Hon Deputy Speaker, hon members, on this occasion of the 150th anniversary of the arrival of the Indian community in South Africa, it is fitting that we express ourselves on unity in diversity.
When the Indians arrived in the colony of Natal to work on the sugar cane farms they were, in fact, no different from the African people, who were hunted like animals, captured and forcibly transported to the Americas to work on the farms, in households and in the construction industries that produced the great civilisations of Latin and North America.
These Indians, like African slaves and workers in America, came from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds, but were united by their spiritual traditions which nourished their self-respect, self-worth and self-esteem, culture of self-help and self-reliance, and a sense of development and progress. These values sustained their human dignity in adversity and aroused the disposition to associate with one another for mutual benefit.
While working as slaves on sugar cane farms and in other industries the Indians, like Africans in the diaspora, rediscovered their spiritual traditions and harnessed them for spiritual growth and development. Thus they conducted their lives according to sound moral and ethical principles, despite the adverse conditions in which they lived and worked. The arrival of Mahatma Gandhi provided them with a spiritual and political leader who enriched all South Africans. We should note, in particular, the principle of nonviolent struggle that Gandhi shared with Martin Luther King Junior.
The social and economic advancement of Indians in South Africa, like that of Africans in the diaspora, proves correct the wise words of our icon, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, who said that social transformation cannot be achieved without spiritual transformation. The Indian community built its own temples, schools, mosques and cultural schools, through which they preserved and practised their diverse cultures, religions and languages.
Similarly, Africans in the diaspora rediscovered their heliocentric, that is, sun-centred, spiritual traditions which were taught by the African Sage Khem or Thoth Hermes. They built lodges for the preservation and propagation of their solar culture and religion. They practised this solar culture and religion in the Rosicrucian and Masonic Lodges, which could be traced back to the land of Khem, including ancient Ethiopia and Egypt.
The devotees of Karaism, which is a sun-centred religion or Hermeticism, collaborated with Ethiopian Christians who had seceded from colonial churches and established their own churches and schools. These institutions, like those of the Hindus and Muslims in South Africa, laid the foundations for nation-building and social cohesion in these communities.
The nationalist spirit kindled by these spiritual traditions and the working-class consciousness led to the formation of the Natal Indian Congress in 1894, and the Native Congresses of the four South African colonies at the beginning of the 20th century. It could therefore be said that spiritual traditions and worker consciousness catalysed the formation of nationalist organisations which became motive forces for the liberation of South Africa. The formation of the South African Native National Congress, SANNC, in 1912, renamed the African National Congress in 1923 and the South African Indian Congress, SAIC, was the product of spiritual and worker consciousness. The pact of the three doctors, Xuma, Dadoo and Naicker in the 1940s was the product of these people's movements.
It could be said, therefore, that moral and ethical values have always guided the founders of our nation, such as John Langalibalele Dube, Mahatma Gandhi and Dr Abdullah Abdurahman who founded the African People's Organisation, APO, in 1902. Abdurahman was a coloured nationalist who used the words African and coloured interchangeably to include both black and coloured Africans, thereby transcending present-day discriminatory differentiation between Africans and coloureds which borders on a new form of racism.
The proliferation of incidents of moral degeneration, such as alcoholism, drug addiction, the tragic killing of others including foreign guests, and the abuse of women and children such as drugging and raping of girl children at schools, shows that cohesive nations cannot be built without value systems. Provision of social services including water, electricity, and social grants without a value system underpinning them cannot produce self-respecting, cohesive, caring and sustainable communities. Human development has both spiritual and material aspects.
Politicians alone cannot achieve both; they need partnerships with faith communities, including Hindus, Muslims, Karaites and devotees of African religion who were marginalised under apartheid colonialism.
In our work as public representatives, community workers and leaders we must learn from the Indian community, the African diaspora and the founders of our nation, that social transformation cannot be achieved without spiritual transformation. Regardless of our cultural, religious and linguistic diversity there is a common thread that makes all of us one in diversity.
"Motho ke motho ka batho" is the maxim that says "I am through others" or "I am because we are". This "botho" or "ubuntu" philosophy was first echoed in 1892 by John Langalibalele Dube, a founding President of the ANC, in his public lecture titled, "Upon my Native Land". Dube foretold the birth of a new Africa that would be a spiritual, humane and caring society.
These values were embraced by Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme in his 1905 oration titled, "The Regeneration of Africa". Seme highlighted the importance of cultural heritage in nation-building, when he called for the creation of a unique civilisation for Africa and Africans. In other words, nation- building and heritage development could not be separated.
In his 1921 public lecture titled, "We are not Political Children", Rev Z R Mahabane, third President of the ANC, observed that Africans had been degraded and dehumanised, and he made the recovery of African humanity a prerequisite for the recovery of the humanity of all South Africans, both black and white. Mahabane planted the seeds of nonracialism which found expression in the Bill of Rights adopted by the ANC in 1923. The opening paragraphs of this Bill of Rights asserted the humanity of African people and demanded their right to participate in the economic life of the country.
It is not surprising that in its 2007 Strategy and Tactics document the ANC observed that the dark night of apartheid had been receding and called for a nonracial, nonsexist, united, democratic and prosperous South Africa, in which the value of every citizen is measured by our common humanity - ubuntu or botho.
