Hear, hear!
Ndigqibile [I am done]. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, President of the Republic of South Africa, Deputy President, Cabinet, colleagues, Deputy Ministers, hon members, fellow South Africans and friends, Mr President, there are many who have already described your 2013 state of the nation address as both honest in its assessment of our nation's progress in the 20 years of freedom, and as a useful basis for our plans going forward. As the ANC, we can't agree more.
On the occasion of this debate, therefore, we are presented with an opportunity to pause and go back to the basics; to take a step back and remind ourselves of the foundation that forms the basis of our task in building and sustaining the democratic state.
In conceptualising the national democratic revolution, the ANC recognised that the first challenge facing our society was the need to build a nation out of the divisions created by years of colonialisation, and sustained later through the system of apartheid.
The recognition that the racial and class stratification of our society has meant that South Africa entered into its democratic breakthrough in 1994 not as one nation. This might have resulted in a situation where that political breakthrough could represent different meanings to different sections of our society, hence the call for nation-building as a rallying point to unite our people and forge a common vision for South Africa. It is these basics that I want us to look back to in this debate.
Hon Speaker, as our country edges towards the third decade of freedom, the imperative for us as a nation is to build national consensus on what should constitute the absolute priorities for our country. This national consensus should be able to assist the country across political and other divides to unite on a minimum programme that transcends all sectors of our society.
In his address the President urged us to look at some of the essential priorities on which we can agree, including, and not limited to, issues of education, health, poverty and the safety of our children. He went on to present the National Development Plan as an embodiment of our shared set of objectives, a common vision for a different South Africa.
In line with this, we need to develop a programme of essentials on which we can agree. The National Development Plan commits us as a nation to accelerating progress, deepening democracy and building a more inclusive society. It calls on South Africans to translate political emancipation into economic wellbeing for all. Most importantly, it strongly asserts that it is up to all South Africans to fix the future by starting today.
The President reported in his address last week that the government has accepted the thrust of the National Development Plan and offers it as a basis on which we should unite as a country despite our political affiliations. He has called for a collective effort when he reminded us that no single force acting individually can achieve the objectives we have set for ourselves.
Hon members, over the past four years or so the departments constituting government's Justice Crime Prevention and Security cluster have engaged with the processes and made inputs into the development of the National Development Plan. As part of the cluster, the Department of Defence has had a unique opportunity and we were fortunate that the development of the National Development Plan, NDP, coincided with the process of the Defence Review, ensuring alignment between the two. The Defence Review, which was initiated by my predecessor, and which will be finalised by the end of the financial year, already positions the role of our Defence Force as a key national asset that can, without detriment to its primary functions, carry out directed actions to support national development. In this regard the Review also acknowledges that the inherent potential of the Defence Force to support national development can be realised almost automatically as a direct result of its normal peacetime activities.
It is, however, also important to understand South Africa's international defence obligations within the context of its support to development. The role of the military in supporting peace and stability on the continent is in line with our foreign policy objectives. These objectives recognise the fact that South Africa's own development cannot happen outside that of the continent and that our fortunes as a country are dependent on and linked to the success of the African story.
Situations of war and instability in any part of the continent are detrimental to effective development and as a result may pose a direct or indirect threat to South Africa's own national interest. As part of this national consensus it is important for all of us to understand and appreciate this principle and have consideration for the role played by our Defence Force in supporting peace and development on the continent.
Deputy Speaker, I am aware that recently there have been attempts to present this important role as unnecessary, wasteful and without benefit to South Africa. This assertion, in particular with regard to our engagements in the Mozambique Channel, the Central African Republic and most recently the troops' contribution to the Southern African Development Community's neutral force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has at times been deliberately misleading and dishonest. As unconventional as it is, I thought that I should use this opportunity of this debate to clarify some of these issues.
On Mali; in line with our commitment to democracy and stability on the continent, South Africa has on more than one occasion condemned the unconstitutional changes in government that took place in Mali in March 2012. We remain extremely concerned about the control exerted by the armed groups in northern Mali and their thwarted advance towards the south.
In particular, we have expressed concern at the senseless violation and destruction of the museums and other critical parts of the historical heritage sites. These included the holy shrines, infrastructure and manuscripts in Timbuktu, including the damage caused to the Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research. As South Africa, we welcome efforts made by Economic Community of West African States, Ecowas, together with the African Union, AU, and the United Nations in providing a platform for mediation to find a lasting political solution to the Mali crisis. South Africa was part of the donors' conference held in Addis Ababa in January, where we pledged to give support in whatever way we can. As a matter of record, South Africa will not be contributing any troops to the African-led International Support Mission to Mali, Afisma, as troops have been pledged by the Ecowas region.
On the Central African Republic - South Africa's engagement in this country is based on a Bilateral Defence Corporation Agreement and the AU Peace and Security Council resolutions on requiring member states to provide support for the socioeconomic recovery and the consolidation of peace and stability in the Central African Republic. In line with this, South Africa signed a Defence Co-operation with the Central African Republic, CAR, to assist in building the capacity of the CAR army. This military training assistance includes provision of equipment.
As we are all aware, towards the end of last year there were reports of rebel activity and military threats to depose the government of the CAR. In January this year, we extended the memorandum of understanding, MoU, for another 5 years and authorised the deployment of up to 400 soldiers as part of the military co-operation agreement.
The additional South African soldiers were sent to the CAR as protectors should the need arise for the 26 trainers to be defended. Of course, we had to ensure that the assets that we have in the Central African Republic are also protected and that they do not fall into the wrong hands and are used in the conflict that was developing in that country. We have since welcomed the deal reached between the president of that country and the rebels, who had sought to overthrow him, to create a coalition government.
On the insistence of South Africa, we have not moved out of the CAR because, amongst others, there has been a request by the UN representatives to that country, that countries that are on the ground in the Central African Republic should remain on the ground lest we see another Mali evolving.
On the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we have been actively involved on a bilateral as well as multilateral level in striving to bring peace and stability in the eastern DRC. In the multilateral fora South Africa at present continues to support the Monusco deployment in the DRC through the contribution of 1 250 forces.
Following the March 23 Movement, M23, rebel group takeover of Goma city in the eastern DRC on 20 November 2012, South Africa has been actively involved as a member state of the Southern African Development Community in finding a lasting solution for the situation in the DRC. A joint strategy was developed by the chiefs of the Defence Forces of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, ICGLR, and SADC proposed that an intervention force be sent to the eastern DRC. The AU is currently engaging the UN on the strategy and only following this engagement will it be implemented. Recent reports of South Africa having sent troops to go and fight in the DRC are therefore misplaced.
Should the strategy go ahead, South Africa will not be sending additional troops to the DRC. We have pledged to contribute a brigade to the intervention force by removing our current brigade from Monusco so as to serve under the intervention force. I, therefore, want to categorically reject recent allegations made in our local newspapers that we are endangering the lives of our troops by moving them to the intervention force.
It must also be mentioned that our troops have been deployed in the eastern DRC for a number of years and are familiar with the terrain and the forces on the ground. South Africa remains committed to finding a lasting political solution to the problems that result in the destabilisation of the DRC as a whole.
Hon Speaker, it is important that the Defence Force continues to be seen by all of us as an essential national asset that should be protected from political postulations or used to achieve sectarian political interest. All of us should give careful consideration to avoiding the dangerous temptation to play political football with issues of our Defence Force. Keep it free from the influences of varying and competing political interests. On our part, as government, we will continue to ensure that the primary functions of our Defence Force will remain those of deterrence, defence and the protection of key national interests.
In a similar vein, it is important for all of us, both within and outside government, to desist from the trend of viewing the Defence Force as merely a cost centre that consumes enormous resources without any substantial reciprocal benefits to the country, and for it to be seen for its true value to the nation and its national interest.
Informed by the requirements of the Defence Review, we will continue to engage with both the National Treasury and the Cabinet on the appropriate resourcing of the Defence Force. It is our view that given the centrality of the defence mandate to the development of our national interest in general, the state should ensure that the capabilities of our Defence Force are not compromised by rolling budget cuts to the detriment of South Africa's role and position in the geopolitical setup.
It is, however, also a key mandate of the Defence Force to create conditions of peace and stability so indispensable to economic development and the safety of citizens. We therefore, in line with the requirements of the Constitution, deploy its members in support of the SA Police Service, SAPS, when it is necessary.
The maintenance of law and order and the fight against crime still remains the central responsibility of the SA Police Service. Only in exceptional circumstances of a serious threat to law and order should the Defence Force be called upon to assist the police. It is important that all of us resist the temptation easily to call on the Defence Force to conduct normal policing work as this could easily gravitate us into a militarised state reminiscent of the perpetual state of mergency.
As experienced in the past, this kind of action has the potential to erode the public confidence and trust in the Defence Force; a situation that can have dire consequences for the stability of the country.
Madam Deputy Speaker, following Mr Nxesi's release of the report of the task team that investigated the process followed in effecting security upgrades at the President's residence, we decided to pay attention to those matters in the report in which the South African National Defence Force, SANDF, or the Department of Defence and Military Veterans played a direct role. We are of the view that those matters that are the subject of further investigation as recommended by the task team, including if any that involve the Department of Defence and Military Veterans, should continue to be dealt with through that process. It is important that this investigation continues unhindered in order to ensure that we can account to the South African public about the corrective measures that are being taken in cases where any wrongdoing is established.
From an operational point of view, we have reviewed the work done in relation to the support that the SANDF provides to the President and made the following observations. Firstly, a clinic facility has been built as part of the operational requirements of the presidential medical unit under SA Military Health Service, SAMHS. Secondly, a helipad facility has been erected for the specific operational requirements of the South African Air Force. Thirdly, accommodation units for the various members of the SANDF who are required to perform duties in support of the President have been built
This work and the costs associated with it is part of the operational requirements requested by various government departments involved in support of the President. The cost of these departmental requirements constituted the bulk of the total spend of R206 million on the project, calculated at over R135 million. In terms of the report the rest of the expenditure, just over R71 million, was accounted for as having been used for security upgrades as per the assessment of security agencies. These security requirements included physical security, evacuation systems and fire-fighting capabilities.
The investigation found no evidence that any of these funds were used to build the actual houses of the President, which were at completion level at the time of his appointment in 2009. This is very important, hon members. [Applause.] There has also been no evidence suggesting that the conclusion of the task team investigation was wrong except for general statements of painful accusation and baseless suspicion.
As I have indicated, the process of approval and procurement related to the operational requirements of departments, including the Department of Defence, will also be the subject of the same investigation announced by the Minister last month.
For now, it is our decision to increase the initial size of the medical facility in the residence to a bigger clinic outside given that the perimeter of the residence was wrong and miscalculated. [Interjections.] Listen so that you can understand what I'm saying. In this regard, having assessed both the location and the size of the clinic facility, it is our view that, save for minor adjustments, the clinic has adequate capacity to serve both the requirements of the Presidency whenever necessary, as well as provide a service for the community of Nkandla. [Applause.]
Discussions amongst the various role-players, including the KwaZulu-Natal department of health, have already started to put this decision into effect. It is also important for me to indicate that even with the pending investigation on these matters, government has already acknowledged lessons learnt from some of the mistakes reported by the task team.
I must, however, indicate in general terms that the burden of where the buck stops has meant, as far as politicians are concerned, that even in cases where you may not be directly responsible for certain matters associated with your work, you nevertheless are expected to take final responsibility. I have commented to some of my colleagues about the extent to which they personally get involved, or are aware of various work that is being done at their residences through the Department of Public Works.
