Hon Deputy Chair, hon Minister, special delegates from the provinces, of course, it is true that the theme is directing us to a particular point in understanding exactly what it is that we need to do, namely work together for equal opportunities and progress for all women. But, perhaps, the fundamental question that we need to ask is: To what extent are we or can we be in the position to work together for equal opportunities and progress for women without a proper understanding of the challenges that women have been confronted with in our country?
For instance, it is easy to talk about an open society and equal opportunities, and simplistically think or assume that once you declare that there are open or equal opportunities, women will be free and equal to men. Therefore, it is important for all of us to understand, including our colleagues from the DA, that once we talk of equal opportunities, we also need to appreciate the historical oppression that women faced. That particular historical oppression was characterised as triple oppression.
Firstly, women were oppressed because of their gender. Secondly, they were oppressed because they were black, and, thirdly, they were oppressed because of the class orientation or characterisation of the economy that we were faced with. So, to what extent can we then begin to talk about equal opportunities for women now, if we do not address those three things? The first fundamental question for me with regard to triple oppression is: Has the males' attitude towards females changed? How do we see women today? Do we see women as equal to men in terms of their capacity and ability to do certain things in our society?
With regard to issues of race, to what extent have African women, in particular, been able to be positioned in society to play the strategic role that they are supposed to play? In class terms, where do we place women within the realm of our economy? How do we ensure that we locate their role in such a way that they are playing a very significant and constructive role in growing the economy of our country?
Therefore, it is important that we also caution our colleagues from the DA that they cannot speak of opportunities in class terms when, in actual fact, their liberal policies are walking against the very same objectives of creating equal opportunity. [Applause.]
If one has to reflect, as a result of the very same liberal or neoliberal economic policies that are espoused so aggressively by the DA, let us not forget that it is these policies that, in actual fact, led to a situation in which our country's economy was opened up. It is the liberalisation of the South African economy which led to a situation where the import barriers or the restrictions were lowered or even removed. As a result, the South African economy was then undermined by the external economies. What was the result of that? It resulted in key industrial sectors in our economy suffering greatly, such as your textile industries. Who were the people who were most affected in the textile industry with the closing of factories, and so forth? It was women. Therefore, it would be quite disingenuous and dishonest to begin to speak about equal opportunities, whilst in your policy framework you vigorously and aggressively advance policies that - and you know that very well - will undermine the very same progression of women in the economy as a whole.
It is within that understanding that it is important that all of us must begin to appreciate the struggles and challenges those women are faced with. Equally so, as the prince has said - and this is the first time that I have spoken after him and agree with him - the history of the struggle of women and how women have progressively played a strategic and important role in our liberation does not necessarily start in the 1930s or 1940s, but way before that.
Let us look at the Anglo-Boer War and the role of women in it, in particular how our African women were used to support the two imperialist factions that were fighting for our own economy, land and resources. Our very own African women were used to feed the soldiers who were fighting against each other. What happened immediately after the Anglo-Boer War? They were again subjected to the very same conditions, hence their political consciousness and their capacity to rise led them to mobilise and organise themselves to a point where they rose against the declaration of the 1910 Union of South Africa. It is through that process that we could see the mobilisation of women and their progression in fighting against the injustice system at that particular stage.
In the 1930s and 1940s, there were many instances of mass protest, demonstrations and passive resistance campaigns which women participated in. Of course, we can also reflect on the First World War and the Second World War, during which the imperialists on our land fought for our land, resources, and the little that we had. Women were again used to feed the imperialists, as well as look after them and their kids. They were even used for medical supplies.
It is now on record that during the Anglo-Boer War some African women were used as spies for the benefit of the imperialists. That is the extent to which women have played a very important role. However, some of the women, those who were more intelligent than the imperialists, fed the imperialists wrong information. [Applause.]
The main movements through which women expressed their growing political awareness in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s were greatly influenced by the then Communist Party of South Africa and the ANC.
We would remember, comrades, that with the gradual transition of the South African economy from a predominantly mining and agricultural economy to the flourishing industrialised economy and our secondary industries, women played a very strategic and important role. Black trade unions grew rapidly and were influenced by the growing numbers of urban workers. They became increasingly dissatisfied with the status quo and a number of major strikes and boycotts were held in the 1940s, notably the strike of African mineworkers.
Women were not slow to play their part in this climate of unrest. Within the trade union movement, one can mention the names of militant workers, women in particular, such as Frances Baard whom today ... I do not know how many members of this august House have seen her statue in the centre of Kimberley in the Northern Cape. Kimberley, as part of the Northern Cape province, honoured Frances Baard, who hailed from there. You must go to Kimberley to see the big statue there of our fellow revolutionary, Frances Baard. These are some of the women, like Lilian Ngoyi and Bertha Mashaba, who played that particular and important role.
In Cape Town, food committees that had links with the trade unions and the Communist Party of South Africa were formed and they demonstrated in Parliament against the inadequate food supplies. In Johannesburg women formed the People's Food Council in 1943 in an effort to improve ...
The 1956 march - this is the point I'm trying to make - was the culmination of a process that began long before and was led by women in South Africa. We know of the role played by the Federation of South African Woman, Fedsaw, and so forth.
Today we can ... but, Chair, I still have seconds left.