Before we proceed, I would like to recognise and welcome all the distinguished guests in the gallery, including the Minister of Foreign Affairs from Tibet: A warm welcome to you all. [Applause.]
Speaker, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, members of the media, comrades, and friends, today we have convened this esteemed House to mourn the tragic events of Thursday, 16 August 2012. Our country has been in mourning because of the incidents that took place in Marikana, Rustenburg, in the North West province. Remembering this day should teach us, as members of this House and as a nation as a whole, to work doubly hard to prevent a repeat of such events. It is our responsibility, both as individuals and as a nation, to ensure that it does not happen again.
The events of Thursday are tragic, because many people lost their lives in a manner that could have been avoided if all of us had adhered to the noble principles of our Constitution. As government and fellow citizens, we offer our sincere condolences to all families who have lost their loved ones, both on Thursday and in the days preceding Thursday's events. Our thoughts are also with those who are recovering in hospitals and clinics. Our thoughts are also with our police officers, who are at times called upon to intervene in difficult situations.
Painful moments like these force us to trace our steps back and recall the founding principles of our democratic order. The Constitution of the Republic, as adopted in 1996, is our lodestar in the execution of our duties. The Constitution guarantees rights and imposes responsibilities on the citizens of the Republic. Section 17 of the Constitution assures the citizens of the Republic "the right, peacefully and unarmed, to assemble, to demonstrate, to picket and to present petitions".
Section 205 of the Constitution speaks specifically to the South African Police Service and enjoins the members of the service to the following: to prevent, combat and investigate crime; to maintain public order; to protect and secure the inhabitants of the Republic and their property; and to uphold and enforce the law.
We have quoted from the Constitution so that we can remind the hon members of this august House and the public in general about the philosophical underpinning of our conduct. The police, as part of our security services, are expected at all material times to work guided by the Constitution of the Republic. The events of Thursday, 16 August 2012, were not a sudden eruption but a culmination of events that were building over months and months. The South African Police Service is saddened by the events that unfolded on that fateful day. The police did all in their power to avert such a situation. The loss of life among workers and members of our Police Service is tragic and regrettable.
Addressing the media on Friday evening, President Jacob Zuma said the following words, and I quote:
These events are not what we want to see or want to become accustomed to in a democracy that is bound by the rule of law and where we are creating a better life for all our people. We do not expect such incidents, particularly in a country where there is a high level of organisation within the labour movement. We have trade unions with many years of experience in organising workers within the framework of the labour laws of the country.
The President has subsequently announced that he will be appointing a judicial commission of inquiry, and we sincerely hope that this commission of inquiry will get to the bottom of what we are faced with as a nation. Furthermore, the President has also appointed an interministerial committee that will focus on the humanitarian aspects of the Marikana tragedy. The interministerial committee met yesterday and, in elaborating on the mandate given by President Zuma, decided upon a number of critical interventions as part of government's contribution to assist the families of those who lost their loved ones, as well as those injured and recuperating in hospitals.
Noting that President Zuma had already visited those injured in hospitals, the interministerial committee decided upon the following measures for immediate implementation: to visit the mortuary and give support to bereaved families; to meet various stakeholders, including traditional leaders, trade unions, mine management, religious leaders and community leaders. During the interaction with the mine management, the committee asked the management to act with restraint during this period of mourning.
In addition, the committee pledged that government will provide the affected communities with the following: the provision of state pathology to work with provincial authorities in finalising postmortem processes; the mobilisation of a contingent of health personnel, comprising military, municipal, provincial and national personnel, to provide any emergency services required during this period and beyond; the identification of the remaining six deceased persons; the provision of death certificates through dedicated counters established in the local Rustenburg Home Affairs offices; the provision of psychosocial support to members of the bereaved families and the injured through a dedicated team of social workers who will be stationed in the area while providing alternative care for orphans and children; the facilitation of the payment of necessary benefits to affected families; the provision of disaster management services in all major gatherings related to this tragedy; and co-ordination with other provinces from which some of the deceased originated.
Government Ministries and departments are on the ground, assisting families in identifying the deceased, organising funerals, and the like. The interministerial committee will brief the public on a daily basis around the unfolding events relating to this tragedy. Memorial services will be organised throughout the country on Thursday, led by the religious community of our country. These will take the shape of prayer meetings. The main service that will take place in Marikana will be organised by government, working together with the religious community.
As we indicated above, the Constitution of the Republic guarantees us the right to strike, to protest in a peaceful, orderly manner, and to express our dissatisfaction with anything. While all South Africans enjoy these rights, rights always come with responsibilities. However, the esteemed President of the Republic, President Zuma, said when addressing the media on Friday, and I quote:
We assure the South African people in particular that we remain fully committed to ensuring that this country remains a peaceful, stable, productive and thriving nation that is focused on improving the quality of life of all, especially the poor and the working class.
I further reiterate the call on leaders of all sectors of our society, including religious leaders, business leaders, labour leaders, traditional leaders, civic leaders, leaders of political parties and women and youth, to join the government in its efforts to unite the people in prayer and thoughts around this national tragedy and beyond. This is not a time for finger-pointing. All of us have a responsibility. We reiterate, our firm belief is that only by working together can we help the nation in the process of healing. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon members of this House, we demean our common humanity when we resort to violence. We debase our Constitution when we turn on one another in deadly clashes and we devalue human life when we snuff it out with such ease.
The past weeks have brought home the horrors of what we believed we had left behind with our apartheid past. The violent and dreadful crisis at the Lonmin Marikana mine in Rustenburg stirred in all of us memories of our traumatic past where black life and, in particular, African life, was so cheap and easily discarded.
The Lonmin tragedy speaks to the many ills which continue to plague mineworkers in the mining industry. In 1987 South Africa's longest and biggest strike took place where approximately 300 000 black miners in the gold and coal mines went on strike over wage and working conditions. The strike lasted for three weeks, costing the Chamber of Mines close to R250 million. In an attempt to break the strike, the Chamber of Mines retrenched approximately 50 000 workers. The mineworkers' strike was violent as 11 people died, 500 were injured and over 400 workers were arrested. The mineworkers' strike finally came to an end after an agreement was negotiated with the Chamber of Mines, outlining new working conditions and wage increases for mineworkers.
The early 1990s was an equally volatile period, with mine violence during the strikes and loss of lives. The first ever nationwide mining strike occurred in 2007 in protest against working conditions and safety in the country's mining industry. The strike impacted on over 240 000 workers in 60 of the nation's mines and the strike was spurred on by a rise in worker fatalities from 2006 to 2007, despite a government plan in October to reduce the fatalities.
Thus, the Lonmin tragedy must be seen in the context that the mainstay of the mines was and still is cheap labour, cheap black labour.
A typical day of a miner at Lonmin mine can be characterised as follows, and I quote Sipho Hlongwane from the Daily Maverick of 18 August 2012:
Every single day, the drill operators are expected to drill through 30 metres of rock. His allocation is 10 metres every shift. The tunnel is only about 1,3 metres tall, and so he has to squat and point the heavy drill into the rock and hold it as steady as he can as it thumps away. He does this for eight hours per shift in stifling heat, surrounded only by the din of the drill and the occasional presence of a shovel boy who shifts the broken rocks that pile at his feet.
The work takes a huge toll on the body and on the ears as well, for those who were there before hearing protection was introduced in 2008.
A study conducted by the Bench Marks Foundation culminated in a report titled "Communities in the Platinum Minefields", which was released last week, and which highlights the many challenges facing such mines. The foundation is an independent, nongovernmental organisation mandated by the churches to monitor the practices of multinational corporations to ensure that they respect human rights; that they operate in a way that protects the environment and do not externalise costs; that profit-making is not done at the expense of other interest groups; and that those negatively impacted upon are heard, protected and accommodated.
Regarding Lonmin's operations, some of the key problems highlighted by the report include: a high level of fatalities; very poor living conditions for workers; community demands for employment opportunities; and the impact of mining on commercial farming in the area. Almost a third of Lonmin's workforce is contracted labour and community demands for employment have led to protests and unrest. The company was also in a union dispute after which Lonmin dismissed 9 000 workers at the Marikana operations.
It is necessary to contextualise the situation of Lonmin, especially in light of the impending commission of inquiry instituted by hon President Zuma. It would be necessary and extremely important to examine all underlying socioeconomic reasons for the scale and depth of this tragedy and it should be broad enough to encompass all the variables that played such important roles in the escalation of the violence.
As a nation we have seen and heard many media reports, heard many voices, felt many emotions, and we require resolutions that are not a quick fix or merely a superficial bandaging of wounds. This inquiry must be able to give us a comprehensive understanding of how we descended into such anarchy and how we move forward.
Ours is not to apportion blame to the parties involved. But we should be worried that 18 years after achieving democracy and laying to rest the ghost of apartheid, we could so easily regress into possibly the worst tragedy since the end of apartheid. There have been local and global media reports trying to understand and make sense of this heartbreak. There have been the usual doomsayers, ready to write South Africa off as another statistic, and I quote one British journalist, Lindsay Johns, in the Daily Mail, who says:
South Africa is a nation in turmoil, perennially bedevilled by the psychological scars of its past and beset with a plethora of pressing socioeconomic problems which those in power have spectacularly failed to rectify. On balance, things do not augur well for the rainbow nation. The fears of a descent into internecine violence and even more bloodshed which plagued South Africa in its transitional, postapartheid phase were to some degree allayed, but now all of a sudden seem very real once again.
There are many others positing similar views. Here at home, the hon Wilmot James of the DA has already made a ruling on the situation just by his visit to Lonmin. He states, and I quote from Politicsweb, 20 August 2012:
Favours for the politically well-connected members of the National Union of Mineworkers, NUM, as well as the gruesome nature of the 10 murders earlier in the week, appear to have played a significant part in instigating the atrocities experienced at the mine last week.
Surely, we need a deeper analysis and a better informed diagnosis than his politically opportunistic comment. A party that does not understand the collective bargaining dispensation, calls for a more flexible labour market, defends labour brokering and demonises Cosatu, is too ill-informed to offer constructive solutions.
As South Africans, we acknowledge that the decades of apartheid divisiveness, the untold suffering, and the deprivation it wreaked upon the majority of our people, are still prevalent. We saw the evidence of its legacy in this past week's shocking and disturbing events at Marikana.
We are a country in mourning this week, as we remember the lives lost in this tragedy. What was a fight for a better wage in order to live a better life, took a desperate and catastrophic turn, resulting in 44 deaths. In an instant our country was plunged back into the dark years of our past and we saw the rainbow nation fast disappearing in the wake of such brutality.
If our history has taught us anything, it is that we are a people of negotiators, a people of forgiveness and a resilient people of peace.
