things that we learnt from the women of Southern Sudan, Libya and the Congo. We showed them that the struggles in which our comrade leaders had been involved made it possible for us to be there that day, and that we felt we had to have Ministers and Deputy Ministers who were women, young lions. That is the struggle of South Africa and that is why today you cannot come and stand at this podium today and say that we have done nothing.
If Mr Mphahlele, as the leader of the PAC, wants to remember where he came from, he must remember that there was no housing for the poorest of the poor. Where I came from we did not have housing, and where I lived in South Africa we didn't have a policy on housing. If there was housing, it was for very few people. Today we drink clean water. Today we have incukuthu edongeni [electric light switches on our walls]. That is what my constituency people in Pondoland say when they are enjoying having electricity. Today we have social grants that black people in particular did not have.
The building blocks provided by the United Nations form a strong basis for all Africans, young and old, women and men, to become affected by the strife experienced by our fellow Africans and to be involved in the process of restoring their dignity and providing for a peaceful existence. As Parliament, this is a tool that can inform our involvement in assisting fellow Africans during conflicts and postconflict reconstruction.
I must share with members that on behalf of Parliament the Progressive Women's Movement agreed that we as South Africa had to champion this Resolution 1325. We took a decision that our Deputy Speaker should lead a task team that would champion this resolution, because we always take protocol into consideration when dealing with resolutions; we don't domesticate them and take them to the locals.
We agreed that we as the national Parliament would take the resolution and make inputs on it in the multiparty women's caucus programme when we visited our provinces, which have their own multiparty women's caucuses. We see that without the women from South Africa, there will be no change.
I encourage all Members of Parliament to teach our children about Africa Day, and to continue to strive for a peaceful Africa. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, hon members, Azapo joins the millions of Africans, both at home and in the diaspora, as we mark the 2011 Africa Day. We do so in memory of those who fought against settler colonialism, and the subjugation of Africans in their land of birth. We also do so in celebration of the decision that was taken to establish the Organisation of African Unity, the OAU.
Azapo congratulates those African countries that have moved a long way in addressing and correcting the evils that were brought about by colonialism.
Celebrating Africa Day should be a clear indication to our children that South Africa is an integral part of the African continent, and that our destiny is intrinsically linked to that of the people in other parts of the continent.
We as a country should therefore be worried that in this day and age we still have citizens who see other Africans as a problem. As we talk about African unity, we must be worried because there are many Africans who live under the constant threat of war. Many on the continent are looking to South Africa for solutions to some of the problems that continue to trouble the continent.
The people of Darfur do not understand how the successor of the Organisation of African Unity, the African Union, cannot deal decisively with the war in that part of Sudan. The Sahrawi people do not understand how other African countries can sit down with Morocco, when it continues to occupy their land. Many of us find it difficult to understand how South Africa can keep quiet when certain countries misuse UN Security Council Resolution 1973 which was meant to enforce a no-fly zone to kill civilians in Libya and try to push for regime change.
The words of the great Bob Marley still ring true today: "Africa Unite". Thank you.
Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Chairperson and hon members, across the African continent 25 May is an annual day on which its inhabitants reflect on significant accomplishments. It is a day on which we remember and pay tribute to those who have perished in the strife and continual struggle to bring peace to Africa, her nations and her children.
We condemn the violence and unjust actions inflicted on and suffered by those who live under the dictatorship rule of so many African leaders, who include Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe and Libya's Muammar Gaddafi. Gaddafi is especially condemned today for his country's callous role in the slaying of award-winning South African photojournalist Anton Hammerl in the Libyan desert on 5 April. The manner in which Mr Hammerl is alleged to have been killed is inhumane and unlawful.
I also wish to highlight the good leadership in Africa in countries where democracy and the will of the people prevail. We celebrate the efforts renowned South African leaders such as O R Tambo, Nelson Mandela, Robert Sobukwe, Albert Luthuli, Lillian Ngoyi, Ruth First and many others. They have been incredible examples of dignity and respect. Martin Luther King Jr once said, and I quote: "Morals cannot be legislated, but behaviour can be regulated."
In South Africa, on this Africa Day, it is a shame that Khoisan traditional leaders are still not recognised in the manner that they should be, and yet they were the first indigenous people of this country. Furthermore, they do not feature or share in the wealth of South Africa and Africa as a whole.
Our priority in Africa should be development and unity. How can we celebrate Africa Day when there is so much poverty, hunger and illiteracy? Africa needs to unite. Africa needs to rise up and feed and educate her children. Africa needs to live. Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Chairperson of the NCOP, Ministers, premiers and hon members, in commemoration of the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963 now the African Union Cope is proud to be part of this day on which we can celebrate African unity. [Interjections.]