It is common cause that works such as upgrades and general maintenance on properties, including costing and acquisition of contractors, is entirely under the direct care of Public Works officials at national and regional offices. The Minister is on record about his concerns regarding the weaknesses and levels of collusion that have resulted in inflation costs, and the poor financial controls in the department.
Speaking for all of us, including you, hon members who also live in state accommodation here in Cape Town, we can agree that none of us is ever consulted about the work done at any of our official residences where we live as well as the costs and the budgets associated with it ... [Interjections.]
Order, hon members! We want to hear the speaker, please.
... yet, should there be an enquiry about such costs, the impression is easily created that since money was spent on the property where you live, you are therefore somehow responsible.
At times, therefore, I have found it unfair and unreasonable, given our own experiences, that there are some amongst us here who find it strange if a politician living in such a house says that they have not been aware of the nature of the work and costs done at their residences by the relevant departments.
Hon members and colleagues, the responsibility entrusted to us as public representatives is too serious to be subjected to political whims and the usual temptations to gain advantage over one another. The attainment of freedom and democracy by our people, following decades of bitter struggle, was not just for a section of society, but a national achievement embraced by all of us.
Therefore, what is our leadership task in this House in sustaining such nationalism and pride that our people were denied for so long before? We yearned to be free. It was for this reason that our leaders before us convened across the political divide in 1955 at Kliptown and declared unity in action for a future society our people yearned for. That was their leadership task.
If we are to emulate the revolutionary maturity of those who drew up the Freedom Charter, the basis of our Constitution, then we should recognise that the task that history lays before us is that of uniting our people. If there is a common future for our people, then our task is to lead them on a common journey to such a future.
I thank you all.
Hon Speaker and Mr President, Shakespeare wrote:
The evil that men do lives after them. The good is oft interred with their bones; So let it be with Caesar.
Mongameli, njengoBrutus, andizelanga kuncoma, iimbongi zakho zanele kwelo cala. Ndifunde kule veki iphelileyo Mongameli, kwileta ebibhalwe nguGqirha uNtyintyane, kwiBusiness Day, ecebisa enye imbongi yakho uMphathiswa uThulas Nxesi, esithi ... (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[Mr President, just like Brutus, I am not here to sing praises, your praise- singers have done that more than enough that side. I have read last week in Business Day, hon President, the letter which was written by Dr Ntyintyane, advising one of your praise-singers, Minister Thulas Nxesi, saying ...]
It is fine if party apparatchiks choose to shine the President's shoes, but don't ask the electorate to help you.
Mr President, you should not misinterpret your re-election at Mangaung to mean that the electorate share this fawning adulation. Considering the challenges that face South Africans on a daily basis, you would do well to consider the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of the independent India. He said in 1947 ...
... mamela Mphathiswa ... [... listen, Minister ...]
Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future? ... That future is not one of ease or resting but incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges that we have so often taken. The service of India means the service of millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.
These words are apposite to the challenges that face your government today, as presented so eloquently by Minister Manuel just before me.
Regarding the poverty in rural areas, let me state unambiguously that the DA recognises the devastating impact of the Natives Land Act, Act 27 of 1913 and the Native Trust and Land Act, Act 18 of 1936. We acknowledge that the consequences of this legislated and systematic dispossession of black Africans' property and the expropriation of their dignity, self-respect and freedom have bequeathed the victims of this grand larceny with impoverishment and grave disadvantage.
This needs to be redressed, honourable President, much better than the ANC has done to date. Your latest promises, though, with regard to the reopening of the land claims process smack of ill-conceived and certainly unbudgeted political opportunism, especially in light of the failure of the land reform programme where the Minister involved, Minister Nkwinti, by his own admission says that 90% of these programmes have failed.
Mr President, you should know that the two ministers tasked with land and agrarian reform, Ministers Nkwinti and Joemat-Pettersson, have become renowned for tilting at windmills in a vain endeavour to find scapegoats for their own spectacular failure in this regard. The snail's pace of land reform and the related agricultural productivity decline has much less to do with willing-buyer, willing-seller than it has with the cost of recapitalising failed land reform initiatives and incompetent and corrupt officials.
Your public endorsement of the National Development Plan is positive. It has hopefully brought an end to your uncomfortable egg dance performed to the tune of Zwelinzima Vavi and your disagreeable lapdog, Blade Nzimande. [Laughter.] What remains for you to do is to ensure that your "mbongis" and their departments implement the plan. There is scepticism, though, and some say this is a classic case of the right plan and the wrong man.
Mr President, let me warn you not to count on Minister Chabane's Department of Monitoring and Evaluation to ensure that this happens.
Kuza kufuneka ikhokelwe nguwe Mongameli [You will have to guide this, hon President].
Rather than holding separate, secret and exclusive meetings with the various agricultural stakeholders, where government commitments and intentions are almost always ambiguous, you or your Deputy President should rather have called the agitators, who are the actual originators of the unprotected strike and thuggish behaviour in the Western Cape, and explained to Deputy Minister Marius Fransman, Tony Ehrenreich and their acolytes that the destabilisation of the agricultural sector will have catastrophic job loss consequences, and the net result will be an increase of costs to the entire value chain, which inevitably affects the poorest the worst.
Abantu abachitha umsebenzi, lutshaba lomntu wonke ohlutshwa yindlala. Aba bantu bachitha imisebenzi, amaKomanisi noCosatu, bachitha nje imisenzi yonke le mihla. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[People who are just messing around with jobs, they are the enemies of all the people who are suffering from poverty. These people, the Communists and Cosatu, are busy destroying jobs on a daily basis.]
Your undertakings about how you will deal with violent protests will only gain credibility if you investigate and prosecute the perpetrators of violence in the Western Cape farm worker strikes through the priority courts that you mentioned.
Sibone izolo ukuba iinkokeli zemibutho yokuhlala sezibanjiwe, zimangalelwe. Siza kubona ke ngoku ukuba ezaa nkokeli beziqhuba olu dushe apha eNtshona Kapa ziza kulandelwa kusini na. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[It has come to our attention only yesterday that the leaders of civil organisations are behind bars, they have been charged. We want to know what is going to happen to those leaders who initiated the strike here in the Western Cape, are they going to be investigated?]
Despite the Deputy President's assurances to the farmers and commercial agricultural organisations that government has a vested interest in farming being profitable, the self-styled Western Cape Robin Hood, Tony "Errant Strike", and his gang members continue to adopt the strategy that the Spanish philosopher Jos Ortega y Gasset classically described: "When there is a shortage of bread, they burn down the bakeries." They demand higher pay despite unemployment, destroy the means of production and employment and strike while the fruit which pays their wages rots on the trees and vines. In Spain, for example, workers demand lower pay and chant, "Shed wages, not jobs".
Kuba kaloku abazali baseSpain bayayazi ukuba baza kuhlala emakhaya xa kungekho misebenzi. [Parents in Spain know that when there is no work they will stay home.]
What is most galling in this regard is that Minister Joemat-Pettersson has adopted a shop steward mentality throughout the stand-off and has abused at least R10 million's worth of taxpayers' money to fan the flames of unrest, instead of seeking a speedy and mutually acceptable and sustainable resolution to save an already very precarious yet economically critical sector of our economy. The eastern seaboard of this country has some of the most fertile agricultural land endowed with good reliable rainfall. This area is also home to three former Bantustans: KwaZulu, Transkei and Ciskei. These areas and the millions of people who live there remain as disadvantaged, unproductive and dependent as they were during apartheid. The abominable KwaZulu-Natal Ingonyama Trust Act legislates that the citizens that live on its land, like those in the former Transkei and Ciskei are reduced to an extraconstitutional existence, where the basic and founding provisions espoused in Chapter 1 of our Constitution, are abrogated and remain a figment of the imagination of especially the women who live there.
Instead of entrenching the prejudicial inequalities experienced by millions of South African citizens living on communal land, why, Mr President, don't you start immediately to redress this by granting all people who live on communal land the ownership of their land? [Applause.] Why don't you give all beneficiaries of RDP houses freehold title to their homes? Why don't you ask hon Derek Hanekom why the people who farm in the Kat River area have gone bankrupt because they were waiting for their title deeds that he had promised them in 1995?
If economic empowerment and social emancipation is what you mean by providing a better life, you can do this one thing - simply remove the yoke of landlessness and state-designed dependency and the lives of millions of South Africans will start to improve. That is, Mr President, in the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, "If you are brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future." Ndiyabulela. [I thank you.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, honourable President, hon Deputy President and colleagues, in his 2012, state of the nation address, the President outlined the social and economic growth story of South Africa, which was about linking communities to small towns, from small towns to metropolitan areas and connecting provinces, as well as the movement of goods to facilitate economic transaction. This growth story recognised that we needed to change apartheid's development patterns, skewed as they were, towards a few but big cities and provinces.
In this regard, the 2012 state of the nation address recognised public sector spending as an important response to a shrinking global economy and sluggish domestic growth. Quite clearly, the 2012 state of the nation address was about outlining a new vision for inclusive growth and shared wealth, based on the progress of the previous 18 years of our democracy and the new socioeconomic challenges we faced as a nation in light of both the global economic recession, which had constrained our growth, as well as the persistent and pestilent challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality, which had continued stubbornly to dog our social transformation.
As you, Mr President, stated it, this year's state of the nation address was about reporting on the progress made since the 2012 state of the nation address, when you outlined the new vision and also to discuss our programme of action for 2013. It would have been total folly to present a new vision again in 2013 on top of the vision the President unveiled in 2012, which has only just started being implemented. [Applause.]
But, of course, the opposition wants us to be stuck on endless visions so that they turn around and ask the question: Where is the implementation? When you implement the vision, they then turn around again and ask: Why is there no new vision?
The infrastructure investment the President unveiled in 2012 is a moral imperative for South Africa given the multidimensional nature of our social and economic challenges. It is pivotal to shift gear towards intensifying the struggle for social and economic freedom as we begin to usher the second transition towards the national democratic society characterised by high levels of equality, all-round development and a better life for all.
The President's government has chosen a policy approach predicated on three core developmental values, which are: to increase the availability and widen the distribution of wealth and income in South Africa; to raise the social living standards through employment and enhance the material wellbeing of the majority, which will generate national self-esteem; and to expand the range of economic and social choices available to citizens. These core values are achieved through the provision of social and economic infrastructure investment to drive economic development and growth.
In the last 12 months, under the leadership of the President, through the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission, PICC, we launched the intergovernmental forums of the 18 strategic integrated projects.
We have seen that continued investment spending by public corporations and the broader public sector has contributed positively to the economic growth and development.
The key drivers are the ongoing public sector expenditure programmes, particularly the new transport infrastructure roll-out by Transnet, and new power generation capacity by Eskom.
The concrete progress that has been achieved as a result of the heightened co-ordination, integration and focus - to which the President referred in his address on Thursday - has been admirable and clearly demonstrating that the vision unveiled by the President last year is finding resonance in concrete practice.
Yet, the challenges ahead are mammoth, not least among which is the need to secure the future funding of the infrastructure programme, both through the fiscus and the balance sheets of state-owned companies, as well as through unlocking domestic and foreign direct investments just to make concrete reference to the infrastructure roll-out so as to make our people aware of the progress that has been made.
Firstly, the strategic integrated project one, SIP1, is aimed at unlocking the Northern Mineral Belt with Waterberg as the catalyst, and despite recent labour unrest challenges, the Medupi Power Station is 58% complete, with a total spend of R60,4 billion, a total of 15 837 jobs. The Mokolo Crocodile Water Augmentation Project is 30% complete, with a total spend of R526,1 million, 300 jobs created and most of the components of the dam have been manufactured in South Africa. This project will increase water delivery by 37% at the end of February 2013. The De Hoop Dam and Pipeline Project are 15% complete, with a total spend of R505 million and 400 jobs created. The Komati Water Scheme is over 60% complete, with a total spend to date of R807 million, with over 300 jobs created. The Majuba heavy-haul line will commence construction this year, as the President announced last Thursday.