Apartheid categorised us as a country with a violent and horrific past, which the whole world believed would descend into civil war. But we proved them wrong. They did not count on our leaders, skilled negotiators who believed that peace was the only way to achieve our goals. They did not count on the South African nation, a people - though fractured and wounded from decades-long discrimination, racism, downtrodden and broken in having every aspect of their lives degraded and dismissed - that rose to the challenge of compromise, accommodation and negotiating with the enemy to forge a new South Africa. That is who we are, survivors and peacemakers!
We are a generation that experienced at first hand the effects of peace, negotiation and forgiveness. No elected national leader has better reflected his influence than Nelson Mandela, the prototype of the leader whose influence comes not from military or economic might but from the power of ideals and the ability to capture the minds and hearts of people of all corners and colours of the universe.
In a speech in New Delhi in 2004, he stated that "peace and development are indivisible". He added, and I quote:
South Africa, the country that inspired the Mahatma and that was inspired by the Mahatma, chose a path of peace in the face of all the prophets of doom. We chose his path, the route of negotiation and compromise. And we hope that we honoured his memory. And in remembrance of that great tradition, others will follow. Human beings will always be able to find arguments for confrontation and no compromise. We humans are, however, the beings capable of reason, compassion and change.
There is no doubt that we are a violent society. The crime against humanity that was apartheid, which was inflicted on the masses for decades, has contributed to a certain numbness when we are confronted with the horrors of violence. We have tried to heal as a nation, but there are triggers which conceal how volatile certain aspects are. Despite this, we know that, just as our liberation was in our hands, so too is our democracy.
Our Constitution embodies the values of a just and caring society, including reconciliation and the creation of a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights; a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of all the people and a society in which all citizens are protected by the law; and improvement of the quality of life of all citizens and freeing the potential of each person.
What we have witnessed during the past week points to the fact that the process of social cohesion, nation-building and reconciliation remains under threat of the very real disparities between the rich and poor, black and white, women and men, rural and urban. These widening gaps between the haves and have-nots continue to undermine our reconciliation efforts and pose a great threat to nation-building.
As I conclude, I want to say that the National Planning Commission Report has identified many fault lines which are triggers derailing unity and stability in the country. They include inequality and unemployment. By addressing these fault lines, Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu declared, and I quote:
For unless houses replace the hovels and shacks in which most blacks continue to live, unless blacks gain access to clean water, electricity, affordable health care, decent education, good jobs and a safe environment things which the vast majority of whites have taken for granted for so long - we can just as well kiss reconciliation goodbye.
In this period of national mourning, we need to be able to call for cool heads, calm and national dialogue to prevail and to commit to ensuring that we never witness another Marikana tragedy again. We extend our deepest sympathies to the families, friends and colleagues of those who lost their lives.
Hon Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, we are pleased to hear that the National Interfaith Council of South Africa, Nicsa, adopted a resolution to establish a National Interfaith Relief Fund and to fast during this week of mourning, and to put the savings from this fast into the relief fund to support the good efforts that you are making to deal with the situation. We thank you very much for the good work done. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, hon members, we have come together united in sorrow by the terrible events of the past weeks. We are united in grieving for those who lost their lives. These are dark and harrowing times for the families and friends of those who are left behind. The DA wishes to associate itself with the condolences of the government and all the other parties in this House.
Sithi sengathi abalele bangalala ngokuthula. [We are saying, may the souls of the departed rest in peace.]
Our thoughts and prayers are with all those who have been affected by this tragedy. More simply put, we have all been affected and moved. Amidst the grief, this great nation will draw upon the resilience and determination which have guided us through many tragedies and difficult times before.
While this is not the hour for recriminations, it is the time for difficult and painful questions. The DA welcomes the President's promise to establish an independent judicial commission of inquiry into the Marikana tragedy. This tragedy could have and should have been prevented. Its escalation speaks of a lack of top-level leadership and of ministerial accountability. The judicial commission must therefore be established immediately, with precise terms of reference. It must not at any point be downgraded to an internal inquiry.
The commission must specifically establish who authorised the use of live ammunition on the striking workers, within the context of how the South African Police Service manages violent strikes. Whoever authorised the use of live ammunition must be held accountable. It must also be revealed on what intelligence, if any, the planning was conducted and if the National Police Commissioner, Riah Phiyega, exercised appropriate judgment and leadership. At what point did she intervene?
The commission must also carefully examine the conduct and the role of the Minister of Police, the hon Nathi Mthethwa. At what point did he intervene? In most democracies, a crisis of this magnitude would have immediately precipitated the resignation of the Minister, and in many cases, the fall of the government. The DA is concerned that no one in this government seems to be assuming political responsibility for this massacre.
We need accountability now. The Minister of Police, the secretaries-general of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu, and the National Union of Mineworkers, NUM, and the chief executive officer of Lonmin should carefully consider their positions, and in our view, offer their resignations. Their position is untenable.
The commission must uncover every factor and decision which led to this incident. Its work must be data-driven and not subject to political interference, sentiment or a misguided desire to make the findings appear more acceptable. The role of every actor - from the mineworker to the trade union leader, from the police officer to the board member of Lonmin and from the responsible government Minister to the President himself - must face fair and impartial scrutiny.
Although the searing images of this tragedy will remind us of Sharpeville and Boipatong, let us not forget that South Africa today is a different country. We are a constitutional democracy, guided not by terror but by the majesty of the rule of law. The rule of law must now be allowed to take its course unhindered.
This massacre did not take place in a vacuum. It was a long time in the making, and its many causes are well known. As a Parliament, we must face up to our own failure to hold the government and the safety and security agencies to account. We must ensure that a tragedy of this magnitude never happens again. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, Deputy President, fellow members of the House, I hope that in future the immensity of the responsibility we all carry in this House will never weigh as heavily as it does on my own shoulders today. Death is final and nothing can reverse it. Those who have been shot and killed are gone forever. As far as we are concerned in Cope, this was something that was avoidable, if only we had stuck to the provisions of our national Constitution and ensured daily that we didn't do what we thought we liked, but only did what was prescribed and agreed to when we wrote the Constitution.
Our Constitution clearly prescribes that there shall only be one police service, not a police force, in this country. The decision taken by the authors of our Constitution was guided by a long history of the experience of the majority of the people of this country, especially the ones with gutter skills.
In 1960, the police force of apartheid mowed down and destroyed the lives of 69 people in Sharpeville, and slaughtered other adults here in Langa, in Cape Town. Later on, in 1976, it also happened in Uitenhage, where babies, children, were slaughtered by the police force of apartheid, and so on and so on. So, when the authors of our Constitution declared that there will be a police service to deal with the citizens of the country, it was educated by that long experience of what it means to live with a police force amongst citizens. Yet, I cannot overlook the fact that the Constitution has been adopted.
On 1 April 2010, the present head of state introduced new ranks when he said that the police must become a police force and no longer be a police service. He did not amend the Constitution, but those words were pronounced and ranks of general and colonel - military ranks - were introduced.
I do not know what training was given to these people who did these things. Yet, I can recall now again with vivid clarity how these people, who are now in a police force with military ranks in Ficksburg, when protesters were only asking for water and electricity, shot point blank at Andries Tatane, whose life is gone now. I said at that time as well that it was the beginning and, that there was more to come. I am not proud that I said that but I could see the pattern of development.
So, what happened at Marikana last week? This police force had been interacting with the people there for days on end. Where was the executive? I did not see the Minister, labour or the police going there to intervene in a way one would have expected from men and women who have the responsibility to protect the lives of the ordinary citizens. What I saw next was a large number of mainly young black South Africans clad in bulletproof vests and armed with automatic machine rifles.
They were standing there, holding these things and facing the citizens. Irrespective of the number of the workers that were on strike and the weapons they were carrying, they could never have been a threat to those militarily armed people. Of course, I must ask a question, even if you are making a noise. [Interjections.]
Order, hon members. Order!
What authority, in this country in which the Constitution does not allow the death sentence, has the right to tell the police to shoot with live ammunition that was definitely going to take lives? Who is this authority? Was it the President, the Minister of Police or the commander? Who was this person who was above the Constitution, who had the authority to decide that the right to life would be suspended for a day and for a moment - and therefore, shoot? I didn't see water cannons, teargas or rubber bullets, but live ammunition was unleashed on the people.
So, this question must be answered: Who had the authority to waive the right to life and to mow down the number of people that were slaughtered on that day in Marikana? Where did we get the authority to change the titles of people to prepare these young people in a manner that could only have resulted in this outcome? So, we must also ask the question: How many of the striking workers had machine guns and how many even had handguns? How many live guns were used to shoot at these people?
Many of us have gone through those situations times without number and we thought that this Constitution that we have would prevent this from happening again, but now it has happened. And then the leadership says it is shocking. But who was leading? Who gave the orders? Where was the leadership to manage those things? What intelligence reports did the police have? When you arm those young people with machine guns, you must have knowledge of machine guns and that there are other things in there. What reports did the intelligence services provide before this command was given for these people to be shot and killed?
Of course, we have to go beyond that. One of the issues about that situation is the fact that there was clearly another violation of the Constitution, where the ruling party is allied to some of the trade unions that were involved there. The Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union, Popcru, is affiliated to Cosatu and therefore allied to the ruling party. The National Union of Mineworkers, NUM, is affiliated to Cosatu. Therefore, it is allied to the ruling party.
Why should the tax money of citizens who do not support the ruling party be used to pay the salaries of your members? Members of the Public Service in this country must cease to be allied to any political party. They can vote for any party they want to vote for, but they cannot formally or in that way be allies to you. And don't pay them with our tax money because we don't support you. Only those who support you must give their money to you and others must give it to us. You must accept that the teachers who are paid with the salaries of all of us, whether they support you or not, cannot be allied to you. You are breaking the Constitution.
Public servants are there for all of us. They are paid by all of us. Please let them serve all of us evenly because the question will arise, as it did yesterday when we were there: How can we be sure that this police force, allied to the NUM or affiliated to Cosatu, treats us with the same fairness as that with which it treats other workers? Go to any democracy in the world today. Where do you find public servants who are allied to a political party and paid with the tax money of all of the citizens of the country? We must look at ourselves again. The lives of our people have been lost here today. As we speak now, they will never come back to life.
So, we must say this: Was it by accident that Minister Shabangu, when she visited there - the Minister of all of us - decided that she would only meet with the NUM, but not with other unions, particularly the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu, which is heavily involved? Where is the Minister of the Amcu people? We saw the Minister of the NUM meet with NUM. But where is the Minister of Amcu? [Laughter.] So, how then can the workers believe that they are given fair and even-handed treatment by you? I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, while we condemn what has happened at Marikana, let us step back a bit and see what should have been done. The triangle, which is made up of the employer, employee and employee representative, does not work in this mine.
