House Chairperson, allow me to recognise the veterans from the Western Cape and to invite them to join Mr Mlangeni and other veterans in Parliament in the office of the Chief Whip to enjoy a piece of birthday cake. [Applause.]
Almost 150 years ago, African American Frederick Douglass, a one-time slave who became a leader of the abolitionist movement, said: "If there is no struggle, there is no progress." It is through struggle that we enjoy freedom and celebrate our Africaness today. This progress came at a price including the payment of the supreme sacrifice, that of life and limb.
At its 21st summit, the African Union declared 2013 the year of Pan- Africanism and the African Renaissance, ideas born out of Ethiopianism or African Redemption.
Our icon Nelson Mandela told us in 1992 that the relationship between the Ethiopian or African church and the struggles of the African peoples dates back to the 1870s, when people realised that some missionary societies adulterated Christianity to justify racism, slavery, colonial oppression and exploitation. The sons of the missionaries assumed positions in the magistracy, which were charged with the responsibility of enforcing colonial laws which forcibly deprived Africans of their humanity and cultural, social and economic rights.
It was the hardships visited on African people by slavery and racism in church and state institutions that forced the African clergy to break away from missionary churches and led to the establishment of Ethiopian or African churches.
It is necessary for us to look briefly at the history of Pan-Africanism and its underlying values. It was a Trinidadian lawyer and priest, Henry Sylvester Williams, who founded the Pan-African Movement. Williams believed in the equality of the human race and nonracial inclusivity. He rejected the notion of European superiority over Africans.
During his stay in the United States and Canada, Williams witnessed the oppressive conditions under which black people lived and, upon his arrival in England in 1896, where he was employed by a church society to lecture in different parts of the British Empire, he learnt from Mrs Kinloch from KwaZulu-Natal about the adulteration of Christianity and the ill-treatment of African people by some missionaries in that province and South Africa as a whole.
These experiences and the victory of Ethiopia over the fascist Italian forces aroused Williams' Pan-African national consciousness. This found expression in the African Association which he founded on September 24, 1897. The stated objectives of the African Association were:
To encourage a feeling of unity and to facilitate friendly intercourse among Africans ... to promote and protect the interests of all subjects claiming African descent, wholly or in part in British colonies and other places especially in Africa by circulating accurate information on all subjects affecting their rights and privileges as subjects of the British Empire, by direct appeals to the Imperial and local governments.
Williams believed, and later urged Africans to unite and to do for themselves what no one else could do for them, however noble their intentions might be. He stated this at the first gathering of the African Association held on January 11, 1898. This belief is manifested in today's slogan that "people are their own liberators".
Williams was greatly aggrieved that the African race, unlike the British people, had no representation in Parliament. He condemned this as manifestly unfair. He charged the British government with condoning the introduction of slavery in South Africa under the leadership of Cecil John Rhodes.
Last, but not least, Williams appealed to the British Empire, on behalf of the African Association, to call upon its representatives to ensure fairness and justice for African people. He said that the association would welcome institutions such as the industrial schools and the basic teachings of Christianity that would provide education and moral structure, not adulterated Christianity.
As a result of the activities of the African Association, a call was made as early as 1898 for the 1900 Conference in London that first gave currency to the concept of Pan-Africanism. In fact, Williams had conceived the idea of a world conference of African people in 1897 even before the formation of the African Association. In December 1897, Henry Williams and Bishop Henry Mason Joseph met and consulted Benito Sylvain from Haiti, on the idea of the Pan-African Congress.
Williams also consulted with two leaders of African churches - Bishop Henry McNeal Turner of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, and Bishop Alexander Walters of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Zion. The African or Ethiopian Church therefore made a significant contribution to the development of Pan-Africanism.
On the advice of these leaders and a number of others from Africa, the West Indies and the United States who visited London for various reasons, a preparatory meeting of a Pan-African Congress convened on June 12, 1899. The committee called for, inter alia, the retention of African culture in institutions which were not offensive to humanity and the establishment of a nondenominational African church.
This was not surprising because of the dominance of Ethiopian Christian leaders opposed to the adulteration of Christianity by some Western denominations and its use to advance the interests of slave masters and colonialists. Before the conference started, it was agreed that Bishop Alexander Walters should preside and W E B Du Bois should chair the committee on the address to the nations of the World.
The first committee report presented and adopted by the first Pan-African Congress recommended the formation of a Pan-African Association which would have branches in other parts of the empire, including South Africa. The aims and objectives of the Pan-African Association were to rescue Africans throughout the world and secure true civil and political rights, and "to ameliorate the conditions of our brothers on the continent of Africa, America and other parts of the world".
Moreover, the delegates hoped to establish a united front of independent African states, an objective that would later be resuscitated by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana.
Bishop Alexander Walters and Reverend Sylvester Williams respectively were elected chairperson and secretary of the African Pan-African Association. The report on the Pan-African Association was followed by the address to the nations of the world which was delivered by W E B Du Bois. Du Bois prophesied that racism would be the great problem of the 20th century. Indeed, at the end of the Anglo-Boer War, the Britons and the Boers concluded the Treaty of Vereeniging in 1902, which legalised racism. This was followed by the South African Native Commission of 1905 to 1906, which recommended territorial segregation between black and white in South Africa.
Meanwhile the arrival of Bishop McNeal Turner of the AME Church in 1898, Henry Sylvester Williams and Peregrino, the Ghanaian journalist in 1900 and the South African Ethiopian movement, had already sown the seeds of Pan- Africanism. In Cape Town, Williams helped Abdullah Abdurahman and Sol Plaatjie to establish the African People's Organisation, APO. Abdurahman correctly used the terms African and coloured interchangeably because coloured people are part and parcel of the African family.
Peregrino founded a newspaper, the South African Spectator. In it he sought to connect Pan-Africanism and African nationalism. Having lived in the Rochester area, USA, for a decade, before coming to South Africa, Peregrino identified the similarities in the nature of racism that confronted the African people in South Africa and the African Americans. He made the South African Spectator the political and intellectual forum of this connection across the Atlantic.
Pan-Africanism was thus born out of the triple African struggle against racism, slavery and colonialism. It was, firstly, a struggle for the recovery of African humanity and its inherent and inalienable dignity. Secondly, it was a struggle against the triple evils of racism, slavery and colonialism, which forcibly degraded and dehumanised Africans on the continent and the Diaspora. Thirdly, it was a movement for the unification of people of African descent, the world over, in the struggle against those triple crimes against African humanity. Fourthly, it was a struggle to regain political, cultural and socioeconomic rights, and lastly, freedom and independence. Thus, human dignity, unity and co-operation, shared responsibility and prosperity among people of African descent became the core values and principles of Pan-Africanism. The colonial onslaught notwithstanding, Africans did not lose faith and hope.
In 1905, Pixley ka Isaka Seme in his lecture, The regeneration of Africa, called for a new and unique civilisation for Africa and Africans. The concept of the regeneration of Africa, later the African Renaissance, received impetus in the second half of the 20th century from the writings of Booker T Washington, WEB Du Bois and Marcus Garvey.
Garvey's radical Pan-African nationalism and his slogan of "Africa for Africans", propagated under the auspices of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, UNIA, catalysed the Harlem Renaissance in the 1920s. The leaders who were influenced by Garveyism were Kwame Nkrumah, Mnandi Azikiwe and Nelson Mandela himself, who embraced the concept of the African Renaissance.