Secondly, strategic integrated project two, SIP2, focuses on the Durban- Free State-Gauteng Logistics and Industrial Corridor; the new multiproduct fuel pipeline is on schedule, with the quantum spend on this project to date being Rl6,9 billion, with 2 490 jobs created. The procurement of rolling stock for general freight is at 73% completion, with a total spend to date of R2,7 billion and 159 jobs created. Fifty four per cent of local content on the manufacturing of locomotives has been secured and will strengthen Transnet engineering's manufacturing capabilities, contribute to job creation, skills development and the creation of downstream linkages.
A feasibility study and an environmental impact assessment on the Durban Port Terminal's Pier 1 upgrade will be completed in 2014, and R70 million has to date been spent on this project. The old Durban International Airport has been acquired and transferred to Transnet for the construction of the dug-out port. Cornubia, the first integrated human settlement, will deliver almost 24 320 housing units - 15 000 of whom will be subsidised - has seen total spend to date of R94 million and created 554 jobs.
Thirdly, strategic integrated project three, SIP3, the South-Eastern Node Corridor Development, the manganese ore rail to the Ngqura Project intended to increase rail capacity to increase the South African export of manganese from 5 to 16 million tons has not yet commenced, but is in its final planning stage. The manganese sinter plant in the Northern Cape reached cold commissioning stage in 2012. The Ngqura Port was officially opened by the President in 2012, with further investment earmarked for a fully fledged trans-shipment hub. The President has already reported on Mthatha Airport.
Fourthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project four, SIP4, the focus is on unlocking the economic opportunities in the North West province. The Taung Naledi Bulk Water plant is at 50% completion, with R272 million spent and 45 jobs created. Eskom has committed to an electrification programme of 20 000 houses. The government is revitalising the hospital, clinics and schools in the province. The S'hamba Sonke Road Repair Programme has seen Rl27 million spend to date, with a R892 million spend on the provincial road construction, and both projects are 20% complete.
Fifthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project five, SIP5, which is the Northern Cape Development Corridor, R682 million has thus far been spent on the procurement of locomotives and wagons, with 38% local content and 734 jobs created. The Sishen-Saldanha Phase 2 Rail and Port Expansion will commence in 2014 and current spend to date is Rl40 million.
Sixthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project six, SIP6, the integrated municipal infrastructure projects, 177 facilities have been revitalised in the Eastern Cape and the project spend to date is at 22%. Five facilities have been revitalised in the Free State and 166 in KwaZulu- Natal, 150 in Limpopo, 37 in Mpumalanga, 7 in the Northern Cape and 26 in the North West. The S'hamba Sonke Road Repair and Maintenance Project has thus far created 32 324 jobs, with a total spend to date of R2,5 billion.
Seventhly, with regard to the strategic integrated project seven, SIP7, the integrated urban space and public transport system, Johannesburg Rea Vaya has created 1 185 jobs, with a spend to date of R1,218 million. Cape Town's MyCiTi has created 635 jobs, with a spend of R2,923 million. The eThekwini has created 45 jobs, with a spend of R397 million. Nelson Mandela Bay has created 735 jobs, with a spend of R83 million. Rustenburg has created 141 jobs, with a spend of R34l million and Tshwane has created 49 jobs, with a spend of R262 million.
Eighthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project eight, SIP8, the green energy, the solar water heater roll-out has created 813 jobs, with a total spend of Rl,49 billion. The solar park to be located in the Northern Cape at an estimated cost of R150 billion is undergoing feasibility study. The construction has commenced on a number of Green Energy projects. The Cradock Ethanol Plant intended to produce 90 million litres of ethanol from sorghum and sugar beet as a feedstock has gone beyond feasibility study and will go into detailed design, followed by construction, in the second quarter of this year.
Ninthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project nine, SIP9, the electricity generation, Camden, Komati and Grootvlei have been completed and commissioned, whilst Kusile has resulted in about 11 000 jobs and is at 19% completion to date. The Ingula is at 58% completion and has resulted in 2 939 jobs and the total spend to date is Rl27 billion.
Tenthly, with regard to the strategic integrated project fifteen, SIP15, expanding access to information and communications technology, ICT, 798 schools and 26 Dinaledi Schools have been connected and R61 million have thus far been spent on the township and rural access to broadband and on e- government, school and health connectivity, creating 100 jobs.
Lastly, with regard to the Square Kilometre Array, SKA, a total of R23l million has been spent to date on this catalytic project, creating 177 jobs and achieving 93% local content.
The honourable President already reported last Thursday on the progress of some of these projects and some of my colleagues will further comment on progress of other projects. What have just been done was picking some examples of very detailed progress achieved in implementing these massive projects that Inkosi Buthelezi suggested won't be implemented in his lifetime. [Applause.]
On a point of correction, Baba uShenge, these projects are actually being implemented in your lifetime and I think you should applaud us for that. [Applause.]
As part of enhancing this co-ordination, integration and focus, we have submitted the Draft Infrastructure Development Bill to Parliament for public consultation and engagement by both Houses.
From the lessons that co-ordination, integration and focus are pivotal to infrastructure development and roll-out, two further lessons have been learned. Firstly, we must never cease building new infrastructure and planning future capacity so that we never have to build new capacity under pressure when the need is urgent. Secondly, we must properly maintain existing infrastructure so that we can ensure that it has a longer lifespan. Of paramount importance is that we cannot allow this massive investment programme to be impacted by the global economic slowdown or derailed by lack of funding. We need to find ways of strengthening the balance sheets of the state-owned companies in order to reignite the private sector investment and private equity required to drive our economy both now and in the future.
We have made significant strides in positioning our stateowned companies to drive a holistic economic growth and development process through the infrastructure investment programme. We have built significant capability both to plan ambitiously and rigorously to implement those plans.
With regard to the Rl billion port rebates announced by the President in 2012 in order to support and bolster our manufacturing sector, R796 million were claimed and Transnet remains committed to disbursing the full R1 billion discounts. We invite the private sector to take up these incentives.
Hon Speaker, this programme that was reported in detail is not simply about erecting cranes and lowering the cost of doing business, but it is, more importantly, about inclusive growth and shared wealth.
As compared to 2010, when infrastructure roll-out was taking place in inner cities, this time round we can see infrastructure roll-out even in rural areas, distributing the wealth, income, jobs and spreading the better life to all. [Applause.]
As we continue with the roll-out, the youth is going to be absorbed into employment and skills development programmes across the country in order to address their very urgent plight.
I would like to quote what the President said during the 2012 state of the nation address, that:
The massive infrastructure investment in infrastructure must leave more than just power stations, railway lines, dams and roads. It must industrialise the country, generate skills and boost much needed job creation.
With regard to skills, it is noteworthy that the skills development occupies a place of pride in the infrastructure roll-out and that state- owned companies have been training more artisans in the past year than they have done in many decades. This programme, hon President, is about getting South Africa working, growing and moving.
Joseph Stiglitz argued in his book The Price of Inequality, and I quote:
America's inequality, and that of many other countries, did not arise spontaneously from abstract market forces but was shaped and enhanced by politics. Politics is the battleground for fights over how to divide nation's economic pie. It is a battle that one per cent of the wealthiest Americans won. That isn't how it's supposed to be in a democracy.
Quite clearly, all over the world, people are realising the intricate link between the political and the economic system and the important fact that the political as well as economic systems need to be both fair and just.
Now, turning back to some of the issues that were raised earlier by some hon members, on your watch, Mr President, we have seen the National Health Insurance being promulgated and it is going to start to be piloted in over 500 schools, with 600 health professionals being trained for this programme. [Applause.] We thank the President for ensuring that being poor is no longer a death sentence. [Applause.]
On your watch, Mr President, the National Development Plan has been adopted. We now have a plan for the future and we know the type of South Africa our children will live in when we are gone. [Applause.] We have seen the largest infrastructure roll-out programme in the history of South Africa. [Applause.] Nobody, no matter how much they may want to lie about it, will deny the fact that this infrastructure project is a real game changer in terms of the socioeconomic situation of our people. [Applause.] In 2009, without pontificating, you introduced new HIV and Aids policies in this country - the largest in sub-Saharan Africa. [Applause.] Today, people living with HIV or Aids will have a real shot at long and productive lives.
Under your leadership, Mr President, we have seen greater focus on rural development and radical changes in land reform policies. The anger from some on our left emanates exactly from this fact that they were comfortable with the Natives Land Act of 1913 remaining intact in South Africa. [Applause.] We have also seen for the first time a woman, one of the best among South African women, who could occupy any office in this country, including the Presidency, taking over the seat of the Chairperson of the African Union, AU, and commission for the first time in 59 years. [Applause.] Mr President, what we have here is not a difference about whether your speech had content or not; we have a fundamental ideological difference about what South Africa should be like and the future we need to build. [Applause.]
Our opposition outdo themselves each time with their lack of content. The hon Leader of the Opposition is very tall on insults and eloquent English, but very short on content. Thank you. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
Order! Thank you, hon Minister. Order, hon Members. Hon members, business will now be suspended for 15 minutes for a comfort break. Bells will be rung to alert members of the resumption of business. Business is now suspended.
Business suspended at 16:59 and resumed at 17:02.
Deputy Speaker, His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa, His Excellency the Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, on 14 February 2013, the President presented his state of the nation address to this House, setting out what government has undertaken to address the triple challenge of income inequality, poverty and unemployment. The President further set out what government is doing to give effect to the National Development Plan, which serves as our country's vision.
Sekela Somlomo ohloniphekileyo, eneneni kuliqhayiya kakhulu ukuba namhlanje ndithabathe inxaxheba kule ngxoxo kaMongameli, ngoba le ngxoxo kaMongameli ichaphazela umbandela obaluleke kakhulu kuMzantsi Afrika uphela. Ichaphazela uhlengahlengiso lomhlaba. Uhlengahlengiso lomhlaba lume ngentsika ezine Sekela Somlomo ohloniphekileyo ezizezi zilandelayo, ukwabelana ngomhlaba; ukubuyisela umhlaba ebantwini; uphuhliso lomhlaba nokuhlengahlengiswa kobuni bomhlaba. Umhlaba kweli lizwe usezandleni zabantu abambalwa, uninzi lwabantu alunamhlaba.
Uhlengahlengiso lomhlaba belujongwa ngeentsika ezimbini ukususela ekuthatheni kwethu ulawulo ngentando yesininzi eMzantsi Afrika, ukuza kuma ngonyaka wama-2009 apho kuye kwamiselwa iSebe lezoPhuhliso lwamaPhandle noHlengahlengiso lemiMhlaba. Bekujongwa ukuhlengahlengiswa kwemihlaba nokubuyiselwa kwemihlaba ebantwini ngamabango. Iziphumo zaloo nto zaba kukuba siqwalesele ekubuyiseni ama-30 ekhulwini omhlaba ngowama-2014 ebantwini.
Ekwenzeni le mbuyekezo siye satyeshela uphuhliso lomhlaba, oluyintsika yesithathu, kwezi zine. Loo nto Sekela Somlomo isenze sanga siyaqhwalela, sahamba kancinci. Ibangele ukuba, phantsi kwesikhokelo sikaMongameli U J G Zuma, olapha kuleNdlu nathi namhlanje kubekho lenkqubo esisicwangciso ebizwa ngokuba yi-Recapitalisation and Development Programme. Kwakhona phantsi kwesikhokelo sakhe uNxamalala kubekhona ukuqwalaselwa kobuni bomhlaba ukuze sikwazi ukubanendlela yokusondeza abantu bakuthi abantsundu kulo mhlaba. Yiyo le nto phantsi kwesikhokelo sakhe siphethe siqulunkqa lento kuthiwa esiNgesini yi- four-tier land tenure system, ethetha ngeendidi ezine zomhlaba.