Firstly, the employer should have detected that a crisis was looming and instituted a programme to counter the problem before the workers went on strike. This is the reason that the mine employs human resource management. Therefore, the employers have failed the workers. The employer should have had a plan to engage and to continue to engage with workers while they had been on an unprotected strike for over two weeks. Why was this not done? This could have prevented the workers from resorting to violence.
Secondly, where were the employees' representatives when the employees were furious about their conditions of employment? Why did they not engage their members in order to establish what the workers were concerned about, if they were truly representatives of the workers? They have sold out the workers.
The last leg, Mr Speaker, of this triangle is the workers themselves.
Uma ngabe abasebenzi bebengabathembi abantu ababamele, babengalithathi ngani ithuba lokuthi bakhombe abantu abambalwa abangakwazi ukuyoxoxisana nabaqashi babo ukuze kuvinjelwe ukufa kwabantu kanye nenhlekelele engase yenzeke?
Uma abasebenzi babebona ukuthi le nhlekelele iyaqhubeka futhi ababathembi laba bantu ababakhetha njengezinyunyana zabo, babengayenzi ngani imizamo yokuthi bakuvimbele ukufa kwabantu? Babengenzi ngani ngayo yonke indlela abangakuvimbela ngayo? Umuntu uma esefile akasho lutho noma ningakhokha isigidi esisodwa ngomuntu oyedwa akusho lutho lokho ngoba usuke esehambile emhlabeni. (Translation of isiZulu paragraphs follows.)
[If the employees did not trust their representatives, why didn't they take the opportunity to appoint a few people who could negotiate with their employers on their behalf, thus avoiding the death of people and the tragedy that might happen?
If the employees realised that this tragedy was continuing, and that they did not trust these people whom they had elected as their union representatives, why didn't they do anything to avoid the death of these people? Why didn't they use every preventative measure at their disposal? It does not matter anymore to somebody who has died if you offer a payout of R1 million to each person.]
The IFP therefore finds these three groups at fault: the employer, the employee representatives - that is the trade unions - and the workers themselves. But the saddest part of this was when they called in the police - to do what? The workers who were not at work did not attack any of the management or disrupt their workplace except by withholding their labour.
Why were the police called to disperse the crowd? Is it not the duty of the employers to negotiate with employees at the workplace? It is not the duty of the police to negotiate on behalf of the management. Management knew full well that the police are trained to do a certain job. Why did management involve the police under these circumstances? On the other hand, why did the police agree to act on behalf of the employers instead of management doing their own job, doing their own dirty work?
Did the police who were sent to Marikana have the skills to negotiate on behalf of management? If not, what was expected of them in a volatile situation like that? Who gave the instructions for the police to kill, and why? Workers were not at their workplace; they were on a hill outside the mine. They were not a threat to this mine's management.
This is a tragedy, Mr Speaker. This was not supposed to happen and, out of the triangle drawn before, it seems that everybody has failed. People have died, including some members of the police. The IFP does not know how this country will learn to avoid these types of massacres, which happened in 1960, in 1976 and now in Marikana. Everyone involved in a massacre is a victim of this tragedy. Mine management must take most of the blame for this tragedy. They failed to realise that the workers wanted them to deal with issues that affected them every minute of their day, and they failed to engage workers fully. How dare the employer give an ultimatum to the workers that they should return to work when there are people still mourning their losses, when there are others still in hospital, and when there are others still in custody? The police are at fault, because they were used by the mine management to solve their problems instead of protecting both sides. I hope that the workers have now learned that negotiation is the key to success.
It is unfortunate that this culture of violence was brought to us by the armed struggle which, among other things, brought in the idea of making South Africa ungovernable. Whenever there have been ructions in municipalities, there is violence and destruction of property, like libraries and other facilities. It is a tragedy that we are not talking about it. This culture seems to be entrenched in our nation's psyche. We must do something to change that and remove this culture of violence from our psyche. We do not expect to be confronted with tragedies like Marikana.
On behalf of the IFP and my leader, we would like to convey our condolences to the families of all those who have lost their loved ones in the massacre and wish those who sustained injuries a speedy recovery. We hope that they will be consoled by the grace of God. Thank you, Speaker. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, this is indeed a tragic time in our country's history. I think every South African is trying to come to terms with what happened.
It is difficult to make sense of what is a complex issue. There were a multitude of failures on all sides. As a result, 44 people sacrificed their lives as a culmination of these failures. Hopefully, the commission of inquiry will precisely reveal each actor's culpability in this disaster, from the police to the unions, to the lack of leadership in government, to a mining company that shows no remorse and has proven to be completely incapable of containing the rising tensions at the mine.
There are so many dimensions to this tragedy, but I am only concerned with one dimension, and that is the human dimension. I am still haunted by the image of that woman with the baby on her back, searching desperately for her husband who never returned home. She explained that her husband's wages supported not only her but his brother, his grandmother and a number of children. Many lives have been shattered by this tragedy, and we as a nation need to hang our heads in shame, as this is not only a national disaster but a national embarrassment to our new democratic order.
Baie lewens is verpletter deur hierdie tragedie, en ons as 'n nasie moet ons hoofde in skaamte laat sak, want dit is nie net 'n nasionale ramp nie, maar 'n nasionale verleentheid vir ons nuwe demokrasie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Many lives have been shattered by this tragedy, and we as a nation need to hang our heads in shame, for this is not only a national disaster, but a national embarrassment to our new democratic order.]
Our collective psyche has been wounded and we must use this as an opportunity to ask some hard questions about our society as a whole. Some of those questions include whether the police are fully trained in methods to deal with situations where big crowds are involved, by using - and I would like to emphasise - water cannons, shields or rubber bullets, instead of live ammunition. Is it necessary to go on strike with knives, guns and pangas? Should it have reached the point where the police had to open fire and use strong-arm tactics, in line with the dangerous shoot-to-kill mentality? Do the unions in South Africa have too much power? Maybe they must stop trying to display power through membership. As a result, this happened.
As a nation, how do we respond to future strikes in our country, and will we ever learn from this? We need to recommit ourselves to the principles of nonviolence and the right to life and human dignity, as the incident has taught us how fragile life can be. We need to question our political systems. We need to question the police. We need to question our unions. We need to question our labour relations systems that could clearly not respond properly to this escalation in tensions.
I would also like to pass on my condolences to the families who have lost their loved ones. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, hon Deputy President, and hon members ...
Uyimamele le nkosi inguTerror mkhuluwa, iyabetha, iyabetha, iyabetha! Iyayivusa ingxongxo, itsho nale Ndlu yaphila. [Kwahlekwa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[Are you listening to the hon Terror, my big brother? He is really, really doing this thing! He is enlivening the debate and as such this House is now more attentive.] [Laughter.]
May the souls of the mineworkers who lost their lives last week in the Marikana massacre, rest in peace. To their families and friends, our hearts and prayers are with you during this time of grief.
Hon Minister Mthethwa, I disagree completely with the tactics that the SAPS used to disarm and disperse striking Lonmin mineworkers. Firstly, the police surrounded the place that the mineworkers had occupied with razor wire, and left only one exit. Interestingly, this one and only available exit point was where the heavily armed contingent of police had gathered to oversee what was supposed to be a peaceful dispersal of the gathering.
Secondly, the SAPS members then fired teargas at the workers, forcing them to run all over the place looking for an exit point. However, we are told that the police fired on them with live ammunition as some were running towards the exit. The police accused the workers of advancing towards them with intentions of attacking them, when it appears that the workers were only seeking a place of safety. According to the workers' version of events, this is what led to the brutal murder of 34 mineworkers last week in Marikana.
With these mistakes, one wonders whether a plan to ambush the workers had not been carefully crafted because, by running towards the exit, the workers seemed to have walked right into a police trap.
Sadly, however, Marikana massacre-type incidents are here to stay, unless we do away with the deployment of people with no professional police backgrounds to senior SAPS levels, to command juniors with military training. [Applause.] Perhaps it is time this House reviewed the mechanism of civilian oversight in the SAPS. Should we not confine civilian oversight to the office of the Minister, and let the experienced police personnel run the SAPS?
Another area of concern is the proximity of certain trade unions to the ruling party, and the deployment of ruling party senior individuals to the private sector, which compromised the Lonmin workers. For example, just a few hours before the Marikana shoot-out, the National Union of Mineworkers, NUM, the police and Lonmin reportedly held a meeting to discuss the situation, without involving the other union, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu. We should not lose sight of the fact that both NUM and Amcu workers have one thing in common - they demand a salary adjustment. Therefore, this House should closely monitor these salary negotiations, given the questionable involvement of the police in this labour dispute.
During the visit of parliamentary opposition parties yesterday to Marikana, what was more shocking was the extent of poverty in which the mineworkers live. It is ironic to see that the people responsible for extracting our country's mineral wealth live in conditions of squalor. We call on Lonmin mine's black economic empowerment, BEE, partners to approach their partners in the United Kingdom to do something about the plight of their mineworkers. What we saw there yesterday is completely unacceptable, especially when considering the fact that some of these BEE partners have impeccable struggle credentials.
In conclusion, the UDM supports President Zuma's decision to institute a commission of inquiry into the Marikana massacre. However, we believe that it should be a judicial commission of inquiry. The terms of reference for the commission should be broad enough to allow for investigation into investment schemes that trade unions offer mineworkers, among other things. Workers complain about monthly deductions from their salaries, to pay for investment schemes that never yield results for them. The question is: Who really benefits from them?
Finally, we also need to investigate the extent of the involvement of some trade union investment arms in the ownership and control of the same mine, which compromises the workers' struggles, as alleged by the workers.
Akuhlanga lungehlanga, thuthwini. Enkosi. [Please accept what has happened as fate; may you be consoled. Thank you.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Deputy Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon members, visitors in the gallery, we gather today in this House in a spirit of deep sadness and in an outpouring of condolences.
We are revisited, at least in some ways, with the same feelings of wretchedness that marked events in our many years of struggle. Such memories and emotions we could confidently have believed were confined to the past. But, no, even though we are nearly two decades into our freedom, they are with us today. We must deal with them. We must finally rid this land of them. Our freedom won makes us care deeply.
We weep together as we pause in the everyday course of our lives to solemnly remember those who died in such appalling scenes of tragedy as witnessed during the past few days.
The tragic events at Lonmin's Marikana mine, which reverberated through every corner of our country, shame us all. They drive us on to make amends, to review in utmost depth the happenings in our sector, to check any further outbreaks - indeed, to ensure that these things never happen again.
The events should refocus the collective mind of our nation on answers, not recriminations, on rationality, not rhetoric. We should refuse to be cowed into a state of mind where we accept the notion - popular in certain circles abroad - that we are nothing but a country at war with itself; far from it.