We have an amazing continent with natural resources such as natural gas, diamonds, oil and gold. We have produced some of the best sportsmen worldwide and can boast our positive and friendly attitude in the face of adversity.
On the other hand, we are the second largest continent worldwide, but Africa is home to 32 out of 38 of the most highly indebted poor countries worldwide. According to Transparency International 2010, the majority of African countries fall between the ranks of 2.0 and 3.0 in corruption, with 0.0 being the most corrupt. Indeed, the African Union, including Nepad and the 53 member states, have major hurdles ahead of them regarding development, renewal and advancement in Africa.
We need credible leadership throughout Africa, leadership that will stand for justice and fight corruption in their governments. Without legitimate leadership, our dream of a better Africa will remain a pipe dream.
Crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide should not be tolerated among members of the African Union. Justice must be served. Conflict, HIV and Aids, curable disease, such as malaria and TB, poverty, climate change and lack of education contribute to the degeneration of our societies and cultures. Education is a primary factor in combating this degeneration. It is no longer acceptable to send our children abroad for them to contribute to other economies. Africans are capable of changing their future. We can turn Africa around by stimulating the economy through production, and by having good economic policy and a solid foundation of principles in business. The time for change is now.
Accountability and citizens activism are of the utmost importance in holding our leaders accountable. We must ensure that democracy governs this continent. Civil society, nongovernmental organisations, grass-roots movements and governmental organisations are all playing a more prominent role in Africa. Free media also contribute greatly to democracy and accountability. All these elements should be encouraged and not discouraged.
In conclusion, we will commemorate and celebrate the establishment of the African Union today. Let's not forget the task that lies ahead of us. The mandate is not only to establish a united Africa in terms of economics and politics, but also in terms of renewing our societies where some nations have been ravaged by conflict and poverty. Renewal is most needed within these recovering societies if we want to move forward as one united Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]
Deputy Speaker, hon members, Africa is becoming a continent of more and more young people. Our continent's population will increase from 800 million in 2000, to 1,4 billion by 2030. Relatively high population growth, as you will know, swells the ranks of the youngest parts of the population. By 2025, therefore, 23% of the world's people aged between 0 and 25 will be living in sub-Saharan Africa. One in four babies born worldwide will be born in Africa.
It is a population that will live largely in poverty-stricken urban areas. Africa's urban population is also predicted to double by 2025, with 50 cities having populations of more than one million each. In 2005, 166 million people were living in urban slums, which will increase as the proportion living in urban areas crosses the 50% threshold by 2025.
Our challenge is jointly to lift Africa's population with its recognisably changing characteristics - a young and urban population out of poverty. That is our challenge.
To meet this challenge requires an economic growth rate of about 8% per year over a sustained period of time. This is a considerable challenge, Minister Patel. Achieving an 8% growth rate in Africa is a considerable challenge. The continent has done well, registering a 4,7% growth rate between 2000 and 2006 up from 2,5% some five years before while East Asia was running at 8,6% and South Asia at 7%, but to get to 8% will take some doing.
A model of what needs to be done is India. Good economic policies there produced good outcomes, for they were able to sustain a 6% growth rate over the course of a decade, lifting a staggering 100 million poor Indians out of poverty. How did this happen? This happened by having courageous and determined political leadership that followed some very clear principles.
First of all, to generate growth with employment the Indian leadership understood that their nation needed to become better organised, more efficient and more competitive than others. To become better organised means the local government must be much better geared to providing basic services to all, especially to young people, including institutional and corporate citizens, in order to attract the long-term foreign direct investment needed to generate sustainable jobs.
To become more efficient means, for example, to note that it takes, on average, 12 Brazilian days to bring a product to export, In Australia it takes 8 days, and in South Africa it takes 30 days. The speed of customs clearance in Africa lags way behind the world standard set, by Singapore or Rotterdam for example. To become more competitive one has to have a higher productivity level. If you look at the United States of America, they have the highest productivity levels in the world. Working hours are long, public holidays are few half of what ours are skills levels are high and technological innovation rates are fast. In China there is admirable discipline and personal integrity in the nation's commitment to hard work. These are the facts.
Growth happens when countries make things others want to buy selling into a market. Entrepreneurs and not the state drive growth. The unremitting and consistent determination to implement and not just voice policy is vital. Can I repeat that? It is vital to implement policy, and not just to talk about it.