In 1945, the Pan-African Congress held in Manchester was seen, in retrospect, as a pacemaker for decolonisation in Africa and in the British West Indies. It marked a significant advance in the participation of workers, peasants, youth and women in the Pan-African cause. It demanded an end to colonial rule and an end to racial discrimination, while it carried forward the broad struggle against imperialism, for human rights and equality of economic opportunity.
The Pan-African Congress manifesto itself positioned the political and economic demands of the congress within a new world context of international co-operation. Pan-Africanist interests once more returned to the African, with a particular focus on African unity and liberation. Most notably, the congress drafted the declaration of the colonised against imperialism. Ultimately, most of the resolutions were implemented over time with African countries achieving their political independence.
A number of leading Pan-Africanists, particularly George Padmore and WEB Du Bois, emphasised their commitment to Africa by immigrating, in both cases, to Ghana and becoming African citizens. Across the continent, a new group of Pan-Africanists arose amongst the nationalists - Kwame Nkrumah and others.
On the eve of Ghana's independence on 6 March 1957, Nkrumah, influenced by 20th century advocates of Pan-Africanism, and a founding member of the Organisation of African Unity, declared that the independence of Ghana was meaningless until it was linked to the total liberation of the African continent.
In 1958, Nkrumah convened a conference of independent states. Later in the same year, Nkrumah and George Padmore organised an All-African Peoples Conference in Ghana, which laid the foundation for the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, in 1963. At the 21st summit, the AU adopted the declaration of the 50th anniversary of the OAU-AU. The declaration reaffirmed the commitment of African leaders to the ideals of Pan-Africanism and Africa's aspiration for greater unity. They also reaffirmed their determination to build an integrated and prosperous Africa, driven by its citizens.
I hope this Parliament will support the declaration of the AU and commit resources to its implementation. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Chairperson, it is indeed a privilege and an honour to participate in the debate on Africa Day today. Since becoming a member of the Pan-African Parliament, Pap, in 2009, I have developed a greater awareness of the issues of 53 Parliaments in Africa. The lessons learnt have left me richer for the experience.
I wish to pay tribute and offer my condolences to the family of the former President of the Pan-African Parliament, hon Idriss Ndele Moussa, who passed away as a result of a car accident. He was the President of the Pan- African Parliament from 2009 to 2012, and did an outstanding job in leading from the front. The roadshow he undertook to get 15 countries to ratify the African Charter on Democracy is a legacy he leaves us with. I had the privilege of accompanying him on three of these missions.
On 25 May 2013, we not only celebrated Africa Day, but also marked the 50th anniversary of the formation of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, which became the African Union, AU, in 2002. This continental organisation was formed with the aim of uniting Africa across its diverse cultures, languages, religious beliefs, nationalities and serving as a home for the people of Africa.
The theme for the 50th anniversary is ``Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance''. The term ``Renaissance'' refers to a reawakening or revitalisation. The spirit of the African Renaissance has found expression in the African continent through Pan-Africanism, which is a concept for a united Africa and the liberation of its people from colonisation. Africa has suffered greatly as a result of colonisation. The OAU/AU offers a vision of life as independent democracies.
However, in recent years, Africa has been on fire. Libya, Egypt, Syria, Mali and the Central African Republic are a few examples. As we celebrate the OAU/AU golden jubilee, we need to treble or even quadruple our efforts to achieve peace and security. All AU instruments, like the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, are critical to resolving conflict.
The declaration that the African leaders signed in Addis Ababa on 27 May this year is, to my mind, silent on some of the human rights atrocities that are being carried out. A good example is the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. Why are heads of state including our own, not vocal in condemning Morocco for the occupation of Western Sahara?
While some progress has been recorded on the economic front, Africa faces a big challenge in respect of human development. As a continent, we have the lowest human development indicators of any region in the world. Life expectancy of 54,5 years, and an average mean years of schooling of 4,5 years are but 2 examples. Diseases like HIV/Aids, TB and malaria are some of the contributory factors. Education is key to ensuring improvement. The Pan-African Parliament has a critical role to play in strengthening the development goals of the AU in several ways, one of which is in the area of elections, democracy and inclusive governance. As a continent, Africa faces several challenges to governance like unconstitutional changes of government in the form of coups d'tat.
If democracy is truncated and democratically elected governments are removed through unconstitutional means, then it weakens the Pan-African Parliament. Therefore, Pap has to ensure that it promotes vigorously the rule of law, protecting human rights and inclusive governance in all of Africa.
I would be failing in my duty as a daughter of Africa if I didn't call upon members in this House to condemn, in the strongest possible terms, Mr Sangweni and Phumlani Mfeka's bizarre and racist utterances, tantamount to hate speech, that Gandhi hated African people and that all Indians are corrupt and racist. Their comments are like a powder keg and we need to defuse this situation urgently. This kind of rhetoric has no place in our democracy. Sangweni and Mfeka owe all South Africans an apology.
Colleagues, in the words of the President of Ghana: "This is an exciting time to be in Africa; and it is an exciting time to be an African". The DA congratulates the AU on its golden jubilee and wishes it well in achieving its goals. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, hon members and fellow South Africans, in this year of the 50th year anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, and the 10th anniversary of the African Union, AU, it is important to identify and address the challenges that face us as Africans. The topic of Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance should be based on a clear understanding of who is an African.
The history of Pan-Africanism was born out of the consequences of the European scramble to colonise Africa. The infamous Berlin Conference in 1885 set the current borders of Africa according to the different European countries' colonisation of the continent. Those borders disregarded the common African identities, cultures and languages found across those borders.
During the twentieth century, African identity was based on being a black and from Africa. However, because of colonisation and globalisation, the situation is now such that we have people of European descent who are citizens of Africa, and people of African descent who are citizens of Europe.
Thus, in response to the question of who is an African, Mammo Muchie argues that there is no such thing as an essential African identity that has been frozen in time. Rather, African identity should be expressed through a rejection of racism, ethnicity, parochialism, exclusivity and barbarism. African identity must be inclusive, non-essentialist and emancipatory. Therefore, fundamentally it is the consciousness of a person that determines who is an African.
If there is a common acceptance of the Africa project, then Pan-Africanism must be premised therefore on the understanding that countries of Africa can only achieve the fundamental goals of guaranteed independence and the self-determination of their own paths of socioeconomic development through unity.
The developed countries and the emerging markets such as China and India look to Africa for her natural resources. To ensure social and economic security and development through Africa, it is important to use political power and unity for Africa. A politically unified Africa will enable her countries to develop their common strategic interests while maintaining the interests and integrity of the continent. In this way Africa can provide a meaningful contribution to the global community, and create a future on the continent of stability and prosperity.
In the contemporary Africa there are, however, threats to the establishment of a unified Africa. The rent-seeking government of many African states has led to a situation that inhibits the development of countries. This creates the system of patrimony that is designed to generate funds which enrich a select few in power, allowing for some in the corporate and civil society sectors to take advantage of the system to benefit them. An extremely damaging consequence of this form of governance has been the advent of drug trafficking on the continent. This has eroded the sovereignty of some states, and the only way to remove this evil is through an integrated response across Africa. The way forward to eliminate rent- seeking and reopen the way to a genuine Africa is unity. Despite the new Afro-optimism, it is important that leaders remain vigilant and humble because there are still persistent places of conflict and institutional instability on the continent. Security and stability across the continent are important for all Africa's people and her development.