The African National Congress, the party to which I belong, has consistently and throughout its one hundred years stood on the side of natural justice and for the rights of those who, through the sweat of their brow, contribute to the wellbeing of us all.
Having spent countless hours either in meetings or consultations with the affected parties, I have come to understand the events that started from a wildcat strike by approximately 3 000 rock drillers on 10 August, a day after we celebrated National Women's Day. That day is a bittersweet reminder that mothers lost sons, wives lost husbands and the whole nation lost some of the cream of our legendary endeavours underground.
We have met with all stakeholders in the industry and it is clear that we will have to work together to tackle the many socioeconomic challenges in the mining industry. The action taken by the President to cut short his working visit to Maputo and return to the country, my observations on a visit to the mine on Friday, and the decision to set up the interministerial committee which spent the whole day at the mine yesterday, are testimony to the fact that government cares. It is because the government does care immensely about the plight of the affected families, including those of workers who are in hospital, that they were visited by the President, who clearly showed that he was gravely concerned.
We agree sincerely with the President's assertion that this tragedy should be a lesson to all of us. As a department, we furthermore support the commission of inquiry that the President announced and will fully co- operate with it.
So we boldly say in this House today, notwithstanding the shocking events, that we firmly remain a constitutional democracy underpinned by a stoical commitment to upholding the rule of law and protecting the rights enshrined in the Bill of Rights. As a mining jurisdiction we have maintained those principles and built mechanisms into our legislation that ensure the transformation and sustainable growth of the country.
We did this in 2004 when we introduced the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act. For the first time in the history of our country, we saw the recognition of the country's minerals as belonging to its people and the vesting of the custodianship of mineral resources in the state instead of individual ownership, as had been the case before. Those changes were introduced against the backdrop of ensuring that all South Africans benefit from the mineral resources of the country.
The new mineral dispensation also introduced socioeconomic responsibility to all holders of mining concessions through the introduction of the Mining Charter. Into this policy, a document with which all mining companies must comply, a social - referring to the communities - and labour plan has been incorporated. All mining companies who are holders of mining rights are required to develop and implement this plan as they engage in their respective mining ventures.
Essential undertakings have been prescribed for stakeholders to comply with in order to ensure an enabling environment for the transformation of the sector. These include human resources development, employment equity, mine community and rural development, housing and living conditions, procurement and ownership and joint ventures.
As part of the implementation of Mining Charter commitments, mining companies are expected to address housing and living conditions of mineworkers. Furthermore, single-sex hostels should be eradicated and informal settlements in mining communities should be addressed. These are some of the issues we as government and the ANC managed to put in place.
I must also say that it is the ANC that led the process of transformation in the mining industry and the leadership of the ANC was there. We have been there all the time. The difference between us and some of you is that we don't do it in public. We engage. That is not new to us; we do it all the time.
As a department, we are working to ensure that companies do comply and implement their transformation commitments. In this regard, the department is addressing, amongst others, the strengthening of compliance inspections in respect of the Mining Charter; strengthening capacity around social and labour plans project selection; and better integration of social and labour plans by numerous companies operating in the same area, for maximum impact.
It surely cannot be correct that mining communities such as those at Marikana and in other mining areas should see prosperity and conspicuous consumption by companies and mine bosses whilst they continue to experience poverty. The mines must redouble their efforts in the cause of good social and labour programmes to ensure that these happen.
We call on the entire mining industry to go beyond dealing with us as a mere regulator towards a situation where they themselves take the initiative to be highly visible and innovative in addressing the socioeconomic issues in the mines and surrounding communities. Transparency should be the order of the day. These communities can be the ones who do the actual peer review of the situation. If they are unhappy, the industry is equally so.
So, if we can all really work together, in a spirit of collaboration and fairness with minimum recrimination, we can use this tragedy to undo many of the wrong practices that still mark the mining sector. That will be a monument to the fallen at Marikana. We shall be able, in time, to look back with sad but steadfast memories, committed to bringing about harmony in the industry instead of strife.
So, we now need to reflect on what we are doing to ensure that these events do not happen again. The mining industry must work on developing practices which ensure that collective bargaining happens routinely in conditions of peaceful co-existence, but also informed by the current Labour Relations Act. I want to say that this country has a Labour Relations Act. We follow unions which we know are registered. We deal with everyone without excluding anyone.
Hon Lekota, we have never met with the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu. We were not aware of Amcu until the incidents which we saw recently. [Interjections.]
But you are the Minister!
Yes, if you are their representatives, you can do that. I am indeed the Minister of mining. We have been working with all stakeholders to make sure that we bring change to the mining industry. [Interjections.]
I must indicate that we will continue to interact with those who abide by the law. I must also indicate, Mr Lekota, that this government never calls soldiers to attack communities. During your era as the Minister of Defence, in Khutsong, you called soldiers to attack. You are the one who is more brutal than the ANC. [Applause.]
With the Minister of Labour we will closely look at the situation and continue to monitor in a way... [Interjections.] Shut up! [Interjections.] We will continue...
Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order: I submit that the use of the words "shut up" is unparliamentary and I ask you to ask the Minister to withdraw them.
It is unparliamentary, hon Minister.
I withdraw, but also, hon Deputy Speaker ... [Interjections.]
Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order: Will you please ask the hon Minister to also withdraw the reference to hon Lekota who, she said, sent his soldiers to attack people. That never happened. [Interjections.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, it was in this country. It is public knowledge. During his term as the Minister of Defence he went to the West Rand. It is public knowledge.
As an ANC Minister!
Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order: This is unfounded. I never sent soldiers to Khutsong to kill people. It never happened. Otherwise, it means that the ANC government instructed me to do so, and that is not true. [Interjections.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, I would just like to enlighten the House: I am a living witness to the events to which the hon Minister has referred. [Applause.] Former Minister Lekota did that; I was there with him. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Hon members ...
Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I do just want to say, if that is what the member says, then it is the African National Congress that did that. [Interjections.] If she says that - and I won't say it didn't- then I want to say that the ANC is the party in power, not the individual.
Hon Deputy Speaker, may I rise on a point of order?
No. I want us to continue with the debate of today, which is very important. Please! Can we allow the hon Minister to proceed? I am sure the other matter will be considered later.
Thank you, Deputy Speaker. As I have indicated, we will work closely with the Minister of Labour to deal with the issues of the trade unions that are organised in this sector, but also which are responsible and can also take responsibility for their actions.
A task team is being established to deal with issues such as ensuring that stakeholders have a common understanding of collective bargaining and other events; the importance of leadership on all sides in the industry; the need for security; the elimination of loopholes; and ensuring improved social and living conditions in mining areas as articulated in the Mining Charter. These are the essentials as we move forward.
Finally, I would like to make an appeal to this House: Let us share in our nation's collective grief, and not use this event as a way to score points. All members need to be ready to exercise restraint when it comes to rushing into judgment. Let's allow the President and the commission of inquiry to go out and ensure that it makes all the necessary findings. We must not try to mislead the nation. As we stand here today, we need to make sure that we bow our heads in recognition of all those who passed on, including the police officers who were unfortunately killed in this event.
No one wishes anyone to hold back on sincerely held views and factual and constructive criticism. We welcome that. But, with at least one formerly buoyant part of our mining industry facing onerous new challenges, it can be hoped that the net effect of comment will be to allow the inquiry to run its course without prejudgement, and to help secure and not damage our common future.
Once more, we welcome and we will support and co-operate with the commission of inquiry that has been called for by the President. I must also indicate that, as we deal with the House, we will continue to take leadership without fear, and lead from the front, and we will not, as the Department of Mineral Resources, on behalf of government, continue to heckle. We will find solutions that contribute towards creating a stable South Africa. We are committed to that. As we speak today, we will go back to the ground and work on the ground and not go there to score points and pose for TV cameras. We will do the actual work. Thank you.
Hon Deputy Speaker, can I just ask you... We wanted the Minister to complete her speech. Will you please look at the Hansard and then see exactly what the Minister alleged and then rule on that? If she has any information about Khutsong as to who were killed and whether there was an investigation, then we need all of that. If not, then she must withdraw it and apologise to this body. Thank you.
Deputy Speaker, the people of Marikana are bewildered in their anguish. Ten individuals were brutally murdered and thirty-four shot in cold blood. They need support so that they may heal. The people in Marikana live in fear. There are people there capable of great brutality.
The police, who should bring safety to all, are distrusted and even hated. Workers of Marikana labour in a broken environment. The system of labour relations needs reform so that everyone is included. There should no longer be two classes of workers - first-class and second-class workers.
Workers of Marikana live in an artificial environment. They are still migrant workers. We are defined by ubuntu's sociality and not by the cold alienation of male isolation.
Communities of Marikana live in division. The now nonracial bourgeoisie and the labour aristocracy are the new insiders. The migrant workers from the Eastern Cape, from KwaZulu-Natal and from Mozambique are the outsiders.
People of Marikana don't need your platitudes, hon Motshekga, they desire justice. They wish to live in safety. They ask merely for fairness and they want to be heard. Yesterday, over 12 000 people joined us for three hours, sitting in the unforgiving sun of the Highveld because they merely wanted to be understood and heard. They also wanted to be comforted.
We were told that workers were shot in the back. We went to visit a mine hospital and saw for ourselves that four workers had indeed been shot in the back. How do you shoot somebody in the back? That is the act of cowards. That is what happened at Sharpeville, where people were running away and were shot in the back. So, I want the Minister of Police to please explain how it is that the workers were shot in the back. Thank you.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY AND FISHERIES: Chairperson, in the normal power struggle between unions on the one side and employers, no one is supposed to die. When one person dies, it is abnormal and a crisis. When more than 40 people die, it is a massacre of unthinkable proportions, a catastrophe. Because of what happened at Lonmin's mine on 16 August, the name Marikana is echoing throughout the world and will be for many years to come.
As leader of the FF Plus, I want to convey my sympathy and condolences to the families of the miners who were killed, but also to the families of the security guards and policemen who were brutally murdered.
The question in a situation like this is: At what stage should maximum force be used, and when minimum? In my experience, the better the police force is trained, the less force is necessary to contain a difficult situation like this.
Volgens die huidige feite wat ons het, het die stakers met wapens op die polisie afgestorm. So 'n gewapende stormloop moes onafwendbaar eindig met f 'n slagting van die polisie f van die stakers. Die polisie het hulle Donderdagmiddag in 'n posisie bevind waar hulle min ander opsies gehad het.