Esokuqala isigaba kukuba umhlaba osezandleni zikarhulumente, singawuthengisi, siqeshise ngawo kubantu bakuthi ukuze sibancedise bakwazi ukwenza imveliso kuwo. Okwesibini, kukuba umhlaba osezandleni zabantu mawulingane, kungabikho oohili bangaka! Izigebenga zingaka! Makulinganwe ngabantu apha ebunini bomhlaba. Loo nto ithetha ukuba kubantu abanomhlaba, kuza kubakho uphahla oluza kunqanda ukuba abantu bangabingooHlohlesakhe.
Kukho abantu abaneefama ezincinci, nabanye abaneefama eziphakathi kunye nabaneefama ezinkulu kakhulu, kodwa bonke aba bantu barhweba ngokufanayo. Ngoko ke yonke le nto sixakeke yiyo ngoku yokuba kuqwalaselwe, ifama encinci, kuba imihlaba ayifani, inorthern Cape ayifani nesouthern cape neKwaZulu Natal, iimozulu azifani, umhlaba awufani kunye nezinto abantu abafama ngazo azifani. Kufuneka ukuba kujongwe ezi zinto ukuba umfama ziza kumbeka phi xa kuthethwa ngophahla lobuni bomhlaba.
Abantu basemzini akufunekanga ukuba babe ngabanini bomhlaba kweli lizwe, kufuneka baqeshiselwe. Okwesine, kukhona abantu bakuthi apho bahlala khona neenkosi, sibona ukuba inani linyukile laba bantu abanikwa umhlaba. Aba bantu ngabantu abakhokelwa ziiCPA neeTrust, kukho nalapho iinkosi zihlala khona. Lo mhlaba kufanele ukuba kubonakale indlela eza kuveza ukuba abantu abahlala kuwo, ngabantu abanelungelo nemvume yokusebenzisa lo mhlaba, babonisane ukuba lingakhuseleka njani ilungelo labo lokusebenzisa umhlaba.
Loo nto yenza ukuba ngeli xesha kufaneleke sibonisane ukuba siza kwenza kanjani ukuze aba bantu bakwazi ukusebenzisa lo mhlaba. Ukuze bakwazi ukuya ezibhankini; bakwazi ukuwenza ubelilifa labantwana babo; bakwazi ukuba bakhuseleke nokuba utata okanye abazali bonke beswelekile kusele abantwana bodwa.
Ngoko ke, uMongameli usikhokelele ekubeni sijonge kanye encakrancakreni ukuba abantu bakuthi bafikelela kanjani emhlabeni welizwe labo. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Hon Deputy Speaker, indeed it is a great honour for me today to be taking part in the debate on the President's state of the nation address because it touches on something very important to the whole of South Africa, namely land reform. Land reform has four pillars which are the following: Land redistribution, land restitution, land development and land tenure reform. The largest portion of land in this country is in the hands of a few, and the majority is landless.
From the time we assumed democratic power in this country up to 2009, when the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform was established, land reform had two pillars. They were land reform and land restitution through land claims. The result was that we focused on the restitution of 30% of the land by 2014.
In the process of land restitution we did not pay attention to land development, the third of the four pillars. That, Deputy Speaker, created an imbalance and slowed the process. As a result of the leadership of President J G Zuma, who is present in the House today, we have today what is called the Recapitalisation and Development Programme.
Again under the leadership of Nxamalala, President Jacob Zuma, attention has been paid to land tenure so that we can find a way of giving black people access to land. That is why under his leadership we have finalised what is called the four-tier land tenure system, which applies to four types of land.
The first tier relates to state land, which we should not sell but lease out to our people and help them to use it for production purposes. The second one applies to land in private hands, which should be evenly distributed so that there are no big landowners and small landowners, with the difference in amount of land owned captured in the isiXhosa nursery rhyme that goes "Oohili bangaka, izigebenga zingaka! There should be equality in terms of landownership. This means that with regard to landownership, there will be a ceiling so as to stop people from becoming self-serving land barons.
There are people with small, medium and big farms, but all these people are involved in commercial activities. Therefore, we should take all these matters into consideration - some farms are small; earth types differ; weather conditions in the Northern Cape, the southern Cape and KwaZulu- Natal differ and; commercial products differ - when dealing with the issue of putting a ceiling on landownership.
Foreigners must not own land in this country, they should be leaseholders. Fourthly, we realise that the number of people who are given land in areas controlled by chiefs has increased. There are also people who live on land controlled by the CPA and trusts and on land controlled by chiefs. We should make sure that the people who live on such land are people who have the right to use it and find a way to secure this right.
We have to find a way to make sure that such people are able to use such land productively; are able to use it as collateral when approaching banks for loans; are able to secure the land as inheritance for their children when parents have passed on.
Therefore, the President has provided leadership in making sure that people do access land in this, their country.]
Farms transferred to black people and communities through the various redistribution programmes from 1994 up to 31 January 2013 amounted to 4 813 farms, which translates to 4,123 million ha, benefiting 230 886 persons, of whom 50 440 are women - accounting for 1,7 million ha in the hands of those women - of whom 32 563 are young people, and of whom 674 are persons with disabilities.
To acquire this land, the state spent R12,9 billion. Of the 4,123 million ha acquired, the government has, since 2010, recapitalised 696 farms into full operation, employing 4 982 permanent workers, and investing R1,8 billion in infrastructure, inputs and strategic support. Of the 696 recapitalised farms, 332 are on cropping and 364 on livestock. The gross income generated by these farms, which can be accounted for as of 31 January 2013 is R126 million.
Land acquired by the state for the restitution of land rights since the inception of the programme amounts to 4 001 land parcels - that is properties - translating into 1,443 million ha. Of these beneficiaries, 136 968, which are female-headed households, and 672, which are persons with disabilities have benefited. A total of R16 billion has been spent on the programme thus far. This went towards settling 77 148 claims, spending R10 billion on land acquisition, and R6 billion on 71 292 financial compensation claims.
The total of 5 856 settled claims, translating into 1,443 million ha, is land restored. Hon members can already see the difference between 5 856 and 71 292 claims that are for financial compensation, that claims are weighted in favour of financial compensation. This clearly shows that claimants have chosen financial compensation over land restoration. This is a reflection of poverty, unemployment and income want. In your state of the nation address, Mr President, you clearly stated these as being at the centre of the National Development Plan's transformation focus.
Taking into consideration the above analysis, it is clear that through the restitution process, the state was a compelled buyer. Prices in restitution were far higher than those paid in terms of strategic land acquisitions under the redistribution programme. This is a clear indication that where the state is able to strategically acquire land, it is able to acquire more land for less money, as the state is not a compelled buyer. Even by our own admission, we could have bought more, if the principle of a just and equitable redistribution was actively applied. [Applause.] You mentioned this to be the direction that government is going to follow this year, Mr President.
In terms of the new land tenure system for the country, we are introducing the four-tier land tenure system, which I spoke about earlier. The President, during the state of the nation address, announced the reopening of the lodgement of land claims, for those who could not claim during the first window of opportunity.
Ubalulekile lo mbandela kuba uMongameli uthi kuza kuphinda kuvulwe ithuba lokuba abantu bakuthi babange imihlaba, kubantu abaphoswa lithuba lokufaka amabango emihlaba. Loo nto iza kwenzeka kulo nyaka. Esi saziso sikaMongameli sineendidi ezimbini. Eyokuqala yeyo kuvula, khange kubekho nalinye ilungu kwanga angasekhohlo ebelikhe lawuphendula lo mcimbi, ndiyabona ukuba ushushu. Bayawoyika lo mcimbi wokuvulwa kwamabango emihlaba kuba ngumcimbi onzima.
Eyesibini ithi kuza kukhangelwa inyoba yokuba njengokuba uMthetho wezemiHlaba yabaNtsundu we-1913, Natives Land Act, inguye nje iphahla, uza kuhlala kuba uMgaqo-siseko umile uyalawula. Ithi le nto kodwa, kukhona iiHertage Sites, kukhona iiHistorical Landmarks, kaloku iimfazwe zange ziliwe kwi-13% womhlaba, zilwelwe kuma-87% womhlaba. Kulapho zikhoyo iilandmarks zembali yabantu beli lizwe.
Okokugqibela uthi uMongameli, kukho abantu abanga maKhoi namaSan abalahlekelwa ngumhlaba kudala, phambi kwe-1913, baza kunikwa inyoba nabo bakrobe ukuba zeziphi na iindawo ezinokubuyiselwa kubo. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[It is important to note what the President has said, that the lodgement of land claims will be reopened for the people who missed out on the first window of opportunity. The President's announcement has two parts. Concerning the first part, that is the reopening of the lodgement of land claims, not even one member on my left responded to it. I think it is too hot for them to handle. They are scared to respond because it is an emotive issue.
The second part is that in spite of the Natives Land Act, the principal Act, the Constitution reigns supreme. We have heritage sites and historical landmarks, but remember that the wars were not fought on 13%, but on 87% of South Africa's land. That is where the historical landmarks of this country are.
Finally, the President has also announced that the Khoi and San people, who lost their land long before 1913, will also be given an opportunity to make land claims. [Applause.]]
Of the many dire socioeconomic consequences of the Natives Land Act, the following stand out: firstly, it destroyed a fledging class of African farmers; secondly, it destroyed the environment; and, thirdly, it placed black people, particularly Africans, in a situation of abject and grinding poverty.
Therefore, to reverse this legacy means rebuilding the class of black farmers, rebuilding the environment, and deepening production discipline for food security and sovereignty. The reopening of the lodgement process and the exceptions to the 1913 Natives Land Act will require massive preparatory work, which has commenced in earnest. Unlike in the first opportunity, people will be assisted with a manual on land claims in all 11 official languages, a manual that participants at the first preparatory workshop called the citizens' manual for land claims. Another component or element of the campaign is oral history, which will be collected from those who have lived through the catastrophic effects of the 1913 Natives Land Act.
The 11 740-strong National Rural Youth Service Corps, Narysec, youth that the President referred to in his state of the nation address, will be distributing the citizens' manual and collecting the oral history. Furthermore, there are institutions that and persons who have already come forward to be part of this campaign, including the SABC, Iziko Museums, Unisa, the National Heritage Council, the Departments of Justice and Constitutional Development, Public Works, Arts and Culture, and the Department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities.
There is a perception that land reform has failed, especially by the opposition DA. Our contention is that it has been slow, not failed. [Interjections.] We have completed the state and private land audit. [Interjections.] Here are the results, a beautiful ... you can see it here.
Oohili bangaka! Izigebenga zingaka! [An isiXhosa nursery rhyme small and big.]
You can see the brown. It represents privately owned land and who owns it. The majority of the people who own it are white. [Applause.] You can see the Northern Cape is privately owned land. Here is the Northern Cape. Look at the Eastern Cape, Western Cape, Limpopo, and Free State. [Interjections.] The majority of this land is owned privately by whites. [Applause.] Therefore, our contention is that it has been slow, but it did not fail.
Deputy Speaker ...
We have completed the state and private land audit and the statistics indicate that approximately 26 million ha is state land.
Hon Minister, there is a point of order.
Deputy Speaker, will the Minister take a question? [Interjections.]
No, Deputy Speaker.