Africa's history has been one of unmaking. The centuries-long period of slavery, the European imperialism and colonial domination unmade Africa. The African Renaissance is about the remaking of Africa by Africans. This is reliant on a unified Africa. With the political power of unity, Africa can achieve the following: Firstly, its own vision of globalisation with economic integration; secondly, implementation of policy that will remove dependency; thirdly, the diversification of the markets and trade partners; fourthly, the promotion of sound financial systems; fifthly, the development of social needs; and lastly, the betterment of the lives of the people of Africa. All of these measures will ensure prosperity and stability for Africa and her people.
Unite Africa; prosperity for Africa and a united Africa should be the way to go. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, we owe a big debt of gratitude for the freedoms we now enjoy to the African leaders and heads of state, who met in Addis Ababa in May 1963 to develop a master plan to liberate the people of Africa from the brutal rule of the colonial regime. This 50th anniversary of the African Union, AU, provides us with an opportunity to reflect on the progress made thus far.
There are today a growing number of stable democracies in Africa. African people in many parts of the continent are able to elect governments of their choice. Economic performance and regional integration in many parts of the continent are progressing, although at a slow pace. These two are important, if we are to free our people from the yoke of poverty and underdevelopment. We abhor and condemn the ongoing change of chains practised by some of the African states on the continent.
Despite these achievements, more than a quarter of the African population is poor and uneducated whilst thousands die every day from curable diseases. We find it very difficult to accept this. After many years of independence, Africa remains involved in civil wars, coups and counter- coups. We need bold leadership to rid the continent of these problems, as they make the task of renewing Africa impossible to accomplish.
South Africa has lost the influence it once had on the African continent and its leaders. Nowhere is this more evident than in the fact that the South African government no longer plays a leading role in continental issues. The Central African Republic fiasco and South Africa's embarrassing retreat from the country recently have made matters worse. This leadership void has created a breeding ground for the recolonisation of Africa.
The time has come for South Africa to recapture the lost ground as the continental leader. I thank you.
Hon Speaker, thank you for affording me this opportunity to speak on the role of the Pan-African Parliament in deepening and enhancing democracy in Africa. My speech is dedicated to the memory of the former president of the Pan-African Parliament, hon Idriss Ndele Moussa, who passed away as a result of a road accident in N'Djamena in Chad on Sunday, 19 May 2013. As the ANC, we wish to convey sincere and heartfelt condolences from the people of South Africa to the family and relatives of the late hon Idriss Ndele and the entire African family. May his soul rest in peace!
The ANC believes that the Pan-African Parliament, the PAP, has a crucial role to play to realise the aspiration of a united and democratic Africa which is also stable, prosperous and at peace with itself, its people, and the rest of the world.
In stating the above, we are guided by the clear directive of the ANC's 53rd National Conference, which says that the ANC resolves to assist the Pan-African Parliament to revitalise its role as a catalyst for the unity and further democratisation of Africa, and that the ANC will promote and celebrate the institution of the PAP in South Africa. That the Pan-African Parliament has an important role to play in promoting democracy is not under dispute. Where consensus needs to be developed is in relation to the content of the democratic and development project.
In his address to the First Ordinary Session of the Second Legislature of the Pan-African Parliament in October 2009, the President of the Republic of South Africa, His Excellency Jacob Zuma, challenged the members of the PAP to give elaborate meaning to the content of the democracy they have undertaken to pursue. He thus said:
Once again, the question we must answer is: What is our common understanding of the democratic project in Africa?
Democracy is not an end in itself. It is a means to bring about improved conditions of livelihood for the people of Africa. It is about securing a future where African women and children will no longer present us with the common image of squalor, pestilence and famine, whilst they carry their meagre possessions as they run from yet another war perpetrated by men.
President Zuma was addressing the need for Africa to create this future urgently when he said:
Our people remain exposed to disease and malnutrition, with high rates of child mortality and declining life expectancy, despite significant medical advances and improved health care provision.
Parts of our continent are still plagued by war and conflict, political instability, and the removal of governments by unconstitutional means. In such circumstances, development is stifled and economic activity severely curtailed. It is the ordinary people who suffer, the very people that we in this Assembly represent.
The ANC has always understood that South Africa needs to campaign actively for the realisation of the shared objectives of the Southern African region and Africa. It has always recognised the critical importance of working within the established continental multilateral institutions. Thus, in its 1992 Ready to Govern policy guideline document, the ANC states that South Africa is part and parcel of the African continent in general and Southern Africa in particular. As such, the ANC will continue to work for the aims and objectives of the Organisation of African Unity, the OAU, the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference and the Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern Africa in achieving the economic integration of the continent. The Pan-African Parliament, also known as the African Parliament, is the legislative body of the African Union and it held its inaugural session in March 2004. The PAP exercises oversight and has advisory and consultative powers.
As indicated above, the PAP plays a crucial role in activities associated with deepening and enhancing democracy. In this regard, the PAP has the following responsibility: To examine, discuss and express an opinion on any matter, either on its own initiative or at the request of the Assembly or other policy organs, and make any recommendations it may deem fit relating to, inter alia, matters pertaining to respect of human rights, the consolidation of democratic institutions and the culture of democracy, as well as the promotion of good governance and the rule of law.
In its 53rd National Conference, the ANC underscored the important role of the PAP in actively stimulating democracy, unity and stability among other key imperatives of the African agenda. The ANC thus said:
South Africa resolves to assist the PAP to revitalise its role as a key catalyst for the unity and further democratisation of Africa. South Africa should assist the PAP to establish or support regional parliaments in line with the regional bodies of the African Union.
In this conference, the delegates went further to commit the ANC-led government to assist with the transformation and establishment of the tools and institutions which are required to bring about African unity and democracy. In this regard, it was resolved that the ANC will continue to play an active role in strengthening the PAP and its work. The ANC will lead the debate on the future of the PAP on the transformation of the Parliament by giving full legislative powers. The ANC will promote and celebrate the institution of the PAP in South Africa.
The PAP exercises oversight and has advisory and consultative powers lasting for the first five years. The objectives of the PAP underscore the high premium that the PAP places on the enhancement of democracy in Africa. The two objectives which speak directly to this imperative are the commitment to cultivate human rights and democracy in Africa, and to make sure that member states adhere to good governance, transparency and accountability.
The other objectives give expression to the pursuit of conditions whose realisation can only be enhanced through democracy. Thus, one of the objectives speaks of the PAP's aspiration to engender peace, security and stability on the continent. The powers of the PAP shed further light on the collective desire for democracy in Africa. In this regard, it is stated that the PAP's powers include the power to examine, discuss and express an opinion on any matter, either on its own initiative or in promotion of good governance and the rule of law.