The state provides a suitable enabling environment, including sound fundamentals, such as balanced budgets, low inflation, policy, and appropriate regulatory mechanisms. Do not strangle the economy free the economy! Do not depend on aid invest in infrastructure. Africa has a monumental infrastructure deficit. Greg Mills, in his fantastic book, writes:
A 2009 study on African infrastructure, involving a partnership of [a number of key institutions], estimated that Africa needed 93 bn in annual spending to address its infrastructure backlog. The cost of Africa's ``infrastructure services'' was estimated as being twice that of elsewhere, causing all manner of problems for economic growth and human development.
Nearly half of the estimated $93 billion figure was for power alone.
To make this happen requires that the rule of law exist in order to enforce contracts. Professionalism, self-discipline and selflessness are aspirational virtues worth pursuing. A leadership accountable to a demanding citizenry is essential to good performance.
Africa needs to put its people to work. Africa also needs to put its children into quality schooling. We would agree with Gordon Brown that our commitment to quality education translates into the need to appoint another million teachers in Africa. There is nothing more fundamental than putting excellent teachers in the front of classrooms. There is nothing more fundamental than doing that. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Deputy Speaker, hon members of this House, I really appreciate being able to take part in this debate to mark Africa Day under the theme "African renewal, advancement and development".
Although we are a diverse people, varying in regard to colour, religion, belief, language, culture and gender, today we are united by the fact that we share a common identity as Africans. As such, we share a common destiny for which we must all work.
The theme for this year's Africa Day demands of us that we transcend our differences and unite for the renewal, advancement and development of our continent. It demands of us that we rise above political differences, embrace one another and work for the common good of the continent.
Importantly, it demands of us that we think about the people that have elected us, serve them and become their voices as they seek to live in a better environment, and enjoy better opportunities under the African sun. When our constituencies across the continent demand development, they are doing so because they know that they deserve a better deal. They are demanding what is, in fact, their right.
In 1986, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Right to Development as an inalienable human right. This means that each citizen of the world, or group of citizens, is entitled to participate in, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development.
Colonialism is the major contributor to underdevelopment on the continent. It is the source of disunity among our African people. Of course, we have had a calibre of African leaders who have perpetuated the ravages of colonialism by neglecting their duty towards the people.
As Africans we have asserted our right to lead our development and to solve conflicts that are the cause of instability on the continent. However, we have often been criticised for acceding to foreign nations in order to solve our problems when instability sets in. We need to guard against this by strengthening our institutions.
On the other hand, while conflicts still form part of the challenges facing the continent, there is no denying that Africa is rising again. The Economist recently confirmed that Africa is beginning to shine. The news magazine reported that six of the top fastest growing countries worldwide between 2001 and 2010 were in Africa, led by Angola with 11% growth in annual gross domestic product.
Members in this Chamber know that in international forums South Africa is regarded as a shining example of democracy. It is a "stirring giant", to quote from an edition of The Economist which was published in June 2010 on the eve of the first Fifa World Cup in Africa, here in our country, South Africa, that we love and that is the best. [Applause.]
These are encouraging observations, especially given that at the turn of this century we declared the 21st century the African century. You don't stop celebrating in your family and your own country because you have problems; you celebrate even if there are challenges in your family or your country. [Applause.] You don't wait and say you will solve all the problems but forget about the good things that you have achieved in your family or your country. I think we need to be very, very careful in what we say when we stand here and debate, and talk to our people that have placed us in the positions we are in today. [Applause.]
During his visit to Ghana in 2009, the president of the United States of America Barack Obama, called on Africa to put democracy and good governance at the front and centre of its future. He reminded us that Africa does not need strong men, but Africa needs strong institutions. One of the things we have to bear in mind and make sure happens is that our institutions, such as this Parliament, are very strong. Our chapter 9 institutions must be very strong. I don't know what they call them in other countries. Our government must be very strong, as must all governments on the continent, in order for us to progress and make the lives of our people better.
In the area of good governance we have, for example, the African Peer Review Mechanism, the APRM, which is one of the most ambitious and innovative governance exercises. It provides important opportunities for public policy dialogue. Its approach is unique in both scope and breadth and it takes a comprehensive view of all the aspects of a country's governance system. It provides for a new participatory process that identifies governance deficiencies and verifies the adoption, consolidation and prescription of appropriate policies for the achievement of socioeconomic and political objectives. These are the mechanisms that we have put in place.
Let's not just talk about the challenges, but let's also talk about what we can do to resolve the challenges. In the governing of a country this means that you don't just point out the failures, but that you also point out what can be done to correct the things that hinder progress in any country or on any continent. [Applause.]
