Speaker, hon members, as the topic suggests, the practice of good governance can and should be a catalyst for advancing peace and security, without which the world will descend into perpetual chaos. This also implies, therefore, that good governance can, indeed, effectively be used as an instrument for achieving the developmental and poverty eradication challenges faced by countries.
There are lessons to be learnt from the seismic shifts in the political environment in the North and in parts of the Middle East. These developments are cause for concern and demand visionary and selfless leadership, able to manage the fluid situation and transform it into a lasting peace. These uprisings, hon members, offer important lessons which we must seriously reflect upon and devise appropriate responses to, in tandem with the African Union's twinned mission of promoting peace and security and fostering democracy across the continent.
There are striking similarities across the Middle East and North Africa. Though this region is not homogenous, it has religious and cultural commonalities. Glaringly, in all these states facing popular uprising, there has been a tradition of, amongst others, authoritarian and extended leadership terms; emergency laws or police states which prohibited political activity and had no constitutions; strong military support for presidents and leaders who enjoyed support from the West in the fight against terrorism and the West's pursuit of other geopolitical and strategic interest; the tendency towards hereditary succession; appallingly poor human rights records; restricted political participation and brutal repression of political activities; media censorship; dire economic situations characterised by high youth unemployment, which in turn resulted in a lack of resource distribution at the lower levels of society; a high level of unemployed graduates; widespread corruption amongst the ruling elite; and high food and fuel prices. Popular participation in economic recovery and development has been increasingly recognised by the AU, including the United Nations system. The Economic Commission for Africa, ECA, in one such effort has been at the forefront of the good governance debate, repeatedly pointing out the centrality of governance factors underlying the contemporary African predicament and stressing the interrelationship between good governance and sustained economic development. The ECA has maintained that reconstituted, proactive, democratised developmental states hold the best prospects for the region's recovery and development.
Good governance has also been a topic of discussion in the international arena since the 1980s, particularly following the adverse results of the International Monetary Fund's structural adjustment programmes.
Recently in Africa the issue of good governance has been recognised and articulated to have an intrinsic link with human development, including poverty reduction. In the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, African leaders recognised that the process of achieving economic growth and development is heavily influenced by a considerable number of political factors, including economic, corporate and political governance as a prerequisite for sustained development. The Nepad framework also recognises that for African public institutions to function effectively, considerable reform and capacity-building are necessary. The AU has adopted a number of instruments on human rights, governance, democracy, disarmament, terrorism and good neighbourliness, which put forward a consolidated framework of norms and principles, whose observance would considerably reduce the risk of conflict and violence on the continent.
The slow implementation of the provisions in the relevant AU instruments, particularly those relating to the promotion of democracy, good governance, free and fair elections, human rights and justice remain a major challenge. Adherence to these instruments will contribute towards creating conditions conducive to socioeconomic development.
The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, Mena, region prove that institutional reforms are indeed necessary, and that focus needs to be placed on strengthening parliamentary oversight, administrative and civil service capacities, promoting participatory democracy and decision-making, and adopting effective measures to combat corruption and funds embezzlement and to push for judicial reforms.
This Parliament has ratified the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, signalling a clear commitment from South Africa to subject itself to these values. It is incumbent upon our country to engage our Southern African Development Community, SADC, sister countries to also ratify this critical instrument. The newly created state of South Sudan faces the enormous challenges of the nonexistence of institutions to support its new-found democracy and deliver much-needed services to its people. This is a prerequisite for the creation and consolidation of a strong, democratic and viable state that is able to deliver to its citizens.
In this context, we salute South Africa for her role in helping the people of South Sudan with, amongst other things, the tedious task of capacitating its civil service to create viable, effective and efficient institutions of governance. The same holds true for South Africa's efforts in doing the same in other countries such as Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
I want to caution, though, that, while good governance is a crucial element of the democratic and developmental character of the state, it is, by and in itself, not a universal remedy that will cure the deep-seated inequalities, poverty and underdevelopment so pervasive on the African continent. It is an unassailable fact that a self-perpetuating and parasitic relationship exists between poverty and conflict. Where armed conflict is widespread, poverty is entrenched and sustainable development becomes impossible. Conversely, in countries where poverty increases, the risk of instability and violence grows comparatively. Our analysis, therefore, is that poverty and underdevelopment are threats to stability, democracy and peace.
To this end, civil society has an important role to play as well by building a broad coalition of forces against poverty and underdevelopment, by nurturing democracy and by pursuing good governance. Parliamentarians and their relevant committees should actively exercise their oversight role over executive action through periodic investigations, reviews, hearings, etc. Particular attention should be paid to assessing government effectiveness and efficiency against agreed goals such as the Millennium Development Goals.
Africa must work hard to enhance the culture of free and fair elections in Africa and the Middle East. The people's faith and confidence in public institutions must be enhanced through regular elections, transparent, free and fair electoral processes, and credible institutions that support democracy and the rule of law, such as parliaments, electoral commissions, the police, impartial judicial institutions and others.
Countries must tackle potential and raging conflicts in a timely and peaceful manner through established national, regional or continental frameworks for conflict management and reconciliation.
In this context, South Africa remains committed to the advancement of the African agenda as the central pillar of her foreign policy outlook, with it constituting the basis of her engagement with the rest of the world. We do this, recognising that South Africa is an integral part of the African continent and that South Africa's national interest is inextricably linked to and best served through Africa's stability, unity, peace and prosperity.
Now, hon members, let me quickly respond to what hon Mubu has raised. The hon member made the point that Africa should hang its head in shame. I cannot strongly disagree with you, hon member. It is those who deceived the world, who broke the trust that the community of nations put in them by pursuing a regime-change policy, instead of pursuing the protection of civilians, which, in fact, was the mandate of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato, forces in Libya.
Our engagement with the matter in Libya has always been on the issue of the protection of civilians. You see, civilians cannot be protected by being bombed. Through Nato bombings in Libya, more damage has been done. [Applause.] [Interjections.]