The PAP's agenda of democratisation and development is not without its fair share of challenges. In his piece entitled: Transformation of the Pan- African Parliament: A path to a legislative body? Mpanyane draws opinions that doubts remain about the ability of the PAP to realise its objective and vision. In fact, the record of the PAP during the first five years shows that it still faces many challenges and disadvantages. Among its most critical disadvantages is that the PAP does not have any enforcement capacity for its decisions. Instead, it only has consultative and advisory powers. Another challenge is that its members are not directly elected but nominated. Thus, there are doubts about the likelihood of the PAP being transformed into a full legislative body as envisioned by the Protocol to the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community Relating to the Pan- African Parliament.
However, it is encouraging to note that the PAP has a strategic plan to deal with these challenges. In her address to the Third Pan-African Parliament on 6 May 2013, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, her Excellency Dr Dlamini-Zuma, had this to say on the PAP's plan:
The African Union Commission has as its core mandate the implementation of the vision of our union of an integrated, people-centred and prosperous Africa, at peace with itself.
The commission has therefore recommended its third strategic plan for 2014 to 2017 to the policy organs, based on the following eight clusters of priorities and our assessment of the state of the continent. These clusters are: Promoting peace and stability; inclusive governance; democracy and human rights as a foundation for inclusion; security and the development of the continent and its people; mainstreaming the participation of women and the youth in all priorities and activities of the Union and the continent; building a people-centred Union through active communication of the programmes of the African Union; the branding of the Union and participation of member states and other stakeholders in defining and implementing the African agenda; strengthening the institutional capacity of the African Union Commission, the AUC, the Regional Economic Communities, the RECs, and other organs, and its relations with strategic and other partners.
It is essential that Africa leverages its own resources to bring about the change which is articulated in the above vision. For this to happen, member states of the African Union must be encouraged to pay their dues. The ANC understands the critical importance of this matter of developing adequate resources for supporting the programmes of the PAP and other AU organs of African development. That is why the delegates of the ANC resolved, at the 53rd National Conference, that the ANC should call on all African countries to pay their membership subscriptions to the AU. Thank you, hon Speaker. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members, the African struggle against colonialism reflected strong commitment on the part of the Africans to break the political and economic stranglehold on the African continent, superimposed by European imperial powers through the Berlin Conference, presided over by the German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, from 1884 to 1885.
The Pan-African Conference that met in London in 1900 brought together black political leaders, scholars, academics, students, journalists, professionals, authors and travellers from the UK, the USA, Canada, Europe, the West Indies and Africa to discuss the unity of the African people and how they should fight colonialism, racism and exploitation.
As they say, the Pan-African initiative became the foundation for the development of a unified ideological movement in the interest of African people. As the movement grew stronger, one by one, African countries gained their independence and freedom from the colonial powers. However, as we all know here now, South Africa became the last African country to gain freedom - and I must say, of a special type - in 1994.
In May 1963, the venerable Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia convened in Addis Ababa the convocation of the African state delegations, where the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, was founded. Joseph E Harris wrote:
The OAU was founded at a time when the spirit of Pan-Africanism pervaded Africa. Nkrumah's vision of a United States of Africa excited many Africans and non-Africans, alike. And although he and Nasser and a few other heads of state did not carry the day for a strong centralised body, the signing of the charter establishing the OAU was, itself, a momentous event.
Like the Accra Conference of Independent African States in 1958, the OAU Charter also reflected, put emphasis and elaborated on a programme of action on the following: firstly, Africa's contribution to world peace; secondly, making further progress in the struggle for the elimination of colonialism and racism; thirdly, spread of goodwill towards individuals and minorities; fourthly, conformity with the Universal Charter of the United Nations; fifthly, promotion of good relations among states; and lastly, promotion of continental unity, peace, security, co-operation and development.
It was not long, however, before the predicament of the legacy of colonialism revisited the post-colonial African nation state. The reason was that the African nation state was built on the European value systems, frontiers and boundaries that ignored African regional realities, ethnicity, languages, and cultures. With this influence, unfortunately, some of the African leaders were tempted to embrace the corrupt colonial heritage of the settler administration. Others supported and benefited from the proliferation of the small arms trade, drug smuggling and human trafficking. Some promoted ethnic conflicts, warlordism and intrastate wars.
Today, in the spirit of Nnamdi Azikiwe's idea of an Africa in renaissance, it is required of the modern African leadership to lead the continent out of these predicaments and provide a visionary and effective leadership that will work judiciously to reclaim Africa's economic, political and cultural sovereignty; unite the African people against underdevelopment, poverty and diseases; and galvanise for lasting peace, security and democracy throughout the African continent.
Hon Chairperson Skosana, your time has expired.
With these words, Mr Speaker: promote ...
You can distribute the rest of the speech.
Thank you, sir. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, today's debate is about Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance.
I listened very carefully to the hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party, who was basically the main speaker on behalf of the ANC. With all due respect to the Chief Whip, what I heard was a very good history lesson about Pan- Africanism. What concerned me, however, is the fact that I heard nothing about the present, never mind the future. I am interested in the future and I know that we have got to listen to the past, but what about the future?
Pan-Africanism is an ideology and movement that encourages the solidarity of Africans worldwide.
Dit is 'n denkrigting wat ongeveer 200 jaar lank bestaan. [This is a philosophy which has been in existence for approximately 200 years.]
It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social and political progress, and aims to unify and uplift people of African descent.
Die agb Hoofsweep van die meerderheidsparty het ook daarna verwys. Dit bring onmiddellik die vraag, natuurlik, na vore: Wat word bedoel met "African people" [Afrikane] of "people of African descent" [mense van Afrika-oorsprong]? Die gedagte aanvanklik was gewees, uit die aard van die saak, dat dit gegaan het oor swart mense en nie andere nie.
Die agb Ramatlakane van Cope het baie duidelik daarop gewys dat dinge is dinamies, definisies verander, en dat Afrikanisme vandag baie meer beteken as net om swart te wees. Iemand soos Gaddafi, wat 'n baie groot voorstander van Pan-Afrikanisme was, was iemand uit die Arabiese noorde van Afrika. Net so, is daar mense, uit die aard van die saak, aan die suide van Afrika wat nie swart is nie, wat wit is, en wat hulself beskou as deel van Afrika, en wat daarop staatmaak.
Die probleem het gekom, onder andere, by iemand soos Kwame Nkrumah van Ghana, wat een van die groot stigters en vaders van di gedagte was, met sy denke van soek eers die politieke koningkryk en al die ander dinge sal bygevoeg word - die gedagte van kry die politieke mag en al die ander dinge sal vanself kom. Dit is nie nodig om goeie onderwys, hospitale en paaie te bou en in stand te hou nie. Kry eers die politieke mag.
Ons hoor gereeld van potensiaal. Afrika het enorme potensiaal. Afrika-lande het enorme potensiaal. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[The hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party has also referred to that. This immediately poses the question: What is meant by African people or people of African descent? The idea, of course, initially was that this concerned blacks and not others.
The hon Ramatlakane from Cope made it very clear that things are dynamic, that definitions change, and that Africanism today means much more than merely being black. Someone such as Gaddafi, who was a major proponent of Pan-Africanism, was someone from the Arabian north of Africa. Similarly, there are, naturally, people from the south of Africa who are not black, who are white, and who regard themselves as part of Africa, and who rely on that.