Die dilemma is dat di drie minute se slagting nie in isolasie beoordeel kan word nie. Die vraag is: Hoe het die polisie en stakers, nadat die staking vir 'n week aan die gang was, in so 'n skaakmatposisie beland? Was die polisieonderhandelaars goed genoeg opgelei? Was die polisie se intelligensie goed genoeg? Wat was die rol en verskuilde agendas van die leiers en opstokers van die stakers? Was alle ander vreedsame metodes reeds uitgeput? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[According to the latest facts at our disposal, the strikers stormed the police with weapons. Such an armed charge inevitably had to end with a massacre of either the police or the strikers. On Thursday, the police found themselves in a position where they had few other options.
The dilemma is that this massacre that lasted for three minutes cannot be judged in isolation. The question is: How did the police and the strikers arrive at this checkmate position after a week of ongoing strikes? Were the negotiators for the police sufficiently trained? Was the police intelligence good enough? What were the role and hidden agendas of those who were leading and instigating the strikers? Had all other peaceful methods already been exhausted?]
The final question: Who is to blame for what happened?
I believe no role-player can be singled out. All the role-players share the guilt: firstly, the unions for the way in which they conducted their power struggle; secondly, the employers who colluded with the established unions, like the National Union of Mineworkers, NUM, to keep the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu, out and leave minority unions with no rights; thirdly, the police for allowing the situation to develop into such an uncontrollable state; fourthly, the union leaders for the violence they incited and allowed as part of this strike, similar to major strikes elsewhere in the past where they never forcefully condemned violence; and lastly, the government for their failure to keep unions accountable and to demand that unions exercise their power without the language of intimidation and without violence as a bargaining tool.
Let me give you examples. In 2006, the three-month security guards' strike, led by the South African Transport and Allied Workers' Union, ended with about 40 nonstriking workers killed during that strike. In Soweto, two guards who chose to defy the call to strike were kidnapped, beaten and flung from a moving train. The union leadership weakly condemned this, with no further action against union members.
Remember the public sector strike of 2010, when workers attacked patients and nurses in hospitals? And yearly, when municipal workers strike in Johannesburg or Cape Town, most people flee the city centre. Why? Because they know what is coming, a marauding and angry mob of workers with hostility and aggression, who destroy everything in front of them. In the end, the city centre resembles a wasteland of rotting food, trash and broken glass.
This violent theme has been present in every major strike during the last decade. As deaths and injuries mounted, the union leadership and government were mostly passive.
It is estimated that this year alone there have been about 400 violent protests around South Africa. Think about the attacks on foreign business people operating in poor neighbourhoods. These communities take out their frustrations on foreigners. They beat them. They stab them. They shoot them.
Violence has become the norm in South Africa. How does a society become as broken as this? Redi Tlhabi asks in the Sunday Times of 19 August 2012, and I quote:
How did we become such a brutal people? Our excuse cannot simply be that we have a violent past, when there are many other societies whose histories are littered with atrocities. Have we accepted that our violent history will also permeate our present and future?
Hoekom gebruik mense geweld? Omdat hulle glo dat hulle met geweld hulle eie posisie gaan verbeter en hulle opponent s'n gaan verswak. Wat is die feite? Eers later volg die verrassing dat almal na geweld in 'n slegter posisie is. Dit is wat by Marikana gebeur het. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Why do people resort to violence? Because they believe that through violence they will be able to improve their own position and weaken that of their opponents. What are the facts? Only afterwards does the surprise set in that everybody's position is actually worsened by the use of violence. This is what happened at Marikana.]
During the turbulent violence between Inkatha and the ANC in the 1990s, former President Mandela said, "Take your weapons, your knives and pangas, and throw them into the sea." Surely, sir, that should now be the message, 18 years into the new South Africa, in regard to labour disputes and how we handle these things. It cannot be done through violence as it is done at the moment. It was asking for a tragedy.
Once the reports are released, the unions, the police, the employers and government must act to ensure that this never, ever happens again. I thank you.
Deputy Speaker, Deputy President, hon members, yesterday I joined political leaders and representatives of other parties who visited Marikana to get a first-hand account from striking workers, members of the community, union bosses, the police and the Lonmin management of what really happened on Thursday last week, when 34 striking miners were killed by the police with semiautomatic rifles.
Before I give an account of what we saw and heard, I want to start by expressing, on behalf of the ACDP, our heartfelt condolences to the families of the 34 miners who died in the hail of bullets, the families of the two SAPS members who were hacked to death and the two mine security officers who were burnt in their patrol car. We also wish a speedy recovery to the 78 miners who were wounded during the violent confrontation with the police.
I have heard what the Chief Whip of the Majority Party said at the memorial service about two hours ago. He said we should not try to find out who was to blame for what happened. But I am going to do so for the purpose of our all learning from this tragedy and also ensuring that we do not repeat the mistakes that were made.
I believe the first group of people to share the blame should be the Lonmin management that has been very insensitive to the plight of its workers. The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu, leadership made allegations that management refused to meet with them to discuss their grievances after initially promising to do so. When we met with the management, later in the day, Amcu's allegations were confirmed when the executive vice president of Lonmin, responsible for human capital and external affairs, told our delegation that he wanted to talk to his workers and not to Amcu's President, Joseph Mathunjwa, because he said Mathunjwa was not working at the mine. The fact remains that Mathunjwa is Amcu's President and was mandated by his union to represent them in their talks with the management. Unfortunately, the management refused to talk to him.
This refusal, obviously, exacerbated the volatile situation and angered workers even more. I believe that if he and his delegation had been given a hearing, then the situation would either have been amicably resolved or prevented from ending in the massacre of 34 miners. I believe that it was also insensitive of management to give grieving workers who needed counselling an ultimatum.
The second to share the blame should be the Amcu leadership, who must plead guilty for allowing their members to carry dangerous weapons during the strike and also for allowing them to charge at the police. We can ask the question whether they did not anticipate that the police would not just sit back and watch while armed striking protesters were charging at them with pangas, spears and other dangerous weapons. Obviously, the police had to do something to protect themselves, even though we do not condone their method.
The third person is the sangoma that allegedly performed rituals with the miners; he should also take the blame for misleading angry workers into believing that his muthi [medicine.] could make them both invisible and invincible. [Applause.] Gullible miners lost their lives and 78 others were injured while the sangoma, who cashed in on their misplaced beliefs and vulnerability, is richer today. South Africans must be warned against sangomas that exploit their fears and make money out of their ignorance while promising them impossible things.
The fourth to share the blame should be the police. Their action on that day was also wrong and inappropriate. We want to know why the police were allowed to use live ammunition when they were ordered, by way of a memorandum in December last year, not to shoot at protesters with live ammunition. Before we left Marikana, we visited the wounded in the mine hospital. Of the protesters that were shot by the police on Thursday, three of them, that I personally saw, were shot in the back as they tried to escape. The question is: Why did the police shoot at protesters who were trying to run away from the bloody confrontation? We wonder how many of those who died were shot in the back. Only the commission of inquiry that the President spoke about will give us answers.
Finally, our prayer is that the Marikana incident will not polarise our nation, but will bring us closer to one another as we pray for the healing of broken hearts and all those who were injured during last week's tragic events. I thank you. [Applause.]
Madam Deputy Speaker, as a nation, we are in shock and still are unable to fully comprehend the horror of what we watched on television on Thursday. In a matter of moments, we were taken back to that dark time of our history no sane South African could ever wish to repeat. It was incomprehensible and inexcusable.
So we stand here today, in the aftermath, looking for answers. Thankfully, the President agreed to our request for a judicial commission of inquiry. This commission will find the answers the families and country need for closure. While this commission will find out where to apportion blame and eventual culpability, some issues are clear. Nothing justifies the excessive and tragic bloodshed, but nobody in all of this is innocent, especially not the police and definitely not the Minister of Police, who has for three years presided over and politically controlled the Police Service, which is gradually being militarised and is increasingly being turned into a force for state-sponsored and sanctioned violence against civilians.
The Minister must be held accountable for the Cele shoot-to-kill era, which he did nothing to stop and which we now had to see play out so graphically with, at last count, 44 dead. The Minister must be held accountable for the Mdluli era of crime intelligence, which has crippled the division and hollowed it out, rendering it ineffective to not only pre-empt but also properly respond to the events that transpired at Marikana last week. The Minister must be held accountable for sitting back like a lame duck whilst Cele reintroduced military ranks into the SAPS and, along with them, the culture of brute strength, strong men tactics and deadly force.
What happened last week speaks to two issues: the training of our SAPS and this militarisation of the service. Were the actions leading up to that fateful Thursday, when 34 men died, the actions of a well-trained police service? On Monday last week, possibly as the result of following orders, two officers died the most terrible deaths. Another colleague still fights for his life in hospital. And while they died, eight miners died - 10 dead - but the signs were not heeded.
The chaos that the whole world subsequently saw on Thursday was, the DA believes, a direct result of the pseudo-militarisation of the SAPS. The ANC now plans to demilitarise the SAPS again. It says this in the New National Development Plan. The sooner this happens the better.
This decision was supposed to bring back discipline to the ranks, yet what we witnessed was chaos. We saw police running in every direction, firing indiscriminately, and lines breaking down. They were police treating citizens as the enemy. This means we have, as a nation and under the leadership of this current Minister of Police, travelled full circle back to the militarised police who would shoot indiscriminately at a crowd of protesters, armed or not.
Those protesters may have been attempting to charge against impossible odds or they may have been running blindly away from the smoke of stun grenades which the SAPS had just fired into their midst. Where is the updated Public Order Policing Policy, Minister?
The next stage after our national grief will be anger and the search for a reason for all of this. We were shocked, grief-stricken and then angry when we watched Andries Tatane murdered in front of our eyes, shot with rubber bullets. Now we watched 34 people die in front of our eyes, shot with live bullets. It is against regulations to use live ammunition.
Unfortunately, on the same day as the President declared a week of national mourning, the new National Police Commissioner, Riah Phiyega, said that the police officers should not be sorry for the deaths of the protesters. She showed a gross lack of empathy at a time when the SAPS members needed a leader with an ironclad moral compass to assist them to make sense of this tragedy. One can only wonder what possessed her to make such a reckless comment as this when tensions were high, officers were dead, and the police were being referred to as serial killers by protesters. These comments should never have been allowed. The Minister, of course, said nothing.
No one should attempt to predetermine the outcome of the judicial commission of inquiry and above all else, and for the sake of our nation, all sides must express regret and apologies where due, and recognise the role they have played in the loss of life that occurred last week.
We have yet to experience the ramifications of this tragedy, which will come as surely as night follows day. Our reputation as a nation which could hold a peaceful Fifa World Cup is in tatters. Our economy will suffer. Our attraction to tourists fell the moment the first body hit the floor.
All of this because the Minister has for so long had his eyes and interests elsewhere. He is nothing but an empty suit. He must be held accountable because, instead of providing visionary leadership in a country in which society has seemingly normalised excessive violence, he has sat back, allowing populists to trample on our Constitution.