The statistics indicate that approximately 26 million ha is state land and that a whopping 96 million ha is privately owned land. This means the state owns 22% of the land, whilst 78% is in private hands, which shows that South Africa has predominantly privately owned land. Outstanding in the audit process is the breakdown into nationality and race in the privately owned parcels or properties.
There is an institutional challenge here. Again it has a lot to do with the fragmented land management services of our country. The Land Management Commission is meant to address this. That is why we say that it will be addressed soon. The political economy of restitution is that the state has paid twice as much for land for restitution as it has paid for land for redistribution, because the state is a compelled buyer. The numbers clearly show who has benefited from the programme - the supporters of the opposition DA. The small, white landed class has benefited R10,8 billion from land acquired, whilst the majority - 71 000 working-class claimants - benefited a lousy R6 billion. [Interjections.]
This is what the Office of the Land Valuer-General and the other institutions will address, through the use of the just and equitable principle in accelerating the land reform process. In addition, the government will establish district land reform committees, as proposed in the National Development Plan, to contribute to and accelerate sustainable land reform.
In 2010, government introduced the Recapitalisation and Development Programme, which serves to provide emerging farmers with a range of support packages, in terms of inputs, strategic support and infrastructure. Going forward, the government will establish the Rural Co-operatives Finance Facility to provide much needed financial and other technical support to the fledgling class of smallholder farmers and co-operatives in both commercial and communal land spaces. During interactions, emerging smallholder farmers and co-operatives have expressed a wish that the government could procure from them so that they could grow and be sustainable.
The state of the nation address delivered by the President on 14 February is both reflective and programmatic. This approach has caught the hon members of the opposition off guard. [Interjections.] Mr President, don't lose focus. If you were doing badly, they would be showering praises on you. [Laughter.] You would have been sitting with the most dubious honour of being praised by people who have benefited for centuries in this country from the resources of this land, the members of the opposition DA. I thank you. [Applause].
Madam Deputy Speaker, unemployment remains the greatest threat to South Africa's democracy and it mocks the promise of a better life for all. President Jacob Zuma's state of the nation address showed why South Africa did not have confidence in his government to create jobs.
Baswa ba Afrika Borwa ba lla ka megokgo. Ba llela me?omo. Kgopelo ya ka ke gore rena re le baemedi ba set?haba Palamenteng ye, re kwe sello sa bona. Ge re ka se se kwe gomme ra se ba thu?e gore ba hwet?e me?omo, gona naga ye ya gaborena e tla buna masetlapelo gomme demokrasi ye ya rena ya folot?a. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[Young people in South Africa are complaining. They are complaining about the lack of jobs. As the representatives of the public in Parliament, we have to respond to their concern. If we do not respond to their concern and help them find jobs, our country will be in crisis and our democracy would have failed.]
The National Planning Commission, NPC, believes that the country can create 11 million jobs by 2030. This would be achieved by building partnerships between the public sector, business and labour to facilitate, direct and promote investment in labour-intensive areas, and by strengthening the functioning of the labour market to improve skills acquisition, match job seekers and job openings and reduce conflict.
To achieve the objectives of the National Development Plan, NDP, requires leadership to implement change and above all, to inspire every South African to make medium-term sacrifices for longer-term rewards. The President's address last week failed on all three counts: leadership, implementation and the ability to inspire sacrifice.
The National Planning Commission expresses the challenge of adaptive leadership pointedly, "Leaders, especially in government, must also face up to difficult decisions and trade-offs." Indeed, this is the time for tough decisions and trade-offs if we are to fight and defeat unemployment. This will require all of us to make sacrifices for the national good. We must review the labour laws to make them job creation-friendly.
One of the most meaningful definitions of inequality in South Africa today is between those who have jobs and those who do not. We need to guard against the employed being unable to imagine the plight of their fellow South Africans who don't have jobs. As painful as it is, we need to recognise that the world has changed. Many workers in the European Union, for instance, are being asked to work fewer hours to allow young people to enter the job market.
Global competition, cheap goods made in China and India and technological innovation are also playing a part in changing the labour environment. People are being given greater flexibility to manage their working time. Many working people no longer wish to be in traditional permanent employment. Our labour laws need to adapt to this growing trend, not go against the grain of reality. As legislatures, our primary role must be to make sure that all workers are treated fairly and paid appropriately.
In a job-stressed economy such as ours it would be an abdication of responsibility for this Parliament to pass a law that denies even one South African a job opportunity. This is exactly what the ruling party's alliance partner, Cosatu, wants us to do. The union federation wants Parliament to pass a law banning private employment agencies, or as we like to call them, labour brokers. I believe such a law will clash directly with a constitutional push for every citizen to access work opportunities.
Section 22 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa is very clear on this matter:
Every citizen has the right to choose their trade, occupation or profession freely. The practice of a trade, occupation or profession may be regulated by law.
The President must impress upon the ANC alliance partner, Cosatu, to support the regulation of labour brokers as proposed in the amendment to the relevant section of the Labour Relations Act. The government must work diligently to remove noncompliant agencies. For the sake of labour market peace and stability, the Labour Relations Act must also be amended to replace the "winner takes all" majoritarianism entrenched in our collective bargaining system. The Marikana tragedy was a lesson we must heed. Non-majority unions can no longer be ignored. They must be included in the collective bargaining processes. So, let us never fear to negotiate; let us never negotiate out of fear. With cool tempers, we must reach a consensus on the principle of non-majority union representation. We must determine the relevant thresholds for recognition and participation in collective bargaining.
This country cannot afford another series of very costly violent unprotected strikes such as the ones we experienced last year. South Africa can rise to these challenges if and only if we have the courage to summon forth the political will. Here I have to say: No amount of talking and spinning can explain away the Nkandla scandal. No amount of praise-singing and fawning on President Jacob Zuma will change this fact. I thank you. [Applause.]
Deputy Speaker, honourable President and the Deputy President, hon members, listening to the delivery of the address by the President, one was left astounded as to whither this country is destined. Whilst in some circles it is expected that repetition enhances assimilation and understanding, one never bargained for such repetition from such an office or to such an extent.
On an occasion like a speech from the head of state, people expect pertinent issues to be addressed. Millions of the unemployed look forward to be reassured that employment is within reach, not the monotonous and sterile saying that there has been an economic meltdown. All they need is to earn an honest living through the sweat of their brow as they were promised or they would get better jobs if they voted for the party in question. Now is the time to deliver on such a promise.
Victims of crime want to know if there will be urgency in ensuring that justice is carried out. They live on the maxim that justice delayed is justice denied. Parents want to know when their children will receive decent education. The hackneyed statement of good results carries no weight when children are made to pass at 30%. Imagine a doctor who has to operate on a patient whilst he knows only 30% of what has to be done. [Laughter.] This applies to all professions. When people opted and voted for democracy, they never imagined that they were getting themselves into some form of adulterated education.
The issue of e-tolling that is about to turn the country into a battlefield went unsaid by the President, as if it is a nonevent. Could it be that it does not matter, as those in charge go past those existing tollgates without having to stop? To the average citizen, it is these tollgates that cause concern and the President missed a golden opportunity to address it.
It is not a matter to be left untouched when Cosatu, the affiliate of the ruling party, turns our roads into slow drives at the drop of a hat.
The fact that the National Development Plan has been accepted by all in this country cannot be gainsaid. The rub lies in its implementation. The question is not how those million of jobs will be created; it is the detail that has to come forward. We reiterate it here and now that the NDP was put together in the most democratic and consultative way.
The envisaged implementation of the National Health Insurance Plan in 2014 was set for a big surprise when hospitals were imploding with inefficiency. Whether you go to George Masebe Hospital in Limpopo, Moses Kotane in the North West, Charlotte Maxeke or Chris Hani Baragwanath in Gauteng, it is all ineptitude at its best. One wonders where the wisdom is in naming these failing institutions after stalwarts of the struggle when people who work there have no pride in them. Surely those after whom these centres have been named are turning in their graves because of this disgrace.
We in the UCDP believe that teaching is a labour of love. It boggles the mind that the President can go to such lengths to justify striking by teachers and virtually retract or modify the resolution to declare teaching an essential service in the way the expression is known worldwide. As much as the teachers have a right to strike, the pupil's right to education and learning is equally entrenched in the Constitution. The interests of both parties have to be addressed and met by government.
Ordinary citizens are always told that this government has, in an unprecedented manner, provided electricity to so many houses in so many years. The very citizens at Seolong, Makoshong or even at Sakutswane are surprised when the same government that boasts of providing electricity claims that its hands are tied when it comes to tariff hikes.
We all support the strong words the President used in speaking against children and women abuse. We hope and believe that the instant and specialised courts that the President spoke of are not only a sweetener and measure to appease the aggrieved. Let us see them spring into action.
Notwithstanding that the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission identified 10 major roads in the North West as a priority last year, nothing has come out of that. The Koster-Lichtenburg road, which was due for completion before the 2010 Fifa World Cup, is yet to be completed and has deteriorated further. This is one route that could serve as an alternative to the most expensive tollgate in the Republic of South Africa, the Swartruggens Tollgate. It is high time that the priority status of the road is re prioritised. Quite interestingly, even Minister Gigaba, in his recitation on the achievements of the party in these other things, said nothing about this.
The UCDP welcomes the envisaged filling of all vacant posts in the criminal justice system, but pleads that they should be men and women of substance. In the case of the National Director of Public Prosecutions, we pray that it be someone who will, at least, complete the set term of office. So far, almost all of them left office with their heads hanging in shame.
We have noted with trepidation that the new tax regime is on the way. We shall watch this space! Come next week we will have our eyes wide open. [Applause.]
Madam Deputy Speaker, the President, the Deputy President, hon members, I would like to dedicate this speech to my former boss, Mrs Phyllis Naidoo, who employed me as a young article clerk way back in the seventies. May her soul rest in peace!
This year's state of the nation address is significant in many respects. Not only does it reflect on the strides we have made and challenges that we have encountered in the past year, more importantly, it provides an important yardstick by which the country's transition from apartheid colonialism to a national democratic society must be measured. This assessment becomes critical as we approach the 20-year anniversary of our constitutional democracy.
A concise and an honest reflection of where we come from gives us a better understanding of our destiny, as postulated by the National Development Plan. I'm sure I am speaking for everyone in this House when I say that the National Development Plan has succeeded in marshalling all of us around the same vision for a better country and a better future in the same way that the 34 Constitutional Principles that underpin our Constitution marshalled political opponents to a historical political settlement 17 years ago.
It is therefore befitting that the National Development Plan gets similar acclaim as the 34 Constitutional Principles that shaped our constitutional destiny. The National Development Plan is our cherished ideal of a nonracial, nonsexist, equal and prosperous society, an ideal that many laid down their lives for, in order for all of us to enjoy the fruits of democracy. Our transformative Constitution envisions a future where no child will attend school under a tree; everyone will be free from violence; and every person will realise his or her potential. I must hasten to caution that it would be tragic to share a common vision of where the National Development Plan is leading us to without understanding where we come from, a feat which our President has articulated so impeccably when he delivered his trend-setting state of the nation address this past Thursday.
The tabling of the National Development Plan in November 2011 occurred just before the commencement of the 100 years celebration of the struggle against colonialism and apartheid led by the ANC. The forces of colonialism and apartheid on the one side arrayed themselves against the forces for freedom and democracy on the other side. It was an epic confrontation which over time preoccupied the global agenda and culminated in heroic stunts by the United Nations when it declared apartheid a crime against humanity and a threat to world peace.