It posed a challenge, inter alia, in respect of someone such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, who was one of the great founders and fathers of this school of thought, with his thinking of first seeking the political kingdom and all the other things will be added - the idea of acquiring political power and everything else following as a matter of course. It is not necessary to provide good education, and build and maintain hospitals and roads. First acquire political power.
We regularly hear about potential. Africa has huge potential. African countries have huge potential.]
It means nothing. Do not tell me about countries and continents with potential. Tell me about people with potential - and yes, we all have potential.
Maar wat doen ons daaromtrent? Hoe word dit toegepas in die praktyk? Die hele gedagte van geen opvoeding voor bevryding eers bevryding en dan opvoeding. Waar het dit ons gebring in die praktyk? Ons, in Afrika, moet besef dat die wreld ons niks skuld nie. Die gedagte van Pan-Afrikanisme is om groot strukture te vorm en eenheid in Afrika te skep, en om te verseker dat hierdie sterk strukture met die res van die wreld kan kompeteer. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[But what are we doing about it? How is this applied in practice? The whole idea of no education before liberation; first liberation and then education. Where has this got us in practice? We, in Africa, should realise that the world does not owe us anything. The idea behind Pan-Africanism is to develop large structures and create unity in Africa, ensuring that these large structures are able to compete with the rest of the world.]
That is not what it is about. It is about economic realities.
Afrika sal moet leer om te presteer ten opsigte van die ekonomie. Dit bring ons om terug na die basiese beginsels van dissipline, van hardwerkendheid, en van mense wat werklik hul potensiaal ten volle benut. Ons moet weg kom van 'n blaamkultuur wat s, "Ek is geregtig op dit; die wreld skuld my dit." Dit beteken in die praktyk niks. Die verantwoordelikheid l by ons en daarvoor het ons sterk leierskap nodig - baie sterk leierskap, wat ek bevrees is ons tans nie in Suid-Afrika kry nie, en ons betaal die prys daarvoor. Suid-Afrika raak agter in die proses. Die toekoms l voor. Kom ons praat liewers daaroor. Baie dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Africa will have to learn to achieve in respect of the economy. This brings us to the basic principles of discipline, of diligence, and of people who truly utilise their potential fully. We need to get away from a culture of blame that says, "I am entitled to this; the world owes me this". This means nothing in practice. The responsibility lies with us and for that we need strong leadership - very strong leadership, which I am afraid we do not currently have in South Africa, and we are paying the price for that. In the process, South Africa is lagging behind. The future lies ahead. Let us rather speak about that. Thank you very much.]
Hon Speaker, when asked to define who an African is at the Unisa Africa Speaks lecture series in February 2012, renowned Nobel Laureate, Prof Wole Soyinka, said: An African is not only someone born on this continent, but someone whose goals and desires are to ensure the development and growth of this continent.
While addressing the Namibia Business School in Windhoek on 24 April 2012, former President Thabo Mbeki said:
When we speak of an African Renaissance, we speak of the rebirth and renewal of our continent.
He went on to say that the principal economic tasks of the African Renaissance were, firstly, "achieving sustainable economic development that results in the continuous improvement of the standards of living and the quality of life of the masses of the people"; and, secondly, "qualitatively changing Africa's place in the world economy so that it is free of the yoke of the international debt burden, and is no longer a supplier of raw materials and an importer of manufactured goods". He then suggested that one of the central tasks the African Business School should set itself is to train leaders who would help our continent to achieve these objectives.
The ACDP is of the opinion that leaders who would be able to change the unimpressive reputation that Africa has in the international community are not only those who are committed to democracy, good governance, peace and security, and economic growth. They are also those who work tirelessly for unity, who fight corruption and greed, and are humble enough to acknowledge our desperate need for the help and intervention of the Almighty God.
We have not gone far enough in our pursuit of the dream of the African Renaissance and African unity. I believe one of the reasons is that we have pushed God aside because of the self-deceit that we can succeed without Him. Evidence proves otherwise.
When the Organisation of African Unity was dissolved and replaced by the African Union, hope was rekindled in the hearts of millions of Africans who were yearning for the dawn of a new day for Africa. I wish to submit to this House that one of the causes of the delay of this new dawn is a missing piece called the God-factor.
We should also heed the words of caution uttered by Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, who, at the 15th African Renaissance Conference in Durban last month, reportedly said African renewal must not render Africa resistant to useful lessons from other parts of the world, including Europe. He said:
We do not have to reinvent the wheel or repeat the errors of others. All we need is an open mind and attention to history. What this means for the notion of African agency is that while we are essentially in the saddle in terms of our future, we also have to build on the best historical experience from around the world. After all, cross-pollination of ideas has always been the motor of human history.
The Acting Head of the Institute for African Renaissance Studies, Prof Phalandwa Mulaudzi spoke of "how African countries can open their doors to western capitalism, on the one hand, and keep out the cultural baggage that comes with capitalism and consumerism, remaining true to ourselves, retaining our identity, our culture, our values and concepts." Thank you.
Hon Speaker and hon members, self-knowledge, as proposed by Alexander Pope when he said: "Know then yourself, presume not God to scan," is the first and most important thing that any living person has to pride themselves in. Self-knowledge awakens one to make peace with oneself in order to be content with what one has.
In 1787, when Richard Allen, Absalom Jones and others were humiliated while praying, they came to know that even in bondage they have a place they can be proud of, Africa. It is for that reason that, unlike many churches, the African Methodist Episcopal AME, Church was formed more out of sociological circumstances than theological ones. They came to know themselves, put renaissance into practice and set Pan-Africanism in motion by forming a Pan- Africanist church for Africans while in the diaspora.
Black Americans always yearn to be in Africa, just for a visit - even for a worship excursion. It is hoped that President Barack Obama and his entourage will have the same feeling when he touches down on African soil later this month.
Renowned advocates of Pan-Africanism include leaders such as Kwame Nkurumah, Muammar Gaddafi, Malcolm X and the academician Professor du Bois. In solidarity, Africans will know themselves, be self-reliant and productive, and refrain from being consumers of products from elsewhere. An all-African alliance will empower African peoples globally and rid them of dependency. Pan-Africanism will lead to power consolidation on the mother continent.
United, African nations will have the economic, political and social clout to act and compete on the world stage, as do other entities such as the European Union and the United States of America. The Pan-African Parliament, PAP, should be a precursor to a bigger and more progressive institution. It should not be a talk shop where men and women go out to talk and end up at the Boulders Shopping Centre. The African Union should have teeth and not end up as a place where leaders on the continent meet to cut deals on how they can assist one another to put away wealth obtained in invidious ways. Africa is not for sale. The fact that he who knows others is wise and he who knows himself is enlightened cannot be faulted in any way. It is high time we rid ourselves of xenophobic tendencies and refrained from calling nationals from other parts of Africa derogatory names. In our search for African renewal, let us desist from thinking that being South Africans or being in South Africa means we are in a second heaven. Let us accept that all people are human beings created in the image of God. We should do unto others as we would like others to do unto us. We should refrain from putting on airs but be ready to love, respect, serve, consult and be tolerant of all mankind. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, I feel honoured today to participate in this important debate on Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance. I want to focus on the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, as the developmental tool of the African Union, AU.