Speaker, on a point of order: I apologise because I would really love to honour this moment but I cannot sit back and listen to hon Kohler-Barnard calling hon Minister Mthethwa ``an empty suit''. I would like you to look at Hansard and respond because I do not think that is the correct way of referring to an hon Member of Parliament.
I will study Hansard, hon member, and come back to that issue.
The Minister is duty-bound to ensure that the Police Service does exactly that - serves and protects those who reside within our borders. Instead, the Minister's tenure has been marked by the return of an apartheid-era militarised and ranked police force which not only shoots to kill at the slightest provocation but is increasingly marked by a systemic and endemic culture of criminality and corruption.
The Minister has clearly failed, through his three-year-long track record of inaction and his political responsibility for casting our country into the depths of one of the greatest national crises of postapartheid South Africa. This Minister must go. He must resign, failing which the President must relieve him of his duties. Never again, Marikana! [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, hon members, first and foremost, the UCDP conveys its deepest condolences to the families and friends of the 44 people who were killed since the beginning of the Lonmin tragedy. What has happened is indeed tragic. Many had sacrificed and denied themselves to go to work at Lonmin.
Working in a mine has its own risks, but they took up the challenge for themselves and for their families. They understood the risks attached to mining but surely, neither the deceased men nor their families would have thought that they would meet their end at the hand of the police, who were supposed to be their protectors. This, of course, is neither the time for pointing fingers and allocating blame, nor the time to be defensive.
The nation is mourning. In our African culture, when a person dies, the family appoints a speaker who will relate the events that led to the death. The speaker must be painstakingly honest about the events that led to the death. As much as we must allocate blame, we must not do so in a negative manner, but we must be painstakingly honest about the events that led to this tragedy.
We must be painstakingly honest when addressing those whom we hold responsible for the killings. The Lonmin tragedy is not a natural disaster. There are a number of actions that could have been taken to prevent it, and whoever fell short in dispensing their responsibility leading to this, is responsible for the massacre. There are many questions to be asked, and we hope that the mooted judicial commission of inquiry will ask and find answers to the questions. Similarly, there are many observations and innuendos to be made.
Relying on news reports, we hear defensive statements that police had no other choice but to shoot as the crowd started shooting first. Two guns were reportedly confiscated from the dead miners. The question is whether trained police officers can ever be justified for killing 35 miners because two amongst them had guns. Surely, we can do better than condoning this. There are more efficient ways of controlling crowds through the use of better protective equipment like barbed wire, tear gas and multiple water cannons, and so on.
We cannot accept that the police had no option but to shoot with live ammunition at protesters. The real reason that the police returned fire is because of the culture of violence in South Africa that is exacerbated by the police's attitude of protecting themselves before trying to protect civilians. This is a result of many things, including the shoot-to-kill call by the former Police Commissioner. It is in this light that we hold the Minister of Police responsible. His police force is ill-equipped for dealing with crowd control, yet we have seen many protests turning violent in South Africa.
If shooting with live ammunition at protesters is how they were trained to handle these situations, then we shall see more massacres at the hands of the police. South Africans are still reeling to come to terms with the Andries Tatane issue, and now this! Our Constitution, in section 92(2), states clearly that:
Members of the Cabinet are accountable collectively and individually to Parliament for the exercise of their powers and the performance of their functions.
If South Africa were the democracy it is said to be, the Minister of Police would have resigned last week. In real democracies, if officials fail, Ministers resign. We have seen this in Great Britain when Ellen Morris, the then Secretary of Education, resigned because examinations of A-level exam papers were not properly marked.
Certainly, the miners are not innocent in this tragedy. The UCDP believes that miners had every right to protest against the meagre income they receive. Four thousand rand a month is an insult compared to the difficult conditions under which they work. However, what right did they have to carry weapons, traditional or otherwise, while striking? Obviously, when they put their tools down, the mine bosses would have had time to listen to them.
Against whom did they intend using the weapons they carried? What gives striking workers the right to undermine the rule of law? This has been going on for a while, but the ruling party turns a blind eye to it because they nurse their tripartite relations more than they nurse constitutional obligations and the rule of law.
I am not a fan of the SACP, hon Ndzimande, but on the question of indecisiveness by the leadership in government, we in the UCDP could not agree more with their North West Secretary when he said, and I quote: As the SACP we want to state categorically that it should not have been allowed until when death rises for law enforcement agencies and the nation's leadership ...
... to take action.
For that, I salute the SACP. We regret the loss of lives and hope all parties have learnt a lesson from this unfortunate situation. We plead that we should all march forward in unison as we observe the period of mourning as announced by the President. Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, I stand here today with a very heavy heart, as I contemplate how our hard-won freedom from oppression could have dealt this young democracy such a cruel blow. I would like to join my fellow hon members in extending my deepest condolences to the families of those who lost their lives at Marikana.
Ga ba robale ka kgotso! [May their souls rest in preace.]
Thirty-four dead, 78 injured and 275 jailed mineworkers represent a tragedy of a magnitude never seen before in our new democracy. In the aftermath of this tragedy, we must try to understand how it is that such a seismic event could occur, and we should take active steps to ensure that it never happens again. We urge the leadership of the key parties - the National Union of Mineworkers, NUM, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu, the company, the Ministries of Mining and of Labour, and the Chamber of Mines - to work together to speedily find a mutually beneficial resolution to the conflict at the mine without any further loss of life.
As we mourn the tragic loss of life, the Labour Relations Amendment Bill sits before the Portfolio Committee on Labour. In the wake of Marikana, the end product of our efforts in amending the Labour Relations Act, LRA, must be good law that will enhance labour relations in the country.
As matters stand, it is our belief that the regulatory framework governing labour relations on mines such as the one at Marikana is fundamentally flawed. Skewed labour legislation has granted perverse powers to the majority share labour unions in collective bargaining agreements. The Labour Relations Act essentially provides incentives for closed-shop agreements. This effectively turns the marketplace for labour unions into a zero-sum game whereby members of representative unions get better jobs, as well as easier access to decision-making mechanisms, and, in the case of Lonmin, the ear of management.
The representative union in the case of Lonmin stands to gain at the very least R7,9 million per annum from members' fees collected across the three mines. Being a representative union is clearly a lucrative business.
The tragedy at Marikana has revealed the ugly consequences of such legislation, as widespread intimidation and violence have become a way of life on mines.
The reality on the ground is that the minority union interests are marginalised, as representative unions dominate proceedings and take all the spoils, to boot. The fact that violent protests have emerged as a result of competition between rival labour unions should come as no surprise. The playing fields were anything but level, to start with. In the case of Lonmin Mines, the NUM was holding all the cards.
If we are serious about putting an end to violent protests, then we simply have to change the labour relations landscape, as the current law has no institutional capacity to deal with these union rivalry challenges.
The recent Constitutional Court ruling, which holds unions liable for damages incurred during strikes, is a good first step. Unions must be held accountable for their actions. The rest will, of course, require strong leadership. Not the leadership, of course, that instructs the police to shoot-to-kill because, as I recall, Minister Shabangu, who was then the Deputy Minister of Police, was the first one to use that expression.
If it were in government, the DA would have the political will to make changes, and these changes would include the following: abandoning efforts to establish centralised bargaining in the platinum sector, instead opting for a mine-level promotional representation model; putting an end to closed- shop agreements; immediately including non-NUM unions with any representation in collective bargaining negotiations and other significant talks; instituting an amendment to section 64 of the LRA which requires unionised workers to complete a secret ballot to approve a strike before the union can go ahead with a strike; and supporting the amendment of section 69(1) of the LRA which states that only union members should be allowed to join a supporting picket.
If we are to have any hope of banishing violent protests such as those that we have witnessed at Marikana, this government will need to show strong leadership.
Political patronage is a luxury that we can no longer afford. Let this House commit today to tearing down the violence-inducing labour regulations that have set the stage for the death of so many workers. Regrettably, that will continue to happen until this... [Time expired.] Ga ba robale ka khut?o! [May their souls rest in peace!]
Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members and hon guests, the PAC joins the nation in mourning the tragedy which has befallen our motherland. The temptation is high to blame others for this tragedy. Honestly speaking, we are all to blame for the Marikana massacre.
Abe Mokoena is writing from Polokwane in The Star newspaper of today and he is telling the truth as it is. He said, and I quote: "Everybody in South Africa failed the martyrs of Marikana."
We are a nation united in mourning. Without mudslinging and blaming anyone, the PAC contends that there are four lessons to be drawn from the Marikana massacre. They are as follows: The first lesson is that the negotiated political settlement hailed locally and internationally as a miracle is fundamentally flawed. It delivered an empty shell of political power to the indigenous African people. The ownership of wealth is skewed in favour of the multinationals. Marikana is a sad reminder that economic justice cannot co-exist with democracy. This nation needs another round of negotiation on how to share the wealth of the country in a fair and just manner. Otherwise, we must brace ourselves for many more and bloodier Marikanas to come.
The second lesson is "violence begets violence." Marikana has exposed how violent our society is. Poverty, as we all know, is a form of violence against the poor. It is a structural violence that gives birth to violence by the poor people. The poor are not professionally trained to mete out violence.
What the police did in Marikana exposed them as untrained or ill-trained in dealing with volatile situations. Surely the police need some history lessons in their training manuals. They must know that the people they killed in Marikana are the legitimate owners of platinum. Yet, they don't enjoy the benefits thereof. The police must be taught that in the majority of cases, the people they call squatters and trespassers are the rightful owners of this land.
The third lesson, which is about the collusion between some labour movement leaders and the mining bosses, was clearly exposed by Marikana. This web of greed, double standards and double talk has let down the working men and women. In present-day South Africa, we are witnessing the bourgeoisification of the trade union's leadership. These class traitors are secretly plotting with the mine bosses against the exploited workers.
When the sun of truth finally rises in this troubled land, we will know who cheated the workers and who benefitted from that cheating because those who benefit from theft are as guilty as the thieves themselves.
The fourth lesson is that as representatives of the people, members of this House were passive as the clouds of discontent were threateningly gathering over Marikana. Yes, we are passive. We call ourselves an activist Parliament. I am afraid this is just cheap posturing. An activist Parliament has its finger on the pulse of the nation. We react to events instead of acting in time to avoid a disaster. We are fast becoming a reactionary Parliament. No wonder that when citizens have problems, they go to the Public Protector. No one thinks of going to Parliament when they are in trouble.
The onus rests on us all to restore the integrity of Parliament. Marikana could have been avoided if this Parliament was living up to its calling.
Ke tla ruma polelo ya ka ka le le rego: Mahloko meloko le metswalle ya bagologolo ba Marikana. Meokgo ya lena e tla phumolwa ke letsogo la nako. Mahloko magage?o! Ga di lebogwe. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[Let me conclude my speech by saying: We are conveying our condolences to the family and friends of those who lost their lives in Marikana. Your wounds will heal with time. We are saddened by this.]