On the occasion of the debate on the state of the nation address, it is important to reflect on these historical realities because sometimes we get lost in the maze of political expediency and forget that peaceful democratic breakthrough of 1994, were achieved primarily because we collectively put aside our differences and reached out to one another. We triumphed over our differences because we all focused on the vision portrayed in the Freedom Charter, which yielded our world-acclaimed Constitution. It was the recognition that in spite of the untold suffering, strife and racial hatred sowed by apartheid, we all became bound by the vision of a shared constitutional destiny.
We must spare no effort in forging the same unity and common purpose in ridding our country of the triple challenge of poverty, inequality and unemployment which permeate the diagnostic review that culminated in the adoption of the National Development Plan by our people. This triple challenge reaffirm what our President and world statesman, Nelson Mandela, stated when he signed our Constitution into law, and I quote:
Out of such experience was born the understanding that there could be no lasting peace, no lasting security, no prosperity in this land unless all enjoyed freedom and justice as equals.
Our transformative Constitution is a commitment to save our people from the poverty trap and the vicious cycle of inequality perpetuated by the legacy of apartheid and colonialism. We cannot delay this promise any longer. The lessons of the Marikana tragedy, to which our President alluded in his address attest to the impatience that was waiting to implode. It is for this reason that the ANC, in its conference in Mangaung in December 2012, adopted a robust programme geared to transform our socioeconomic landscape. This programme is premised on the Bill of Rights enshrined in our Constitution, which states that:
This Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom.
As the ruling party, it is our proud heritage that the African Claims Principles of 1943 and the Freedom Charter of 1955 informed the golden thread of our internationally acclaimed Constitution. We are all enjoined to ensure its practical realisation in the lived experiences of all South Africa's people. We will therefore leave no stone unturned in living up to this commitment as the ANC, of a better life for all and to improve the quality of that life for all citizens and free the potential of each person as we are required to do so by our Constitution.
Madam Deputy Speaker, through the agenda it has adopted at its conference and which will translate into a government programme of action, the ANC seeks to reverse the legacy of the Land Act and restore people to what is rightfully theirs through the application of a just and equitable principle. It is in this context that the land reform initiatives, including the reopening of the lodgement date - as the Minister has indicated - will become the priority of our government. The Land Claims Court will also be strengthened to develop and enhance an appropriate land jurisprudence that has the effect of full restoration to those who were arbitrarily disposessed of their land. In dealing with Land reforms, we will be guided by our Constitution, which enjoins our government to implement compensation that is just and equitable, and reflects an equitable balance between the public interest and the interests of those affected.
In spite of the challenges of high levels of poverty and the continued socioeconomic vestiges of the past, we have in place state machinery across the three branches of the state, which is capable of delivering on the principles and mandate of our Constitution. In doing so, these equal branches of the state are bound together by the Constitution, which is a non-negotiable framework within which we must continue to express our political differences as we endeavour to build a better life for all.
Hon members, after dealing with our contentious issues during the crafting of our new democracy, it is essential that none amongst us politicises to the point of eroding the fundamental principles and values of our Constitution such as the Bill of Rights and the principles of the separation of powers as basis for a just order and peace and stability of our constitutional democracy. It is common cause that any false alarms about what are supposedly threats to values of the Constitution, including the principle of the separation of powers, may in themselves, ironically, be the actual threat to our democracy.
We must take this opportunity not only to reassure our people about the importance and place of our Constitution in our democracy, but also to implore all hon members not to create the impression that anyone amongst us is about to undermine the Constitution when the empirical evidence not only hails the ANC as its originator, as the African Claims could attest, but also as its architect, champion and defender.
Hon members, the legitimacy of our constitutional democracy rests on all of us across the three arms of the state, as well as on the shoulders of each and every citizen of this country. In our own respective ways, we must endeavour to ensure that the Constitution is a living document, one that requires all our people to put their shoulder to the wheel to ensure its survival and longevity well into the future.
The Constitution is the supreme law of the land and any act or conduct which is contrary to it is invalid. Importantly, we must all be mindful of the fact that the Constitution not only enshrines rights of citizens, but that concomitant with these rights are duties that must be observed by all. It is therefore fundamental that while the Constitution enshrines the right of assembly, demonstration, picket and petition, this right must be exercised peacefully and unarmed as the President indicated in the state of the nation address. This Constitution does not sanction any protest that violates the freedom and security of another person, lead to injury or death of persons or damage to property, regardless of the reason for such protest action. It is therefore important that the state exercises its authority to ensure respect for the Constitution and the law.
The Justice, Crime Prevention and Security, cluster will leave no stone unturned in its endeavour to maintain peace and stability and to protect the rights of innocent citizens and private and public property. Measures are already underway that include the enhancement of the capacity of law enforcement agencies and ensuring an integrated approach to fighting crime and lawlessness. These measures will be unpacked in the next few weeks when the JCPS departments announce their policy statements and plans for the 2013-14 financial year.
Our government also has adopted a zero tolerance approach to corruption, which is threatening to erode the fruits of our hard-earned democracy. The reality is that corruption is a matter about which we must collectively embark to uproot as government, and we have taken various measures in this regard.
Before I conclude, let me address the incidents of rape and violence against women, which are reaching alarming proportions in our country. We are moving steadfastly to combat this barbaric conduct by merciless perpetrators who show no respect for the right of women to enjoy the freedom of their security. We have taken the conscious decision to re- establish sexual offences courts to complement the work of the Sexual Offences Unit in the police.
We are in discussions with the judiciary to ensure that sexual offences cases are placed on a prioritised roll, that we strengthen the case flow management system to ensure that the chain from investigation to trial stage is water tight. [Applause.] We are also considering measures to strengthen our legislative framework. These include aspects relating to bail, admission of evidence and sentencing of perpetrators of this heinous crime.
I have confidence in the President of the Republic. [Applause.] The ANC has confidence in the President of the Republic. [Applause.] The people of South Africa have confidence in the President of the Republic of South Africa. [Applause.]
This is evidenced by the overwhelming majority that our President and the ANC amassed during the 2009 elections in which the ANC got 1 million votes more than it did in the previous elections in 2004. [Applause.] Those who are barking from the sidelines are in denial and I would like to remind them of a stanza from Maya Angelou's poem and I quote:
You may write me down in history With your bitter, twisted lies, You may trod me in the very dirt But still, like dust, I'll rise.
I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, honourable President, the widespread and pervasive corruption is wrecking the capacity of the state to deliver services to the people of South Africa. President Zuma's dithering on corruption goes to the essence of his leadership. Because he is compromised, he lacks the strength for this fight. The South African people do not have confidence in the President to tackle corruption.
The harsh reality is that on this President's watch, corruption has become systematic in all spheres of government, nationally, provincially and locally. Many local municipalities spend a lot of taxpayers' money on commissions of inquiry. This in itself is absurd because if the President decisively dealt with corruption, there would be no need to have inquiries.
Undermining the principles of transparency, the recommendations and reports made by these commissions are not even made public. These recommendations are not even implemented, which begs the question: What is the point, Mr President? Examples include the Municipalities of Tshwane, Mosoma and Ntsebeza reports respectively. Neither report has been released despite the fact that all are said to contain damning allegations of corruption and maladministration.
Systematic monitoring of corruption is poor. With only half of government's departments keeping databases on corruption, this means that we do not know the full extent of the corruption. The eThekwini Manase report has yet to see the light of day. This secrecy and inaction by government in turn often incites violence and protests.
Batho ba lapisitswe ke bobodu. Ba batla puso e e emelang ditlhoko le go tlhompha ditokelo tsa bone, ka go direla set?haba. (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)
[People are dissatisfied with the rate of corruption. They want a government that protects and respects their rights of access to basic services.]
The lack of intergovernmental relations is a source of concern because this leads to underspending, lack of planning, alignment and collaboration. This in turn leads to duplicate projects and programmes that waste taxpayers' money. The President, in his reply, must spell out how he will work to provide better co-ordination between the spheres of government and the departments.
Corruption is endemic in the Public Service and government should act and walk the talk. It is an indictment that in this government nearly 2,5 million people do not have access to basic sanitation. This is nearly 20 years after the advent of our democracy, especially in the rural areas. The government is working backwards with the rectification programme. Approximately R1 billion is used for rectification of shoddy workmanship by contractors who are appointed for their political connections with the ANC.
The lack of monitoring, inspections and accountability are the direct causes of this fruitless and wasteful expenditure. People are being robbed of their right to access to decent housing through corruption and irregular tender contracts. Corruption in housing is very endemic, from the illegal sale of land to the manipulation of beneficiary lists and tender entrepreneurs. Those are the norms in housing. A clear example of this was the R900 million tender in Limpopo that was awarded to friends and allies of politicians through the rectification programme of precisely the same amount.
The Good Agricultural Practices, Gap, market is an important market that has been neglected by government. The President boasted last week that R126 million has been set aside for the Gap market programme. This is pathetic when you consider that this is almost half of what is being spent on his Inkandla compound. Almost 10 000 people could have been accommodated, which means 2 500 households, Mr President.
The R1 billion guarantee fund and 83 000 subsidy scheme has not been implemented by provinces since the announcement last year. Most of all, the provinces have not spent 70% of their allocated Human Settlement Development Grant. And, mostly, R7 billion was allocated for the Urban Settlements Development Grant, USDG, for the upgrading of informal settlements, but only 32% of informal settlements have been upgraded thus far. This is a shame.
In conclusion, all of these points to one systematic issue, which means the systemic disintegration of the government's human settlements policy under this President. And South Africa has lost confidence in him to root out corruption when and wherever it manifests its ugly head. Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, honourable President and Deputy President, hon members and guests, indeed the year 2013 marks 100 years of the notorious Natives Land Act of 1913. But 2013 also marks 19 years since the first democratic elections in our land. For many of us, the primary reason for the liberation struggle was land dispossession. We know that there might have been those who were more interested in fighting for the sharing of toilets and other amenities between blacks and whites. It therefore follows that, for Azapo, the matter of land restitution was supposed to have been item number one on the agenda of a free South Africa. We said then, that it was wrong to entrench land dispossession with clauses such as the willing- buyer, willing-seller principle. We said then that it would not work. We were therefore heartened by your admission, Mr President, that the "willing- buyer, willing seller" principle does not work. There is a need to fast- track land restitution, Mr President.
We have also taken note of your concerns about food security and we agree. However, we want to disabuse the nation of the notion that black ownership of land and farms represents a threat to food security. The problem is lack of post-settlement support to communities that had land restored to them. We have also noted with concern how certain individuals and groups have hijacked land restored to communities, with some selling sites to unsuspecting community members. Communities claim that they have reported such acts to the authorities, and nothing is being done. The community of Masakaneng outside Groblersdal is a classical example of that.
On education, Mr President, Azapo welcomes the announcement that by the end of the financial year, 98 schools shall have been build. We also welcome the fact that 40 of those schools are in the Eastern Cape, replacing the infamous mud schools. It is actually a disgrace Mr President, that 19 years after the democratic elections, we are still talking about mud schools. It is even more worrying that government and the Department of Basic Education first had to be dragged to court in order to do what should have been an obvious thing to do.
While we welcome the fact that Kha Ri Gude has reached 2,2 million people between 2008 and 2011, Azapo would like to know: What was the impact of such an encounter on the lives of those people? Are we able to quantify the success of Kha Ri Gude, except to refer to the numbers?
Azapo has noted with disappointment that you are now backtracking on the need to designate education as an essential service. There is a legal definition of what essential service means, and this definition is found in the Labour Relations Act, as amended. The implications of the designation are far-reaching; among others that workers in such a sector cannot go on strike. We are disappointed that after murmurs from some union, you backtracked and tried to find a new definition for essential service.