Co-operation, unity and integration are indispensable for a meaningful and effective African agenda of development. Kwame Nkrumah, one of the foremost architects and advocates of the Pan-Africanism philosophy, once described the economic balkanisation of African states as the most cardinal injustice of colonialism. He asserted that:
By far the greatest wrong which the departing colonialists inflicted on us, and which we now continue to inflict on ourselves in our present state of disunity, was to leave us divided into economically unviable states.
The Organisation of African Unity, OAU, was formed on 25 May 1963, to respond, among others, to the challenges of the colonisation of Africa, as elaborated on by Nkwame Nkrumah. The OAU issued a declaration adopted in Sirte, Libya, calling for the establishment of the AU with a view, inter alia, to accelerating the process of integration on the continent to enable it to play its rightful role in the global economy. The OAU's strategic objective was the attainment of independence from colonial rule whilst the AU set as its task to address matters of economic development of the continent.
The ANC's engagements with multilateral continental institutions in general and the New Partnership for Africa's Development in particular, are informed by its enduring policy approach, which places a high premium on the need for African countries to forge a meaningful economic co-operation and partnership if they are to correct historical trade imbalances and thereby advance the development agenda of Africa.
The ANC in its 1992 Ready to Govern policy document said the following: Trends in the world economy make it essential for countries located outside of the major trading blocks of the advanced industrialised economies to forge greater co-operation. An ANC government will seek to actively promote economic co-operation in Southern Africa in ways that will correct existing imbalances and promote nonexploitative relationships.
In his recent interview on the subject of the 50th Anniversary of the OAU, the former President of Namibia, hon Sam Nujoma, described the role of the AU when he said:
The aim is to create more economic independence from the exploitation of African mineral resources to the control of those resources, and the riches of the continent to benefit the African people. We should be able to trade as sovereign states with other countries of the world. You should have one passport to enable you to move from here to Egypt, to Dakar, to Algeria, needing only an identity document saying that you are a Namibian, an African and that you are at home wherever you are on the continent.
The ANC supports this mandate of the AU of economic development and integration. In doing so we are inspired by the instructive resolution of the ANC's 53rd National Conference under the able leadership of President Jacob Zuma which resolved that the development and prosperity of Africa remain the central objective of the ANC's international perspective and policy for the purpose of advancing the African Renaissance.
Nepad is one of the tools through which the AU is pursuing the development agenda of Africa. It aims to provide an overarching vision and policy framework for accelerating economic co-operation and integration among African countries. Nepad is an economic development programme of the AU. It was adopted at the 37th Session of the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments in July 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia. It aims to provide an overarching vision and policy framework for accelerating economic co- operation and integration among African countries.
It is a merger of two plans for the economic regeneration of Africa, namely the Millennium Partnership for the African Recovery Programme, Map, led by former President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa in conjunction with former President Olesegun Obasanjo of Nigeria and President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria, and the Omega Plan for Africa developed by President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal. At a summit in Sirte, Libya, in March 2001, the OAU agreed that the Map and Omega Plans should be merged.
Together with the above-mentioned African leaders, former President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, was one of the foremost African thinkers who pioneered, championed and articulated the vision of Nepad. In his address to the Nepad Stakeholders Dialogue on 22 October 2004, on Nepad's priorities, former President Mbeki had this to say:
The issues of democracy, good political, economic and corporate governance, and regional integration are necessary conditions for development. These necessary conditions, coupled with other Nepad priorities such as infrastructure development; banking and financial standards; agriculture and market access are creating positive conditions conducive for better investment, reducing business costs and increasing Africa's competitiveness in the world economy.
Nepad will not succeed in an environment of political instability. The AU is very much aware of this.
One of the anniversary themes agreed upon by the AU is: "One Africa for Prosperity and Peace." Subtheme number five of these anniversary themes talks of issues of African security. It emphasises the promotion of peace and security; preventing and ending conflict and post-conflict reconstruction; strengthening capacity of African peace, security and governance architecture to ensure African solutions to African problems; addressing root causes of conflict with a focus on human security and inclusive political cultures; and promoting common African defence and security against internal and external threats including neo-colonialism, climate change, disease, and external interference.
There can be no doubt whatsoever that the AU has reduced the number of unconstitutional takeovers of governments on the continent. Most African countries are embracing democracy and the rule of law. Thanks to the AU and the role that South Africa continues to play, this will undoubtedly enhance the success of Nepad.
Nepad is a distinctly Pan-Africanist concept in the hands of Africans to leverage collective resources for the development and common good of the African people. Key to understanding and using this Nepad tool for deepening and enhancing development in Africa is to recognise the centrality of integration and co-operation which resides in Nepad as a tool.
The notion of integration is deeply nuanced in scholarly definitions of Pan- Africanism. Almost without exception, all definitions of Pan- Africanism depict it as inherently conveying ideas which undermine the balkanisation of Africa into what Nkurumah refers to as economically unviable states.
The ideas of unity, solidarity and co-operation are integral to Pan- Africanism, as evident in the definition of Pan-Africanism itself as an ideology and movement that encourages the solidarity of Africans worldwide. Pan-Africanism is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social and political progress and aims to unify and uplift peoples of African descent.
Economic integration is so vital to the goals of Pan-Africanism because it holds together the people living in a territory. Nepad is defined as a vision and strategic framework for Africa's renewal. It is aimed at dealing with the current challenges facing the African continent. Some of these challenges include the escalating poverty levels, underdevelopment and the continued marginalisation of Africa. In spite of all these challenges .... [Time expired.] I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, the term Pan-Africanism was coined by the Trinidadian lawyer, Henry Sylvester Williams, uncle of George Padmore, in June 1897 - exactly 116 years ago - when the first Pan-African association was formed in the Diaspora through the leadership of Williams. Its mandate was to enable Africans and their global descendants to achieve, among others, their "true civil and political rights", and to ameliorate the conditions of our brothers on the continent of Africa, America and other parts of the world".
A generation later, a fiery Pan-Africanist, Kwame Toure, formally known as Stokely Carmichael, declared that Pan-Africanism is premised on the belief that Africa is one.
The artificial borders are the result of the Berlin Conference of 1884 to 1885, where European powers carved up the continent and divided the spoils among themselves.
Mother Africa is sadly failing to keep her children at home and be happy. According to International Organisation of Migration, IOM, there are currently more African scientists and engineers working in the United States than in all of sub-Saharan Africa.
First World nations give about $48 billion each year in foreign aid to Africa, while taking out $178 billion in debt payments. Unfortunately, African leaders have institutionalised beggary as they move from west to east, cap in hand, begging for aid. Africa must look inwards to solve its economic problems and stop being a global crybaby.
The problems afflicting Africa can be summed up in three points: one, the absence of revolutionary and visionary leaders like Kwame Nkrumah; two, the endemic corruption; and three, the culture of impunity.
Most of the African leaders are not servants of their people; they have become masters, cruel masters. They are greedily amassing wealth and are generally deaf to the cries of the people. They change rules, even constitutions, to accommodate their rapacious appetite for corruption. These are basically not African leaders because they do not have the interests of Africa at heart. They are creatures of the West, remote- controlled from Washington, London and Paris. They worship at the altar of the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the World Bank. They bow before the tin god of dollar and euro. In Africa we have traitors parading themselves as leaders.
One cannot be a Pan-Africanist without answering the question: Who is an African? Kwesi Prah says, and I quote:
Africans exist and are also in the making. Africaness is more history and culture rather than biology, more a development of culture on historical premises rather than a fixed product arrested in time.
Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, one of the greatest Pan-Africanist thinkers, is sadly marginalised by Johnny-come-latelies - omafikizolo [newcomers] - in the politics of Africa. A documentary portraying his life is virtually banned by the government. Mickey Dube, film director of Sobukwe - A Great Soul, lamentably said:
You'd have to be a fool to not think that the ANC is deliberately erasing Robert Sobukwe from history. Pan-Africanists are not fools. Thank you.
[Interjections.]
Hon Speaker, 25 May marked the 50th anniversary of the African Union, AU. We salute the visionary leadership of the founding fathers of this august body. Much has been achieved since the formation of the AU 50 years ago and much, much more still needs to be done until Africa is fully liberated. Africa's renewal can only happen through democratic consolidation and economic growth. The preamble of the Constitutive Act of the AU espouses the promotion and protection of human and peoples' rights, the consolidation of democratic institutions and culture, ensuring good governance, the rule of law, popular participation and sustainable economic development.
The 16th ordinary session of the AU Assembly held in January 20l1 was dedicated to shared values in Africa, putting in place a Pan-African architecture on governance. This was designed to act as a catalyst to accelerate continental integration and lay a solid foundation for a prosperous Africa.
Shared values recognise the need for Africa's integration and active participation of civil society and stakeholders in ensuring delivery of services, through sustainable economic progress, by preventing armed conflicts, and through respect for humanitarian international law and fundamental rights and freedoms. [Interjections.]
Hon members, will you please reduce the level of noise in the House.
However, Africa's democratic sustainability is threatened by a lack of respect for human rights, intolerance, unconstitutional changes of governments, unconstitutional means to stay in power, dictatorship, and the growing distance between governments and the people. Africa is still faced with armed conflict, undemocratic governments, suppression of civil and political rights and human rights abuses. People in Africa are still trapped in poverty, disease, underdevelopment and lack of basic services. This impacts on the future sustainability of development in Africa. Africa needs bold leadership to steer it out of its pessimism towards optimism.
The 26th Ordinary Session in Ethiopia endorsed the AU involvement in the democratisation process through the adoption of political, social and economic conditions in Africa. In the same vein, the African Charter for Popular Participation in Developmental and Transformation was adopted to ensure popular participation in consolidating democracy.
The AU needs to strengthen the role of the African Commissioner on Human and Peoples' Rights and the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights because these are the necessary institutions that ensure, the indivisibility and interdependence of all human rights.
The AU needs to ensure that each member state establishes this institution to ensure legitimately, independence and separation of powers.
The declaration of political, social and economic rights is essential for Africa's sustainability. Without these rights, conflict will remain the biggest enemy to Africa's development. Strengthening the AU and its institutions; implementing the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, programmes for economic development, and ensuring peace, security and stability will allow Africa to rise to its full potential.
Good governance should be supported by promoting the African Peer Review Mechanism, through ensuring that all AU member parties are on the same track with regard to development and responsiveness. Tolerance, good governance, the rule of law and democracy are shared values for Africa's renewal.
The African Charter on Civil and Political Rights, in Article l3(l), provides that every citizen will have the right to participate freely in the government of his country in accordance with the provisions of the law. This is important in ensuring that people's freedom of choice and association are protected. It is for this reason that the African Liberal Network, ALN, was established in June 2003, which is a group of 35 parties from 25 African countries with the primary objective of promoting and protecting the freedom and dignity of all people by campaigning for political and civil rights; protecting basic freedoms; defending the rule of law; ensuring democratic governance, based on free and fair elections with a peaceful transition; standing up for religious, gender and minority rights, fighting corruption and free market economies.
The ALN believes that Africa's potential and long-term development can only be assured when political and civil rights are secured. The ALN adopted a Pan-African manifesto which, amongst others, recognises the separation of powers, the devolution of power, regular elections, conflict resolution, good governance, the rule of law, economic and trade relations, and human rights.
The ALN is proud of its sister party, the Rally of Republicans, RDR, in Ivory Coast under President Ouattara, who is doing a good job in changing the lives of the people through liberal policies and principles. The ALN is tirelessly making sure human rights in Africa are protected and promoted.
In conclusion, the challenges to shared values in Africa are compliance and implementation, capacity, resources, duplication and a lack of collective responsibility to ensure greater impact.
The pace of ratification of instruments and the ability of the organs to deliver on the responsibilities entrusted on them is the biggest challenge to Africa's shared values. Africa needs to stop being reactive and be proactive by implementing innovative solutions to its challenges, and have adequate early warning systems to deal with potential conflicts early and quickly enough. The only solution to the emancipation of Africa is through education.
Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance are an opportunity for Africa to protect and promote human and peoples' rights and to recognise civil and political rights.
Let Africa rise and prove pessimists wrong by taking charge of its destiny in a responsible manner. I thank you. [Applause.]
(Mr M L Fransman): Hon Speaker, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, a special welcome goes - as done already by the Chief Whip - to our veterans of the Western Cape led, in this case, by Mme [mother] Lesia. Thank you for honouring us with this particular visit. [Applause.]
We also want to specifically - especially as the younger generation - thank all the members in this House for the fact that we are part and parcel of the formation of that period of the organisation of the African Union. Thank you for the type of work done. Thank you for going into exile. Thank you for making sure that you continue to lead us in the formation of unity within Africa. [Applause.] You can clap hands as well. Therefore, thank you very much for this opportunity.
I would like to start these remarks with an extract from the poem "Africa is rising" by a founding father of the ANC and its first Treasurer-General, Pixley Ka Seme. First published in The African Abroad, on 5 May 1906, he said:
O Africa! Like some great century plant that shall bloom In ages hence, we watch thee; in our dream ... Shine as thy sister lands with equal beam.
Pixley Ka Seme prefaced this poem with the profound words, and I quote:
Civilisation resembles an organic being in its development - it is born, it perishes, and it can propagate itself... ``The most essential departure of this new civilisation is that it shall be thoroughly spiritual and humanistic - indeed a regeneration moral and eternal!
Such are the wise words of one of our forefathers.
We have come a long way since the formation of the OAU and, as we celebrate the 50th anniversary, it is necessary that we do some reflection on the journey we have travelled side-by-side with the OAU in our quest for the liberation of the continent and all its peoples. Not only was this journey uppermost in the minds of the founding fathers, and in the ANC in particular, as can be seen from Ka Seme's poem, but it infused how we defined ourselves as a liberation movement, as South Africans, Africans and in solidarity with the poor working-class masses on the continent as well as in the world.
Generation after generation of leaders before the founding of the OAU and since played a pivotal role in the ideological, policy and programmatic foundations of this agenda that are reflected in our history of Pan- Africanism, diplomacy and international solidarity.
Given the ANC's own ideological outlook, since the inception of African Unity, Pan-Africanism and international solidarity with the oppressed masses of the continent and the world, for the past 19 years, our agenda as a developing nation has always been inspired by, and intertwined with, the founding principles of the OAU. To this date, the key strategic objectives guiding our foreign policy engagements find expression in the founding principles of this continental body and Pan-Africanist philosophy.
