In fact, we did more because in 1994, 11 million households had access to water. Last year, 13,3 million, i.e. 95% households had access to water. In 2003, 8,1 million households had access to sanitation; and in 2011 to 2012, 11,47 million had access to sanitation.
We said in that manifesto, that we would electrify 2,5 million rural and urban homes. By last year, 76% of households were electrified. We said health care for all the people. We said the aim of the ANC's health plan was primary and affordable health care to ensure that all South Africans were guaranteed basic treatment.
We said that we would promote safe motherhood and play a major role in caring for the nation's children through programmes like immunisation, nutrition and free health care for children under five years of age. Did we do that? [Interjections.] We did! In fact, we did more because in 2000, immunisation stood at 75%; and by 2011 that stood at 90,8%. Life expectancy has risen from 55,7 years in 2001 to 57 years in 2012. The infant and child mortality rate was at 52 deaths per 1 000 infants in 2001; and 33 deaths per 1 000 occurred in 2012.
On welfare and pensions, we said in that manifesto, that pensions and grants due to people would be assured and allocated through post offices, banks, building societies and other outlets which are easy for rural people to use. A total of 6,47 million people received pensions and social assistance in 2003 to 2004; and that number had risen to 15,52 million by 2011 to 2012. Did we do what we said we would do? [Interjections.]
We said that we would eliminate discrimination and implement affirmative action so that opportunities could be opened to all who were discriminated against as Africans, Coloureds, Indians, women, the disabled and people staying in rural areas. We said that South Africa as a whole would benefit if all levels of society represented the broad spectrum of its people. So, have we started to do that?
Let us start here in Parliament. Before 1994, how many women were in this Parliament? Six - maybe? In 1994 there were 27% of women in this Parliament. By 2009, that number had risen to 43,3%. In Cabinet, we have virtual gender parity.
In the private sector, the number of top managers who are black increased from 12,7% in 2000 to 32% in 2012. The number of women in top management increased from 12,4% to 19,5% over the same period. We know that, that is still woefully inadequate and there is even more inadequacy in certain provinces but we know that we need to continue working on that.
We said in that manifesto, peace and security for all! Since 1990, we have experienced a murder rate that stood at 36 000 which has now gone to half of that. But, it is still half-too-much! However, the overall levels of crime are decreasing. We are very concerned at the persistence of high level of sexual and gender-based violence. We have indicated that at the level of the police we are reintroducing special units.
We have also indicated that at the level of justice we are introducing dedicated courts for sexual offences. All of the security forces will be reformed to reflect the national and gender character of our country. There will be nonpartisan professionals that uphold the Constitution and respect human rights.
Today, unlike in the past, when our security forces - the vast majority of whom respect the law and the Constitution - go astray, what is the response of government? The President of the Republic, attending an international Summit of Heads of State of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, cuts that summit short, returns to the country, addresses the nation and institutes a judicial commission of inquiry.
When our television screens are disgraced with police officers dragging a taxi driver and eventually killing him, what do we do? We investigate. Those police officers are charged and put on trial. But, as I stressed, the vast majority respect the Constitution and the law.
We said that there should be equality before the law. I wish I had more time because I would reflect on the position of the judiciary. Before 1994, out of 165 judges, 160 were white men. [Interjections.] Yes, you heard right, 160 of the 165 judges were white men! There were three black male judges and two white female judges. That is where we come from.
Today, out of 241 judges: 100 are black males; 49 are black females; 71 white males; and 21 white females. That does not mean, as some have suggested ... [Interjections.] You are not familiar with the generic concept of black. You bypassed the black consciousness era [Laughter.] [Applause.] We will assign a political educator. [Laughter.]
We said in that manifesto, jobs and better incomes! Today, there are 3 million more people working than there were in 1994. We know that is still woefully inadequate. We know that despite all of these successes, South Africa still remains a highly unequal society: where the fewest people work; where the quality of education for many black learners is poor; where the apartheid's spatial divide continues to dominate the landscape; that a large proportion of young people feels that the odds are stacked against them; and that the legacy of apartheid continues to determine the life opportunities for many people. These immense challenges can only be addressed through a step change in the country's performance. That is why we have adopted a National Development Plan.
The people know that when the ANC was formed in 1912, with the aim of liberating South Africa from apartheid and colonialism, it could be trusted to do so, and it did. We know that there were those that did not do so.
The people know that when the ANC said that it was time to engage in the defiance of apartheid laws, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. And, we know that there were those who did not do so.
We know that when the ANC said that it was time to take up armed struggle, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. And, we know that there were those who did not do so.
The people know that when the ANC said it was time to negotiate with the apartheid regime and its puppets, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. The people know that when the ANC said that it was ready to govern, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. [Applause.]
We know that when we reach 2030, we would once again have earned the trust of the people because we would have spared no effort to implement the objectives of our National Development Plan. But, we also know that when we reach 2030, there will be those who say, but, what about the challenges that remain? We could have done it better.
Then, there will be ANC leaders who will turn around and extend to them the same rejected invitation that was extended to the United Party and the Liberal Party, to attend the ANC's Congress of the People in 1955 to draw up the Freedom Charter.
There will be leaders who will extend the same hand that President Mandela extended to F.W. de Klerk on the eve of the 1994 National Elections. They will say come together as South Africans, men and women of all colours, young and old, urban and rural. We have the power to build the better life for all. Together, let us change South Africa so that once and for all, our country can know peace and security; and so that we can join the rest of the humankind as proud and united people, working together for a better world. I thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.