Azapo believes that many ordinary people would support the designation of education as an essential service, and this includes teachers. The concern that unions have stems from their observation of how government has treated the health sector as well as the safety and security sectors. After designating them as essential services, government failed to go the full distance by refusing or failing to conclude a minimum service level agreement, SLA, in those sectors. Designating education as an essential service will mean that systems will be put in place to fast-track collective bargaining and dispute resolution in the sectors. It will mean that everything possible will be done to remove the need for teachers to go on strike.
You have also referred to the work that will be created through the Expanded Public Works Programme, EPWP, and the Community Work Programme, CWP. Our Offices are inundated with complaints from citizens that every time that opportunities arise in those programmes, they are told that they must produce a membership card of a political party. We also hear that in some cases people have to belong to a certain faction of a political party before they can be employed. The people of Radikgale can inform you better about this issue.
Azapo supports, as you said Mr President, the Palestinian people's right to national self-determination. Like all of us, Palestinians have a right to statehood. We heard you speak against Israel's expansion of Jewish settlements in the Palestinian territories. How I wish we could hear more even outside this House. South Africa must not forget the Saharan people in their struggle for self-determination.
Finally, hon Speaker, I would like to end my speech by saying happy birthday to my son, Regaugetswe Kwame Dikobo.
Khula Tlou, Letebele, Mogwasha! [Praise!]
I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, I wish to dedicate my speech to the late Comrade Joe Mkhwanazi. May his revolutionary soul rest in peace. Comrades and hon members, Comrade President, congratulations on your state of the nation address. We noted your report on the progress made in implementing some of last year's commitments and the plans ahead. We are in agreement on the challenges facing our country, namely education, health, infrastructure, rural and urban development, land reform, unemployment, inequality, poverty and so on.
However, the critical question is: How do we tackle the issues of urgency, resolve, capacity and appropriateness of our responses? It is the considered view of the APC that enhancing the capacity of the state is the most critical necessity for everything else depends on it. To this end, the Department of Public Service and Administration has to play a much bolder and more central role in this regard. The public Service Commission must be strengthened, better led and given more powers. We need a single Public Service with a single entry point. We cannot overemphasise the need for stability at the senior management levels and doing away with the act of looking only at the short term.
Our education suffers from lack of proper, energetic and courageous administrative leadership. Some of our school principals, circuit managers, etc, leave much to be desired as leaders, thus the poor outcomes. The sometimes poor focus and discipline of students and teachers are actually a reflection of a lack of competent leadership. We need urgent intervention and a bold performance management system to weed out the unfit from office.
Whilst we have an energetic Minister and competent director-general in the Department of Health, reports of patients going without food or medication, and professionals not being paid require firm and drastic intervention. These kinds of things should be considered intolerable acts deserving of harsh sanction against managers. We look forward to the implementation of the National Health Insurance, NHI. It is the way to go to ensure universal access to quality health care and better-run health facilities.
It is the contention of the APC that the challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment cannot be addressed without the state playing an active role in the economy. A "mantshingilane" [security guard] state will just guard over the continued impoverishment of the majority.
There is no doubt that the years of freedom have been good to business. Huge profits have been made in peace, without the burden of operating in an apartheid state. But the question is: Has business been good to freedom? The answer is to be found in the more than R500 billion stashed away in banks and not invested in the productive economy. It is also to be found in the conduct of Anglo Platinum and Harmony as well as the criminal conduct of construction companies, etc. It will be Waiting for Godot to expect them to help in addressing these challenges.
The state does not resonate with the political feelings of the owners of capital. They were politically defeated in 1994. There is still a grievance to nurse. It is no coincidence that the beneficiaries of colonialism and apartheid have blended themselves together into a political formation to be unco-operative, negative and oppose the rule of the majority. [Applause.] Some of the machinations we see in this House and outside are related to this fact; a fight back against 1994. [Applause.]
The APC believes that the progressive forces in our country have a responsibility to train their collective focus on these rightist manoeuvres. [Interjections.] On this, the centenary of the Natives Land Act ... [Interjections.]
Order! Order, hon members!
On this, the centenary of the Natives Land Act, as the APC we say, let's cast aside tentativeness; let's move forward with boldness to end this century of untold suffering and national humiliation. The Natives Land Act was a response of the settler government to the calls by its constituency. Let us now respond to the cries of our people as their representatives. The land of the African people must be returned to its historical and rightful owners. [Applause.]
Lastly, the APC salutes its founding fathers for setting up the Organisation for African Unity, OAU, half a century ago, to strengthen the bonds of African solidarity and fight for the decolonisation of Africa. We want peace, development and integration in Africa to improve the lives of our people. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, when she spoke at the mining indaba earlier this month, Minister Susan Shabangu suggested that all was well with the South African mining industry. The question is: Compared to what? She told us about increased numbers of mines, revenues and jobs. Use different periods of comparison, and I could as easily show results crashing, production at a 50-year low and thousands of jobs being lost.
The point is: We have more minerals under our soil than any other country in the world. But for that to mean anything, we need mining to take them out and sell them. For there to be mining there must be investment, which we do not have. Some established large miners are still putting money into their mines, but we have had only 3% of new mining projects worldwide between now and 2020. Mining juniors simply cannot get funding for their proposals. That is due to the international perceptions of our industry.
Last year we were rated by the Frasers Institute as the 54th most desirable destination for mining investment, and that was before Marikana and everything else that followed. This message was brought home at the mining indaba, where South African-born Rangold Resources chief executive officer, Mark Bristow, said they would rather continue with the gold mining operations in Mali, despite the civil war, than put money into South Africa.
He said in South Africa there are problems with the reliability of legislation and policy, and no recognition of the importance of new investment. Another guest at the indaba summed it up for me. He said:
The people at the event listened politely to Minister Shabangu, but they were there with no intention of investing in South Africa; they would rather invest in the rest of Africa.
There has been a long list of bad news for mining in South Africa. We lost out on the resources boom because of bad and badly implemented laws. Then Marikana showed us the consequences of our labour dispensation designed to accommodate the interests of the labour arm of the ruling party rather than the workers. A disastrous funding model for Eskom means the massive rises in power prices will push more mines into unprofitability. How can Minister Gigaba be proud of the fact that Medupi is 58% complete when it was supposed to have been finished last year?
When the inevitable consequences of all this manifested in planned lay- offs, the mask that pretended to welcome investment dropped. The ANC accused companies of stealing our resources; threatened to take away their mining licenses and accused them of blackmail. What international investor would be crazy enough to put their money into a country where the environment is so obviously hostile?
If that was not bad enough, the mining sector is now being faced by amendments to the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act, which are either very poorly thought out or simply mad. This law includes provisions to nationalise mine dumps to make government approve every mining share transaction on the Stock Exchange, limit exports of certain strategic products and open a way to force the sale of quantities of these in South Africa at a price set by the state. This is surrounded by lots of happy talk about beneficiation.
Those in mining might be right if they think they've heard this before. The Diamond Second Amendment Act, seven years ago, limited exports and forced sale of some products to the state. State intervention was disastrous. Before we had some 3 500 diamond cutters and polishers; now we are left with only about 500.
The National Development Plan is cautious about beneficiation. It echoes the warning that we don't have the electricity and it will suck capital from other parts of the economy. If there was money to be made from beneficiation, business would have done it already. These projects will not be economically viable. Where we win on the manufacturing swings, we will lose on the mining roundabouts.
Last week Mr President announced, or hinted at, because he didn't announce anything, more increases in mining taxes. At the root of all this is a failure to understand mining or the South African state. The ANC is held prisoner by its own socialist mythology that fatally overestimates the state's capacity.
The theory is that we will have a few very clever people in government who will decide where to direct money and activities. They will succeed where thousands of companies and billions of rands have not. If such clever bureaucrats existed, please move them to run housing, hospitals and indeed the issuing of mining licences, because they can really use some planning genius.
The truth is that such state capacity does not exist. It never has throughout recorded history and the ANC's socialist ideals have failed everywhere they have been tried. Yet we are going to try them again. John Templeton called them the most expensive four words in the world, the phrase that says: "This time it's different".
And when the ANC's mining policy fails, more jobs will go. Those people who lose jobs or never get them in the first place because of stifled growth are the real victims. The government will not take responsibility. It will blame a host of imaginary enemies from its own nightmare subconscious, which is rooted in the last century - enemies from international capitalism to the United States' imperialism to an unpatriotic bourgeoisie - all of this shows that this is why the ANC government cannot and should not continue to rule.
Is it not interesting that every time there is a project to be done, the ANC decides on the plans, the money, it hires people and then it all goes wrong? Then we get an appeals from Minister Manuel, among others, that we should all take responsibility for putting it right. Well, we can start right here in this House, where committee chairpersons protect officials rather than holding them accountable.
Minister Manuel, I did enjoy your image about the development roadmap and the GPS. The problem is that the ANC's fondness for turning only left means we are going round in circles. [Laughter.] The only map on your GPS is the map of Red Square. [Applause.]
Now, you would think that money would not be spent on Ministers' homes if the Ministers ordered that money should not be spent on those homes. The media has published a letter which shows that the President knew about the expenditure on Inkandla. The excuse of Ministers for not knowing deserves a prize for sheer gall. I think perhaps the people at Inkandla can thank the opposition for now getting access to a new clinic. If we hadn't complained, I doubt very much whether it would have happened. That shows the folly of the project in the first place. [Time expired.]
Hon Speaker, honourable President and Deputy President and hon members, if there are any "willing-clever" people we would have to borrow them from the DA, because their collective response has been so terrible today, so they actually need "willing-clever" people to help them to respond to the state of the nation address. [Interjections.]
Order, hon members!
Hon Athol Trollip, Shakespeare also said, and I quote, "I will challenge you to the battle of wits, but I see you are unarmed", and you have left the House. [Laughter.] In The Tempest, he also said, "Hell is empty and all the devils are here." Maybe I should remind you of what he said in The Merchant of Venice, and I quote, "You speak an infinite deal of nothing." I am sure Shakespeare had you in mind when he wrote in "The Fall of the WhiteXhosa-speaking Prince", and I quote, "Et tu Zille, why had thee moved thy lap, for I, your loyal dog, had fallen."
I was listening with interest to hon Holomisa, who was complaining about "ukugwinya nokugwinywa". The only difference is that when you "gwinya", it means you are processing and excreting the whole thing; therefore it has no effect on you. But "mawugwinyiwe" means you have no say at all; and to be "gwinyaEd" by the DA is the most unfortunate thing that can ever happen to a former democrat. [Laughter.]
Last week, we listened attentively to a state of the nation address of the most special type that has been delivered since the commencement of this Fourth Parliament. It was presented as both a government report-back on the five priorities, which is education, health, job creation, rural development and safety and security, and included a set of actions to be implemented this year.
The state of the nation address detailed practical projects that are being implemented since 2009 by this government. With all the projects in place, as detailed both by the President and eloquently by the hon Minister of Public Enterprises, Malusi Gigaba, it came as no surprise that some in the House and other social and political commentators had no clue how to respond to such complex progress that has been made by this government. [Applause.]
The state of the nation address was also a government programme of action that was not premised on mere promises, but gave hope where it seemed to be fading and, more importantly, was a clarion call for collective action by all our people to build a better nation.
Yours, Comrade President, was not an address clouded with fancy and flairful quotations from renowned scholars, but one intended to communicate the needs, interests and aspirations of the Grade 12 learners with whom you met in preparation for the address. [Applause.] We applaud you and the government for being frank about the challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality, without paying lip service to these challenges.
There are those who deliberately choose to be blind to the intention of the address on the state of our nation, and quickly rushed to their pigeonholes of feeble criticism, whilst others desperately tried to score cheap political points, as we have seen in this weekend's newspapers and the showmanship displayed here today.