It is well-documented how OAU prioritised the decolonisation of Africa as its main objective. With the establishment of the liberation committee, our people took a conscious and deliberate decision to wage a united struggle against colonialism and against apartheid.
It was through the pursuit of African unity that apartheid South Africa experienced increasing international isolation from the 60s until its demise in the 90s. This indeed was a victory for the people of Africa.
Today, we must be proud when we reflect upon the role of the frontline states whose people were at the forefront of this campaign within the OAU, creating initially the South African Development Co-ordination Conference, SADCC, which transformed into the regional organisation known as the Southern African Development Community, SADC.
As South Africans, we must make it known to those who have rallied behind us in times of need that we are profoundly appreciative of the role they played during our struggle. Today we are free, but a lot still needs to be achieved. However, we are on the right path. At the same time, we recognise the current challenges within our country as they relate to crime against numerous immigrants and refugees from our continent staying in our communities. We therefore condemn, in the strongest possible terms, the recent outbreak of attacks against foreign nationals.
Many of us will recall that Pan-Africanism and its movements had already, by the 40s, laid the philosophical and ideological roots for the establishment of the OAU.
The Pan-African movement was further strengthened when Ghana became the first sub-Saharan country to gain its independence. The Accra meeting in 1959 focused on and reaffirmed the issue of solidarity and unity. This conference, as previous speakers and the Chief Whip have already indicated, led to the establishment of the OAU.
By then, a number of African countries had achieved their independence, but most of Southern Africa remained an outpost of uncontrolled white minority rule, only to be freed through lengthy struggles, championed by liberation movements that were driven by the ideal of Pan-Africanism.
Today, South Africa is free from political domination, but the struggle continues. We still have to work towards economic emancipation of our people, both in our own country and in the region. This therefore requires further unity amongst the people of Africa. But, for now, we must join the continent in celebrating the journey we have travelled so far.
Speaking at the plenary of the recent World Economic Forum on Africa in Cape Town, President Zuma shared the following, and I quote:
Africa's attitude towards itself and how it interacts with the world has changed for the better.
Fifty years after the setting up of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU - now known as the African Union - the continent stood at a precipice. If you take 50 years since it was established, we are almost at a point of launching Africa into very great activities to achieve a prosperous continent.
Given its history, therefore, the African Union has thus declared 2013 the year of Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance as the clarion call for the celebration of the 50th anniversary. The intention is to use the anniversary celebrations to reaffirm Africa's commitment to the ideals of continental unity, solidarity and a quest for Africa's renewal.
In a similar vein, the yearning for an African Renaissance was and is inspired by the same Pan-Africanist ideology and challenges, and the acknowledgement that throwing off the bondage of slavery must free the continent to rediscover its identity and chart its own course in all areas of human endeavour.
Even though much still needs to be done, we have registered some tremendous successes in propelling Africa's development. I really want to say to the speaker just before me that the reality is that there are still challenges but, at least, 33 to 34 countries out of 54 have already subscribed to the principle of good governance and to the principles of ensuring that peer review can take place.
We have seen, in all countries, democracies except in a few individual countries that experienced some coups d'etat, and that shows how we have been able, as an African continent, to move forward. Today, Africa has been decolonised with the exception of Western Sahara. It has fully developed a notion of shared values and African governance architecture. After 50 years, Africa's peace and security architecture is therefore also in the making.
To hon Kalyan, who actually raised the issue of Western Sahara as well as the point that she made that President Zuma is silent on that issue, let me just quote what President Zuma said a few months ago in February of 2013 in the state of the nation address. This is what he said:
The right of self-determination of the people of Western Sahara has to be realised.
So, I want to say that we are very vocal as the government and equally so as the ANC on that particular issue. But, yes, we must continue to make sure that the people there are also free.
We also must be cognisant of the fact that there remain many challenges. Whilst we are making much progress there still remain many more governance challenges and conflicts. Equally challenging is our continent's historic, economic and infrastructural architecture, which is geared towards propping up former colonial powers at the expense of Africa.
Many of the economies remain extractive and exclusive as opposed to being economically inclusive. Minerals and raw materials are extracted and shipped to Europe to be manufactured and sold back to us with all roads and railways leading to the sea. This is one of the main structural constraints why trade between Africa and the Western world has historically been more than intra-African trade.
Hon members, we know that there cannot be any development without peace and no peace without development on our continent. Therefore, good governance, democracy and improved infrastructure are the foundation upon which Africa's future development rests. Without sound and well-maintained infrastructure, national economic development will remain severely constrained. Infrastructure has been responsible for more than half of Africa's recent improved growth performance and has the potential to contribute even more in the future.
This is why African leaders have been engaging the development of infrastructure on the continent for many years through the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad. One of its major objectives is to promote infrastructure development as a driving force for Africa's integration as well as its development.
Within this framework, one of the first actions initiated under Nepad was the formulation, in 2002, of a Short-Term Action Plan, in the area of infrastructure, including priority measures and projects. The ongoing programmes and initiatives of the Regional Economic Communities and sector organisations constitute therefore the base for this action plan.
With all these milestones, we must not be under any illusion that the struggle for Africa's economic emancipation is over. It is not. It is common knowledge that many African countries are still weakened by the influence that our former colonial masters still wield on the continent politically, culturally and economically.
Apart from all these hard challenges, which we as Africa will need to confront over the next 50 years, I want to address a softer challenge for us as a nation across all sectors, which I believe is fundamental to our growth as a nation and a continent.
Currently, there are many amongst us as business, civil society, individuals and opposition parties who, in practice, don't believe we should be contributing to building Pan-Africanism, unity and international solidarity. Today, some amongst us still believe that we are not part of Africa, and they don't want to be a part of Africa.
Whilst some opposition parties theoretically do not have much divergence with our foreign policy, their practice and actions as a result of individual beliefs and personalities indicate diametrically different positions and opposition to our foreign policy. For example, hon member Mulder said just earlier that the Chief Whip only spoke about the past. It is very important to note.
He then posed a question about the current state and the future of Africa. All the speakers who spoke on behalf of the ruling party, and my own input, raised both the history, as the Chief Whip did, and the current economic trajectory and the infrastructural outlook into the future for Africa. The strategic question, however, that I must pose to hon Mulder is: Why are you scared to speak about our past. What is in that history that you are scared of?
Whilst extensive and robust opposition and divergence of positions with regard to domestic policies is expected from some of these sectors, our nation requires greater social cohesion, functional coherence and a more unified as well as visionary leadership, collectively, from these sectors to contribute to building a solid social compact, and a unity of purpose in respect of the foreign policy agenda, particularly as it relates to Africa and its renaissance.
As a nation our history, role, participation and contribution to the development of Pan-Africanism, unity and international solidarity at a policy and philosophical level and through participation in the OAU and now AU is a proud one, of which we all should take ownership, support and find ways to continue to intensify strategies for its implementation and our own growth. Then we can truly reflect upon Pixley Ka Seme's prophetic words that Africa is rising, and recommit ourselves to the cause of eradicating Africa's endemic poverty and underdevelopment. Then we will live out President Zuma's vision, which he articulated recently, when he said:
In 50 years we would like to see an Africa that is connected totally, an Africa that is economically viable. We want to be an Africa that is able to use its own resources to develop itself and trade with the world on an equal basis and an equal level.
Thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.