Mr Speaker, the MF conveys its heartfelt condolences and messages of strength, courage and fortitude to all families and friends that lost their loved ones in the Marikana tragedy. May peace be upon all the deceased and, through the grace of God Almighty, may their souls rest in peace.
The MF welcomes the judicial commission of inquiry and we support the President. Today, indeed, I am reminded of the profound words of Madiba, who said:
There must never be any form of oppression ever again in our beautiful land, South Africa, and there must be peace and jobs for all.
Mahatma Gandhi once said:
Those who embark on a journey of goals with vengeance will make the whole world go blind. The MF urges all not to deviate from this cause and the teachings of our iconic leaders. We condemn any form of violence. We must indeed restore peace in our land and must ensure that the gap between the rich and the poor is undoubtedly addressed.
The days of how we operated in the past are over. There must be dispute resolutions put in place to resolve disputes and grievances. We must also ask the question: Why was the dispute resolution grievance not invoked? Who were the leaders that failed to invoke grievance procedures that resulted in the tragic loss of so many workers' lives? Everyone has the right to life. Those officials who took irresponsible decisions and made people engage in unlawful protest have to be dealt with in terms of the law.
The MF is concerned. Why do our police become trigger-happy when the interests of business are at stake? Are the lives of our people still being controlled by capitalism?
I also want to pledge as the MF that all those responsible for irresponsible decisions be thoroughly investigated. We distance ourselves from any insinuation and allegation that we are operating in the predemocracy and deny such allegation. Government has the right and responsibility to protect lives.
The honour of true leaders must be derived from fighting for the good of society and not from advancing a political or manipulative agenda.
When dealing with the poor and destitute it's better to let the mind work before the tongue, rather than letting the tongue work before the mind, making empty promises.
The MF cherishes the hope that there would never ever again be a tragedy like the Marikana massacre - ever again. Let the spirit of humility and brotherhood prevail against the evil forces. We pray that God Almighty will look over all of us with His protective shield as we continue to pray for the souls of the deceased to rest in peace.
Leaders need to seriously take heed of challenges to ensure that the violation of the rights of workers and citizens never be practised, so that the sociopolitical development and freedom of our country can be guaranteed. The challenge that we currently face in our country is the only fight that we fight for peace. And peace will always prevail over evil. I thank you.
Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President Motlanthe, hon members, guests in the gallery, the bereaved families and a nation in mourning, we watched in disbelief pictures of what happened in Marikana. The television pictures resemble a horror movie that should not be watched by people younger than 18 years or by sensitive viewers.
To say that we were shocked by what happened at Marikana would be the understatement of the decade. In our media release we characterised it as the mowing down of people by the police and we stand by what we said.
We have noted the intention by President Zuma to establish a judicial commission of inquiry and we hope that it will help the nation to know and understand what really happened. We hope the judicial commission will dig deep and help us understand the real causes of the tragedy.
The nation may want to understand relations that exist between the management of Lonmin and the different unions that exist and operate at Lonmin, including allegations that unions are treated differently and the perception that there are those that are favoured and those that are marginalised and victimised. I was part of the delegation of leaders of political parties that visited Marikana yesterday, and some of the allegations that were made by workers in this regard are shocking.
Hon Speaker, I must say that I take exception to insinuations that we had gone there to pose for pictures.
South Africa may also want to know why the police carried and used live ammunition on the day. Azapo is not insensitive to the dangers that the police face on a daily basis. They work under difficult conditions, and some of them work every day literally "in the valley of the shadow of death" in their work.
We acknowledge their right to protect themselves when they are under attack, and we understand the concept of proportionate force in dealing with different situations. Our initial reaction is that the force used was disproportionate to the danger that was faced on the day. What we saw reminded us of Sharpeville and 16 June 1976. If the police had used rubber bullets, for example, we would have had miners with sore buttocks, legs and thighs, instead of having 34 dead bodies.
I know that some may take exception to and offence at the comparison between Sharpeville and Marikana. We visited some of the injured workers in hospital, and the majority of those that we saw were clearly shot at from the back. So, it is reasonable to believe that they were shot while running away.
We want to know whether it is the duty of the police to drive workers to work. The information that we have is that the workers were congregating at a koppie, which is some distance from the plant. What would have happened if the police had kept their distance just to ensure that they did not cause any harm? We met with the management of Lonmin yesterday, and nowhere did they make allegations that the workers posed a danger to anybody.
We have made a call to the workers to come forward and repeat some of the allegations they made, including the allegations that some of the workers were shot while laying down with their hands up, pleading for mercy. [Interjections.] They also made startling allegations that some injured workers were fetched from the hospital, and they were later found dead in the bushes. We have also noted that the President has established a task team to deal with the humanitarian situation in Marikana. We want to understand why the hon Minister Shabangu held meetings with other stakeholders, but excluded the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu. Information from management is that Amcu is a recognised union with organisational rights although they do not meet the threshold to participate in collective bargaining. Azapo's view is that the Minister should have included them in her meeting, unless she had gone there for collective bargaining.
We have also pleaded with the management of Lonmin to extend a hand towards those leaders whose authority and influence are respected by the striking workers. We have cautioned against dogmatic and orthodox stances in dealing with this sensitive matter.
We are encouraged by the involvement of the churches there and we hope they will help in alleviating the problem. Azapo passes a motion of condolence to the families and communities that lost their loved ones. We believe that the killing of the 10 people was barbaric, and so was the killing of the 34 people. And we also say, God bless Africa, God bless South Africa, bless her children and give her peace. We also wish the injured people a speedy recovery. I thank you.
Mr Speaker, Comrade Deputy President of the country, comrades and hon members, I stand on behalf of the APC to pay tribute as well as to express our great sadness and deep regret over the disturbances in Marikana that led to the unnecessary death of about 44 people and the injury of many more.
This tragedy calls on us to honestly face up to our challenges as a nation. The illusion that the co-option of a few amongst us into the vampirish system will buy everlasting peace must be laid to rest. In the violence and deaths at Marikana, a mirror has been put in front of us as a country.
Only last week we were on this rostrum, each proclaiming our support for the National Development Plan, NDP. You see, the central plan or trajectory of the NDP is fighting poverty and inequality. Marikana exploded before the echo of our voices could fade. Marikana is the face of the theorised poverty and inequality.
The police officers, security guards and miners who died are all children of the working class, who should be in the same trenches fighting the system that exploits, brutalises and dehumanises them and their communities. What drives men with wives and children to act in such a desperate and anarchic manner, if not that life had become barely livable?
The mine bosses and their greed have seen the superexploitation of mineworkers from the advent of mining in our country to date. This injustice is also visible in communities around which these mines operate. We have seen sporadic protest and violence from poor communities, especially around the North West.
The APC therefore calls for this tragedy to be a wake-up call. It can't be business as usual if we want to see these deaths not being in vain.
I would like to take this opportunity to lay a few ghosts to rest: Firstly, the APC had nothing to do with the occurrences at Marikana, directly or indirectly; secondly, the APC has no relationship with Amcu, not that we would mind to give them political leadership or guidance under our umbrella; thirdly, yes, the APC has members in the Lonmin mine, Impala Platinum, and elsewhere, in Amcu, the NUM, and in Numsa; fourthly, yes, the APC has organised a mining summit for the marginalised communities with mines and mineworkers in the North West this coming Sunday. We have planned this after extensive work and seeing the need to unite the wretched of the earth, to fight this tripartite alliance of traditional leaders, corrupt leaders and mine bosses, at least in the North West. May the souls of the dear departed rest in peace. Thank you.
Speaker, how terrible! How terrible that in a democracy, we have to stand here and talk about the violent killing of 44 of our countrymen. It is incumbent on us to look into why this happened and to ensure that it never happens again!
I am sure I am not alone in wondering why we do not seem to have progressed as a country. When I heard the news of these shootings, I was catapulted back to 1985 when, as a young journalist, I first heard the news of the shootings at Langa, near Uitenhage. The police opened fire on a crowd of protesters. I still remember the shock in the voice of the first eyewitness who called through to Capital Radio News to report this event. Why is it that 27 years later we still seem to be repeating history?
Some have blamed Lonmin. Questions must be put to the mine management. The CEO was ill, and it seems nobody with sufficient authority or skills had been nominated to replace him. An already poisonous situation was made worse.
Hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party, of course, we must look at the socioeconomic circumstances. However, we must not use them as an excuse to duck the immediate and proximate causes. Amid the litany of failures last week, two stand out. One is a failure of our policing, and the second is the failure of our system of industrial relations.
Why are the police operating without a proper doctrine for crowd control? There have been at least 113 service delivery protests up until the end of July this year. How can we have police management that has not put proper crowd control doctrines in place? The answer, of course, is that when the ANC picks police chiefs, it does not choose them because they are good at policing, it chooses them because they are good at saying yes to the ANC. Any ability to understand policing is purely co-incidental.
One can feel for the police officers on the spot. They were underequipped, undertrained, badly led, and faced by a large number of people who seem to have been out for blood. Already two officers had been horribly killed. We can only imagine the mindset of their colleagues - nervous, perhaps, or vengeful. What, I wonder, was the mood of the police at Marikana? I hope the judicial inquiry will help us find out.
The DA understands the current labour dispensation only too well, hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party, which is why we pose the following question: Eighteen years after the advent of democracy, why are our industrial relations so violent? And this was not an isolated case! It is rather part of a pattern of violence that seems built into the system, particularly where the Congress of South African Trade Unions, Cosatu, unions are involved. But despite the violence, unions have never been accountable for the actions of their members. If we want different results, this must change.
Six years ago, for example, the strike by the Cosatu-affiliated South African Transport and Allied Workers Union, Satawu, led not to 40, but 69 deaths. To my knowledge, nobody has been prosecuted, much less convicted for those killings. The truth is that the violent template of our industrial relations system has been established by Cosatu. It has merely been replicated by the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, Amcu.
One of the big lessons that had to be learned by government in our stormy past was that, when it comes to industrial relations, you cannot just talk to your friends. So why has this government been so reluctant to talk to Amcu? How can the Minister not be aware of Amcu? The Minister should read the papers, or she should fire her advisors, because she is wasting our money by paying them. Anyway, I think she proves my point.
Perhaps she can tell us why she cancelled the scheduled meeting with Amcu last week. Was that on the advice of the Minister of Labour? Can the Minister assure this House that it was not as a result of instruction or advice from Cosatu?