According to them, the crime of the honourable President was not the content of the state of the nation address, but the fact that it was delivered. In fact, I am sure if you were there when Jesus was walking on water. As Bishop Tutu would retort, you would have actually accused him of not knowing how to swim. [Laughter.] For example, the hon Lindiwe Mazibuko, in her blind charade in the Sunday newspapers, which she repeated here today, reflected this bankruptcy. Even tweets showed that it was expected that she was going to say that the President is a lame duck, a weak leader and all manner of things; there is no confidence; and there is Nkandla and corruption. [Interjections.]
Order, hon members! Order!
The fact of the matter is that there are processes that have been undertaken by the Public Protector, for instance, on the Nkandla issue and no one has interfered with that. No one has said that it should not be done. We must clarify this distortion that keeps on being repeated in this House, that the President used public money to build a house for his family. We must clarify that distortion. I hope, hon Speaker ... at some point you'll have to take those members who repeat that distortion head-on. I am sure in her position, occupying the glorified post of Leader of the Opposition, when there are far better people in both her party and the opposition benches, she would know what it means to be a lame duck as she has perfected that clich by being one on a daily basis whilst party leader Helen Zille runs the show from the provincial legislature. [Applause.]
By the way, the only reason why hon Mazibuko would appraise an FNB advert - which FNB itself has conceaded to being scripted and people have acted - is because she herself comes to this House with pre-scripted speeches and repeats them to all of us and the whole country. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]
Order! Order!
The reason is that every year and in every debate the goalposts keep on changing when it comes to the response by the opposition parties. When the President presents a vision, they ask where the implementation plan is, and when he presents a report card, they ask where the vision is. I can type, I can write, you see. So, don't worry, I can do that. This did not arrive by e-mail from the provincial legislature of Cape Town. [Laughter.]
In fact, a closer look at the speech by the hon Lindiwe Mazibuko reflects that a response to the state of the nation was already written even before the President delivered the state of the nation address. [Laughter.]
She accuses the President of reheating the previous state of the nation address just so that she can be excused for her repetitive annual "inhlamba" session that she dishes out in every debate. A colleague of mine was showing me a tweet by City Press on line, "Lindiwe Mazibuko repeated the same thing she has been saying for the last four years. So, it's not only me who sees that, even the City Press and the people out there do. [Laughter.]
The response by some in the coalition on my left, which in our view does not honour the title of official opposition, was so weak that even if strengthened, there are calls from afar that we need to be blessed with a new opposition party after the 2014 general election. We have just recently heard people say that we need a new opposition because the current opposition has failed us. [Applause.] Hopefully, when that happens, we will have a valuable debate about the state of the nation address.
Honourable President and hon members, youth unemployment is a global crisis and there is no silver bullet for it. According to the International Labour Organisation, ILO, more than six million young people have joined the long queues of unemployed, and are neither in school nor in a training facility or skills institution. Countries such as Brazil, Russia, India and China, Bric, and all over the world, are battling with the same problem that our own government is dealing with. And because of its global phenomena, our country had to deal with both the internal and external drivers of youth unemployment.
Typically, many nations have resorted to traditional measures such as imposed austerity, increased tariffs on imported goods, stricter control of their borders and oversubsidisation of their mainstream economic sectors.
As governments all over the world steamed ahead to save individual shareholders in the financial sector, our government was bold enough to increase public sector spending, halt retrenchments and introduce new schemes and incentives to encourage job retention and job creation. This has led to the government saving millions of jobs and concentrating their efforts on creating new ones. This required boldness and determination in a period where there was none and as a result we are recognised as one of the few countries that will soon come out of the red in relation to youth unemployment.
Our economy, like all other major economies, has not been creating new jobs and this has affected millions of young people eager to join the labour market. To suggest that youth employment is stagnated by inflexible labour laws and high entry-level wages is simplistic, to say the least.
Go and tell that to the workers in De Doorns who were subjected to starvation wages for years. Go and tell that to 14 000 workers in Gold Fields who may actually be retrenched, and the DA has the pride to come into this House and defend. It is about time that you are exposed for who you are. [Interjections.]
Order, hon members. Order!
I have actually not only prepared my accent to present a speech, but I have also prepared the actual speech. [Laughter.] So, people who only prepare their accent must not disturb me. [Laughter.]
The DA should take full responsibility of what happened in De Doorns. Your leader, still with the beautiful aroma of the curry she enjoyed at the Guptas' and a cheque in hand, went straight to De Doorns and opted to meet with the farm owners and take their side. It should also take full responsibility for the fact that it was their MEC for police who issued instructions that led to the death of two workers and the injury of many others. For you to always blame the national Ministers when you fail to lead in the Western Cape is disgusting and a reflection of the same weaknesses that you claim were displayed by us as the ruling party. Some in this House, Comrade honourable President, were only interested in hearing the words "youth wage subsidy" and, for them, without it there was no state of the nation address. They closed their eyes and ears to the plethora of interventions that were proposed as part of the state of the nation address. This is solely for several reasons, one of them being that the DA sees the youth wage subsidy as their own "pack project". When the President says "Youth wage subsidy," to them it means a lounge for their election campaign and banking on the vulnerable young people. But it also means that they will want to continue to fuel divisions between the aligned structures and also the progressive Youth Alliance. It is actually disingenuous to suggest that the President conceded to the youth wage accord and youth employment incentives solely because he saw re-election in Mangaung. For your information and free education, you see, this thing of jumping courses doesn't help. [Laughter.]
Cosatu does not vote in the conference of the ANC. [Applause.] The alliance between Cosatu and the ANC is not based on tit for tat; it is not based on convenience, but it is an alliance forged in struggle and will never be divided on the basis of interparty elections ... [Interjections.] ...
Hon members, order!
... unlike your alliance, with whom you have just "gwinyad", which is Cope, the UDM and everybody else, in these corridors of power, that have no principles, and do not act in the interests of our people, but merely seek to assert the dominance of the DA with the hope that one day we will only have a two-party parliament and so forth. [Applause.]
Cosatu and the ANC will remain allies forever and will outlive all paper alliances, especially of those who bumped each other here in Parliament. It is interesting to note that your orchestrated, mischievous, cunning plot behind the motion of no confidence, that was raised last year was intended to ensure that the President is not re-elected in Mangaung. Your confession was quite revealing and we are happy to learn that hiding behind Constitutional Court proceedings, and the fact that the motion has expired, does not hold water at all.
The fact is that structures of the ANC have spoken. The people will speak in 2014 and vote the ANC into government again and you will remain here. [Applause.] Hopefully, the Madam honourable Premier of the Western Cape would have found somebody else to repeat what she once said here in Parliament.
In fact, if I were you, hon Mazibuko, I would be busy doing a background check on hon Lekota, because everything that he touches - although it seems goldish - actually turns into something else. [Laughter.] I can favour you with the numbers of Mr Mbhazima Shilowa and many other people who had fallen on in his road along a vicious trail to political power. [Laughter.]
Instead of cutting a dress to celebrate your short-lived governance of Tlokwe, I would be watching Cassius Lekota, for he has a lean and hungry look. Look at it. [Laughter.] Such men are dangerous. One of the most forgiving leaders of the ANC and of the country, Comrade Nelson Mandela, had to relieve hon Lekota as Premier of the Free State and redeploy him to the National Council of Provinces here. [Laughter.]
His energy in refusing to be silenced was not there when he was a leader of the ANC and of the Free State government. If this energy was there and was positive, revolutionary energy, we would not have had Harrismith as the first ever service delivery protest in this country on your watch and leadership. If this honesty, integrity and holier-than-thou attitude had been there, the ANC and Parliament would not have penalised you for having been silent about some wine cellar here and a bit of property in Bloemfontein and Durban, and probably a couple of shares in a petroleum distribution company. Now, because you are in the comfort of the opposition benches, the responsibility of governing is no longer on your shoulders, that's why you can easily, without fear, yell out all of those allegations and shout all of those things that you have been shouting every year when there is a debate on the state of the nation address.
In our view, as the ANC, the youth employment accord, which you referred to, honourable President, represents an integrated strategy to resolve youth unemployment in both the immediate term and the long term. It is an accord based on long days of engagement and discussion, but, more importantly, it is a sign of collective commitment by all sectors of our society. If the DA and all its hangers-on are unwilling to accept this consensus, the train will move with those who are prepared to move.
This accord identifies problems on both the supply and demand side of the labour market; it also facilitates commitments by both the private, Nedlac and public sector. As you don't have any experience in governing except in Tlokwe for six days, you wouldn't know what it means to establish consensus amongst different parties. [Laughter.] Part of this consensus includes a youth employment incentive; support for youth small, medium and micro-sized enterprises and youth co-operatives; the expansion of the community works programme through a youth brigade; the public sector investments in fast- growing industries; skills and training by both the private and public sector; and making education fashionable by the government and society in general.
To all of these, close to six areas, that have been agreed to by all sectors in Nedlac, the DA says it just wants one solution, which is the youth wage subsidy. Now that exposes the opportunism that lies behind the campaign by the DA for a youth wage subsidy. I think some other day, on a different day, I will have to sit with my comrade at Cosatu House and see how we finally deal with this energy on the youth wage subsidy.
Honourable President, as part of "the year of the artisan", which is driven by the Department of Higher Education and Training, this government needs to urgently train thousands of bricklayers, roofers, electricians, plumbers, welders, motor mechanics, painters, tillers, fitters and turners and panel beaters in order to take advantage of the public sector infrastructure plans or to support them as SMMEs and co-operatives. [Applause.]
The vocational component of FET colleges is an important platform to ensure that we produce these skills in their thousands. Listen who is talking about selling out and where she is sitting. [Laughter.] We call on young people who qualify to take advantage of the free education already being provided in further education and training colleges.
According to the Minister of Higher Education and Training, no young person is required to pay when registering at an FET college. We hope that young people will take advantage of this opportunity. It also means, honourable President, that the government and the private sector have to join hands in revitalising the manufacturing sector and ensuring that young people are employees of choice. Creating jobs for youth and supporting the youth SMME and co-operatives initiative means taking advantage of the demand for cheaper, but importbased goods, such as mobile phones, laptops, tablets, decoders and millions of other goods that would create youth employment.
There are more cars, for instance, in South Africa than people in Swaziland, but all of the cars on our roads are either imported or locally assembled. Honourable President, is this not the time that we ask the question: Where is the South African car?
The fact that since January more than 315 000 solar geysers have been installed in poverty-stricken households means that there is potential to support SMMEs and co-operatives, but also to support a huge manufacturing capacity and yield thousands of jobs.
In fact, with the more than 50 incentives that are already in place in the Department of Trade and Industry and in many other government initiatives, we hope that those initiatives will be directed towards new initiatives such as this one involving solar geyser heaters and so forth.
Mr President, over time, you have been called upon - and that call was repeated here today - to build the confidence of the private sector in business. We believe, as the ANC, that the people who need reassurance are the marginalised, excluded, impoverished and the exploited youth who never doubted the commitment of this government or ever lost confidence in it.
As you serve the last year of your first term as President, let it be for the teenagers who have just completed their Grade 12 and hope to enter the university world, or for the young person who has just completed their FET studies and hopes to be an artisan, or for a collective of young men and women who need seed capital to start a small business or cooperative, or for a school drop-out who wants to re-enter the education system. Young people out there are not expecting a hand-out from this government; they are expecting a hand-up; and look to us to facilitate opportunities. I promise you, Comrade honourable President, that if that can be achieved, no amount of vulgarity from my peer, hon Mazibuko, will ever shake you or the ANC. Let it be done for the youth and let it be done before it is too late. Thank you. [Applause.]