Agb Voorsitter van die Huis, wanneer ons die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale situasie in die wreld ontleed, dan moet ons weet dat Suid-Afrika daarna moet streef om ons demokrasie te vestig en te konsolideer, maar ook om 'n nuwe tipe etiese raamwerk vir die 21ste eeu daar te stel. Dit moet 'n raamwerk wees wat onderskeid tref tussen wat reg is en wat verkeerd is in die hedendaagse globale, interafhanklike wreld, waar die misbruik van mag al hoe meer wydverspreid voorkom.
In 'n tyd van sinisisme is Suid-Afrika 'n voorbeeld van die triomfering van hoop oor vrees, en van verdraagsaamheid oor vooroordeel. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Hon Chairperson of the House, when analysing the political, social and economical situation in the world, we should know that South Africa must strive towards establishing and consolidating our democracy, but also towards introducing a new type of ethical framework for the 21st century. It should be a framework that differentiates between what is right and what is wrong in the current global, interdependent world, where the abuse of power is becoming more and more widespread.
In a time of cynicism, South Africa is an example of the triumph of hope over fear, and of tolerance over prejudice.]
Emerging from a bitterly divided past, we have made a widely admired transition from authoritarian rule to becoming a beacon of human rights. Our human rights-based Constitution - as one leader of the Libyan transitional government recently said - serves as an inspiration to the new democracies of the Arab Spring and, may I add, also to many other countries in the world. The legacy of our inspirational leadership, pioneering Constitution, improved social cohesion and steady economic development caught the attention of the world. We have ever steadily become a respected voice in the international community.
Yet, as inspirational as our leadership may have been, and while our local social and economic challenges persist, it is important to note that the global landscape has been transformed. The global strategic template prevailing since the 1950s has been recast by the events of the Arab Spring. South Africa now has to consider its response to this changed world and also consider how we should reposition ourselves and reinvigorate our ethical framework. This is complex. In the world of statecraft, the choice is rarely between right and wrong. More often it requires an ability to discern between shades of grey, and right versus right.
At the end of 2012, our nonpermanent seat in the UN Security Council will expire. For us to occupy a permanent position will be largely dependent on our ability to crisply articulate our African priorities, as well as strengthen relations between the African Union, AU, and the UN. Securing the position would enable South Africa to take a clear stance on various issues, which will restore our credibility as an ethical voice in international affairs.
However, this is unlikely until we address the events north of the Limpopo River. South Africa must acknowledge that Zimbabwe is in dire need of electoral reform and must take up the role of mediator. President Zuma must take a firm stance and ensure that South Africa assists with negotiations towards a referendum and to ensure free and fair elections to end the reign of President Robert Mugabe. Continued silence by this government is tantamount to support of President Mugabe's illegal and suppressive rule.
South Africa must uphold the UN doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect, the so-called R2P. For far too long the world has turned a blind eye to genocide, war crimes and human rights violations by hiding behind the cloak of the Westphalian Order's definition of sovereignty. Our own Cyril Ramaphosa was one of the key architects of R2P, so we must follow suit. As Kofi Annan and others have well argued, if humanitarian intervention is indeed an unacceptable assault on sovereignty, how should we respond to gross and systematic violations of human rights that offend every precept of our common humanity? The international community stood by when genocide unfolded in Rwanda and more recently also in Darfur. South Africa must assume a greater responsibility to ensure that the AU's military intervention and peacekeeping role becomes operational. By supporting R2P, South Africa will pledge its support for humanitarian intervention on the African continent.
Last year we turned a blind eye to human rights violations in Swaziland. We did ourselves no favours by abstaining from voting on the Security Council's resolution to intervene in Syria. Our efforts to call for action in Libya and post-election Ivory Coast were dismal. We can and must save face and regain our credibility. We should engage Nigeria and resolve our differences. The Horn of Africa is poor and hungry. Let us support humanitarian relief in Somalia and Ethiopia and, while the noble people of Iran are not our enemies, let us speak out against Iran's breach of international protocol with regard to its uranium enrichment programme. It is important that South Africa engages in dialogue with Tehran. We must invest in soft-power strategies. I wonder how many of our diplomats are trained in Farsi or are knowledgeable about that great culture.
Furthermore, President Zuma should call upon the entire African community, notably Uganda, to uphold international human rights norms pertaining to the individual's sexual orientation, as it should be. The American Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, speaking for President Obama, eloquently put this forth in Geneva recently.
Suid-Afrika is inderdaad gesend dat ons in staat is om nie net mededeelsaam te wees nie, maar ook om van ander te leer. As ons na ons Brics-vennote kyk, dan sien ons duidelik welke beleidsrigtings suksesvol is en welke nie. Ons glo dat Suid-Afrika na die weste moet kyk, veral in die rigting van Brasili, nie net na hul hoogs gerespekteerde leierskap nie, maar ook ten opsigte van die realisme van die ekonomie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[South Africa is indeed blessed, not only in being generous, but also in being able to learn from others. Looking at our Brics partners, we can clearly see which policy directions are successful and which are not. We believe South Africa should be looking to the west, in particular to Brazil, not only as regards their highly respected leadership, but also in respect of the realism of the economy.]
Brazil has achieved many successes in the struggle for both economic and social emancipation. Brazil was able to raise the living standards of poor households through smart social policies, such as amendments to encourage flexibility in the labour market and financial incentives to enhance employment creation.
We can emulate the success of Brazil, where poverty has declined from 20% in 2004 to a mere 7% in 2009. This can be achieved through our own model of inclusive economic growth, which prioritises the extension of ownership, particularly, and the active participation of young people, even more particularly. Small business operators and ordinary workers within the mainstream economy must be supported.
We also look to our continent for inspiration. In Kenya, financial services have been made accessible to the poor and the rural through the extremely cost-effective M-Pesa system. M-Pesa is a phone-based service for the sending and storing of money. This system allows people to send and receive money quickly, efficiently and safely, at minimal cost. Registered users can pay bills and also make purchases. It is an innovative way to extend financial services to millions of people in rural areas who live outside the formal banking system. It has improved the lives of millions.
In Bangladesh, Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus pioneered a new system of banking, called "microcredit". The microcredit system extends small loans to people who have no collateral to qualify for formal bank loans. The system extends credit services at a low interest rate to millions of impoverished people who require capital to start small home- grown enterprises. It is just one method to help formalise the informal sector and to extend opportunity and empowerment to those who desperately need it.
Many of the successes we see abroad could be replicated here. Nietzsche famously said that the most common form of stupidity is forgetting what we set out to do. This is as true of national renewal as it is of statecraft. [Applause.]