When I suggested to the Portfolio Committee on Mineral Resources that we hear from Amcu some months ago, there was a metaphorical shrieking and jumping onto chairs. We were told that we could not meet them because they were not recognised. That reminded me of the previous regime. We have to change the way we do things, because if we do not, we will be back here again talking about more shootings, similar to the ones that happened at Marikana. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President, Ministers and members of the House, on Thursday 16 August 2012 South Africa was confronted by the images of the police and striking mineworkers in a bloody confrontation and was staggered by shock and sadness; a sadness further compounded by the news that 34 mineworkers were killed and 78 injured, bringing the total loss of life since the strike began to 44. This number also includes the two police officers who were killed.
Today we gather here to mourn all those deaths - the mineworkers, the police, the National Union of Mineworkers, NUM, shop stewards and mine security members. We want to convey our sincerest condolences to the families and loved ones of the deceased. We wish those who are still in hospital a speedy recovery.
Indeed, the country is in mourning. In a democratic South Africa, images of this nature are not the ones we would want and expect to see on our screens and broadcast throughout the world. In a democratic South Africa, there are mechanisms that were put in place to prevent such events from happening.
This is not the time for finger-pointing and for scoring political points written in the blood of those that lost their lives, as some are trying to do here today. It is a time when, as a nation, we need to seek the answers together. In this House, across party-political lines, we have a joint responsibility to ensure that we address shortcomings where they exist. Nobody can leave this situation without properly examining the reasons that led up to this tragic event. As a nation, we need to draw lessons from this tragedy. Collectively, as a nation, we must ensure that we never again witness such senseless loss of life.
We welcome the judicial commission of inquiry that was announced by the President. As a nation, we need the commission to provide us with the answers and an understanding of what exactly led to this situation. We need to fully understand what happened and why it happened. We would humbly request the President to ensure that the commission not only looks at what happened on the day, but also goes back in time to determine how we got into a situation so bad that the intervention of the SAPS was needed.
The commission needs to provide us with the answers to the difficult questions we are currently struggling with as a nation. Not only must the commission determine whether anybody should be held accountable for the loss of lives, but it should in fact assist us in determining why the democratic mechanisms that are in place to deal with issues like these did not work in this instance.
It is clear that this was not a normal protest. The underlying reasons why it was not a normal protest need to be established. If this becomes only about the police and their actions on that day, like some here today are trying to make it, it would be wrong and negligent. Yes, the commission needs to determine whether the SAPS acted within the confines of the law and whether they were justified in using deadly force. But we cannot and should not look at this in a one-dimensional manner. We need to look at all aspects.
It is about much more than just what happened on that day. We must remind ourselves that prior to that day, 10 people, including 2 police officers, security staff of the mine and the NUM shop stewards, were killed in the most brutal manner possible. We must determine whether enticement to violence took place. We need to find and bring to book those who were responsible for the death of others at the mine. The commission will have to direct us in such a way that we can learn from this tragedy, so that we never again, as a nation, see a repetition of what happened on that tragic Thursday.
We all need to give the judicial commission of inquiry the opportunity and the space to do its work and not prejudge its outcomes, as we saw here today. All parties involved should co-operate with the commission and provide the commission with evidence and information. We call on all media houses that have footage to submit it to the commission. The trade unions have already pledged their co-operation in the work of the commission and we are expecting the same from all role-players, including the South African Police Service, the mine management and any other body that might be called to provide information and evidence.
Once the commission's report is made public, as Parliament we will also have the responsibility to scrutinise that report. As portfolio committees, where it speaks about relevant departments and entities, we will have to engage in proper oversight on those aspects. As a Portfolio Committee on Police, we engaged with the SAPS on public order policing at the end of last year. We will do so again, at the opportune time.
We need to acknowledge that the increasingly violent nature of some of the protests throughout the country that the SAPS are confronted with, raises certain concerns. Amongst those concerns are whether we have enough SAPS officers adequately trained in public order policing, dealing with violent situations, as we have seen them.
Given the increasingly violent nature of some of these protests, is the equipment that they are currently using adequate, and can it stand up to the test? Is there enough equipment? Are there clear national instructions around public order policing? In the light of the violent nature of such protests, how do we deploy SAPS members throughout these incidents? There are also many other questions. Similarly, I am sure that other portfolio committees will have other issues that they want to interrogate; issues that can prevent situations like these from reoccurring.
Maybe this is a good time to remind Members of Parliament that six years ago in this Parliament we had a debate, following public hearings, on the conditions and wages of mineworkers. On that occasion, Parliament agreed to appoint a commission to further investigate the matter. Now, six years later, where do we stand in terms of the decision that was taken? We also need to do our oversight.
The investigation of the Independent Police Investigative Directorate, Ipid, is also supported. The Ipid is legally obliged to investigate all deaths as a result of police action, in terms of section 28 of the Independent Police Investigative Directorate. According to the directorate, this investigation will seek to determine whether or not the action taken by the police was proportionate to the threat posed by the striking miners.
As part of its oversight function, the portfolio committee will keep a close eye on this investigation and will receive a report on the outcome of the investigation, on its completion. We welcome the interministerial committee that was sent to Marikana by the President. We welcome the work that they are doing there and the role they are fulfilling on the ground in providing assistance to the families of the deceased.
We would like to ask the Minister of Police to ensure that trauma counselling and support are also given to the police members who were involved in the shooting. Let us not forget, like so many of us here today do, that they are human beings as well, and that the tragedy had a traumatic impact on them. We need to address that trauma through professional assistance.
This day and this debate will most probably go down in history as the one day where the media dealt with the issue before us in a more responsible manner than some members of this Parliament. Hon Lekota, maybe it is because the media was there as the situation developed. Hon Lekota, water cannons, teargas and rubber bullets were used. Why don't you wait for the commission of inquiry to conduct its work? Why is it that somebody who knows so much about this situation does not know what was said in the briefing and what was done before they started using live ammunition? It is the same hon Lekota who was quiet when his political allies in the Western Cape called for the South African Defence Force to be deployed in our residential areas on the Cape Flats. [Applause.]
Hon Ndlovu, you have touched on some of the important issues that need to be looked at by the commission. It is also important to remind you that just last week, in this House, the hon Ambrosini effectively called for labour unions to be crushed.
One thing that we can always do in this House is to rely on the hon Kohler- Barnard to try and score - I can't say cheap political points because at this stage they come at the cost of lives - political points, even on a solemn occasion like today.
On the one hand, they call for a commission of inquiry; they say it is a judicial commission of inquiry. They say we must wait for the outcome, but today in this House they have played investigator, pathologist, judge and executioner. [Applause.] It is sad that the bloodhound of the DA could not find five seconds in her speech to convey condolences to those people who lost their lives. [Interjections.]
Hon Speaker, on a point of order: The hon member referred to our hon member as a ``black hound''. I think that is unparliamentary and I ask her to withdraw it.
It was a ``bloodhound''. [Interjections.]
Speaker, ``bloodhound'' is still unparliamentary.
I will study the Hansard and come back with the ruling. Hon member, continue.
Crowd control and crowd control policies are in place. There is always room for improvement, and we need to look at that. We easily forget that the same police that dealt with the 2010 Soccer World Cup did crowd control there. However, we cannot ignore the fact that the police are confronted with protests which are not conducted within the confines of the law. I thank you. [Applause.]
Speaker, I think it would be important to remind one another that we are meeting here in this week, which has been declared a mourning week. Maybe some of us should have known that others would take this opportunity for very cheap politicking. [Interjections.] There is a serious matter here before us.
The first thing which we all need to say is that we condemn violence wholly, not partially. Whatever quarter it comes from, it has to be condemned. I think the Chief Whip of the Majority Party has raised an important issue on what to do going forward. We should all welcome the interfaith fund which he mentioned - the relief fund from the various religious bodies - because it clearly states that there are people in our society who are thinking about the future and what needs to be done going forward as a nation.
It has to be said to the Leader of the Opposition that, prior to Thursday, 16 August 2012, 10 people had been killed. Some were hacked and others were burnt in a gruesome manner. Some of their body parts were removed or interfered with. It has to be said, in this instance, that the role which was played by the two people who are referred to as izangoma should be condemned because they had lied to people and had said all sorts of things which did not exist. I hope that these things will be uncovered during the inquiry process.
I listened to the Leader of the Opposition, the hon Lindiwe Mazibuko. You were actually writing the terms of reference; perhaps what you were saying here would be a good suggestion to the judicial commission of inquiry.
To hon Lekota, who says that he didn't see water cannons, teargas, and rubber bullets, I really wonder what you saw, sir! For your own information, all these things you were enumerating here were there and were used. After you stood here, you were immediately contradicted by the hon Holomisa, who actually saw those things. They were there, sir. I mean, we can help to ensure that you really see them even after the event.
We know very well the difference between the police and the army, which is why - even though the hon Kohler-Barnard is economical with the truth - we and nobody else said that the methods that we are using have to change and, indeed, we had to amend the law which governed that. It was we who said that it was not advisable to deal with the socioeconomic issues of the people of Khayelitsha, Gugulethu, and Lavender Hills here in this province by bringing in the army because we knew what the consequences of such action would be.
Honestly speaking, you astounded me with your ignorance about how membership of trade unions works. Basically, people who work for trade unions get their salaries from the subscriptions of the membership, not from government. It surprises me, because you have been part of government. It's very important that we talk about these things.
To hon Holomisa, there was no plan from the police to ambush people. Policemen and women are workers like any other worker. They wake up in the morning and go to work; they don't plan to go to work and kill people. The hon Kohler-Barnard says that it was their decision that made the President suggest the commission of inquiry. That's not true and she knows it. When they made that suggestion, it had already been requested - first by the ANC and then the Ministry - that the President do that. Otherwise, what is outstanding in everything else she said is the fact that she is already giving evidence before the commission has sat! [Interjections.] She sees people who are wrong and says nothing about the role of the employer in this instance. Other people have commented on it, and it's very interesting. But otherwise, what she spoke were empty sounds of fury that really signify nothing. I don't think we need to go down that path.
Hon Lorimer, it's not true, sir, that Cosatu created violence in the labour situation in South Africa. This is the union that was established in response to the violent, undemocratic government of the time. Your ignorance of the historical evolution of our labour and capital relations in South Africa really needs to be assisted. It shows a lack of understanding of the relations in a capitalist mode of production and its effect on society. Some of the things which members have been raising are related directly to that. Ever since there was a question here, the Labour department did - even before the strike had started - offer itself to mediate in the process. You must do your own research on what happened then and who said no. It's the very people whom you think had nothing to do with this.
But most of the people have not been talking about the issue at hand. I think we all have to say that we have to regard this as one event on a learning curve. As a nation we must say that we are going forward and ask what it is that we have to offer in this regard. The Marikana people and people everywhere else in our country would want those answers - not cheap shots of a political nature. Thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
Motion agreed to, all members standing.