Currently, 30 countries have voluntarily acceded to the APRM by signing the memorandum of understanding. South Africa was one of the first countries to do this. This APRM membership represents 76% of the African population. However, despite its novelty, the mechanism still has some challenges that must be dealt with, such as the slow pace in implementation at both the national and continental levels.
In 2007, the African Union adopted the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The charter commits member states to upholding the values of good governance and democracy, and stresses their critical role in the development of the continent. There is no doubt that democratisation and democratic consolidation are major components of Africa's shared values.
We also note the progress, albeit slow, with regard to the integration of the continent, as required by the treaty establishing the African Economic Community, that is, the Abuja Treaty. What we need to be careful about, though, are the challenges that result from the many trading blocs or regional economic communities, Recs, that we currently have.
There is also the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, an African programme for overcoming marginalisation and poverty on the continent. It emphasises regional co-operation and integration, and is premised on African states, making commitments to good governance, democracy and human rights, while endeavouring to prevent and resolve situations of conflict and instability on the continent.
This year is characterised by an unprecedented number of elections on the continent: 27 in total. In some cases, though, instead of elections, serving as the necessary and appropriate instruments for peaceful transformation, they have sparked deep crisis and conflicts that have left their societies deeply fractured. Elections are not the panacea for deficient democratic institutions and practices. To quote the 2011 World Development Report: "Democratization does not start or end with elections."
This is one of the areas that we as Africans must improve substantially. One way of doing this is by ratifying and implementing the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance that I have just spoken about South Africa has ratified it, and I am happy about that. We must stop the debates and arguments that the systems in these not-so-democratic countries are forms of African democracy. That is wrong, as there are no different forms of democracy. Democracy takes one form and that is ``government of the people, by the people'' full stop! Nothing else! That's what democracy is.
While we reserve the right to take pride in our successes as a continent, we must also deal with hard issues. We need to look at the challenges of Africa today, and the strides we are making to fashion better solutions.
Some of the major challenges that we are faced with as a continent are current conflict situations, especially in the north. Some members have already mentioned this.
We cannot sit back, fold our arms and say that we are not going to help our brothers and sisters in those countries. We will stand up and do so. We know South Africa is very, very eager to get involved, and interested in doing so, in order to solve and resolve issues to assist our brothers and sisters on the continent. We are not going to get tired of doing that. We are going to continue to do it, because they are our brothers and sisters on the continent. We are not going to wait for somebody from outside to come to assist, and then wake up. We are going to try to assist ourselves.
It is commendable that there are programmes at AU level that deal with conflicts, such as the African Peace and Security Architecture, Apsa - not Absa, the bank which provides the continent with a guiding framework for preventing, managing and resolving conflicts, as well as for pursuing post- conflict reconstruction and development.
Nonetheless, additional efforts are needed to develop Apsa to its full capacity, especially with regard to the African Standby Force and the Continental Early Warning System. Both these components, within the overall framework of Apsa, are meant to play a major role in African Union peace efforts.
Those are the mechanisms that the African Union has put in place that people have to read about, to study, and to stand up and debate about in their parliaments in order to ensure that we implement all the international treaties and agreements that we have ratified in our parliaments. That's our job as Members of Parliament.
The Pan-African Parliament has also, in its own right, passed a number of resolutions dealing with conflicts on the continent. At the recent fourth session of the Second Parliament, which took place from 9 to 20 May 2011 in Midrand, the Pan-African Parliament resolved, as it has been doing, to send a fact-finding mission to Libya to gain first-hand information on the situation there. This is the decisiveness that we need, and not to rely solely on reports by the people.
One limitation of the PAP's effectiveness is its lack of legislative power. This limitation has resulted in its operating at the mercy of the AU executive, especially the African Union Commission. This is one area that must be corrected very soon, and it is indeed happening. The process of transforming the Pan-African Parliament into a legislative body is well on track. As members may know, the PAP currently has only consultative and advisory powers. But for it to be a true voice of the people of Africa, it must have legislative powers, as is typical of any parliament. As we speak, the AU is finalising the amendments to the PAP protocol to ensure that the PAP does have legislative powers.
All these initiatives and developments can only have a meaningful impact when fully supported by the international community and the various AU member states, individually and collectively. We the Parliament of South Africa must accelerate our efforts, as we have been doing, to facilitate the renewal, advancement and development of Africa.
We need to put all our efforts into ensuring that this century is indeed the African century, as we so proudly and courageously declared. The time has come for all of Africa to turn weapons that fuel conflicts, where there are still conflicts, into ploughshares for development. I thank you all. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
The Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly adjourned the Joint Sitting at 17:18.
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Looking ahead to the second decade of the new century, we are full