The adoption of a resolution for the establishment of a committee on nation- building and heritage by this House is a recognition and acknowledgement by the hon members of the House that Parliament has a major role to play in nation-building and heritage development necessary for social cohesion.
The Muslim Ramadan, the Hindu Diwali festival and the African New Year and Rain-Making ceremonies take place around September and October. All these festivals, though not officially recognised are part of the living heritage of these communities and their celebrations serve to cultivate moral and ethical values within them.
The passage of a host of laws which were racially discriminatory evidenced the danger of separating law and morality. These values of a just and caring society should underpin our social and political order to prevent moral degeneration which manifests itself in, inter alia, corruption and related vices.
The establishment of the Parliamentary Interfaith Council by this Parliament recognises and acknowledges the role that faith communities play in the cultivation of moral and ethical values in our society. This council will provide an interface between Parliament and faith communities to ensure that there is no watertight separation between law and morality.
The strict observance of moral and ethical values within the Indian communities offers great lessons to African communities, especially in townships and informal settlements, who lost their cultural heritage under apartheid colonialism. These values are particularly important, in fact, indispensable, for nation-building and social cohesion. The interaction of all our communities, both black and white, is particularly important, as it affords South Africans opportunities to learn from one another, for mutual understanding, tolerance and respect.
The national conference hosted by the National Heritage Council and the South African Departments of Arts and Culture, Social Development, and Education on 31 August 2010 called for the recognition of Ubuntu Day and resolved to launch a campaign for the restoration of Ubuntu values and principles. Given the deepening moral degeneration in our society, such a campaign is long overdue. It is hoped that all faith communities and civil society in general will partner with government, Parliament and legislatures to run the campaign for moral regeneration and in particular the restoration of ubuntu values and principles.
The African Renaissance and Nepad, falling within the tenth strategic objective of Parliament couched as African renewal, advancement and development, should be an umbrella including a moral regeneration programme driven by government, civil society and, in particular, the interfaith movement.
In this regard, the classical Indian and African cultural heritage, which was suppressed under apartheid, could make a great contribution to nation- building and social cohesion. It is hoped that the new committee on nation- building and heritage development will become a parliamentary mechanism for the realisation of an activist parliament and the African Renaissance renewal, advancement and development of the African continent.
As I conclude, hon Deputy Speaker, let me say that what we can learn from the Muslim and Hindu communities is that values cannot be cultivated by a plethora of charters without the necessary cultural institutions to teach these values and integrate them into school programmes and out-of-school programmes. African communities have a lot to learn from the Muslim madrasah schools and Hindu temple schools. The establishment of African cultural heritage centres along similar lines could contribute to moral regeneration, mutual understanding and tolerance, social inclusivity and development of South African and African identity.
Let us take this opportunity, as the ANC in this House, to send warm fraternal greetings to the Indian community on the occasion of the celebration of the 150th anniversary of their arrival in South Africa. My wish is that they will continue to make valuable contributions to building this nation. Thank you. [Applause.]
Deputy Speaker, it is indeed a privilege to participate in the debate to mark the 150th anniversary of the arrival of indentured Indian labourers in South Africa. It is an opportunity to honour the memory of unsung heroes and heroines who through blood, sweat and tears contributed to this country we know as home.
The history of how Indian indenture came about is worth repeating. When slavery was abolished, the British needed a new source of labour. The British, being rather creative with words, came up with the term indenture, which in essence meant slavery. Historian and physicist P S Joshi said:
The indentured labour system was introduced by the British as a substitute for "forced labour and slavery". The indentured Coolies were half slaves, bound over body and soul by 101 inhuman regulations.
The Immigration Department in Natal published a notice in regard to coolies intending to immigrate to Natal. The notice promised that they would be taken good care of and have clothing, food and medication. They would be paid 5 a year and be indentured for five years, after which they could return to India at their own expense, or after 10 years they would get a free passage.
Sadly, many of these promises did not materialise and the reality is that they were herded like animals into the holds of ships and food and water were strictly rationed. Upon landing in Port Natal, they found their white masters harsh. They worked long hours, lived in tin houses and were flogged regularly.
The first ship to leave India was the SS Belvedere, which had 342 persons on board. The first ship to land in South Africa was the SS Truro, which had 340 persons on board. The SS Truro had 101 Hindus, 78 Malabars, 61 Christians, 16 Muslims, one Marathi and a few Rajputs.
The reason for my giving you the breakdown is to illustrate that once on board, they all had to live and eat together and depend on each other. Coming from a country where the caste system dominated and dictated status, this in itself was a huge culture shock. Muslims had to eat nonhalaal food and Brahmin Hindus had to mix with the Dalits, the untouchables. So, the first lesson that we can learn from the indentured Indians is that irrespective of class or caste, we are all equal and need each other to survive.
What I find quite interesting is that when passenger Indians started to arrive in South Africa, the caste system, based on the regional identities, became firmly entrenched, so much so that the term Kalkatias was given to the North Indians and the term Madrasis was given to the South Indians. There was this unspoken convention that Kalkatias and Madrasis married those of their own caste and intermarriage between the two was frowned upon.
This convention persisted well into the 1980s and I speak from personal experience. I am Hindi-speaking. My mom is Maraj from the Brahmin caste by birth. My dad was a Sonar, which is a jeweller. My husband is Gujarati- speaking. His mother is a Kshatriya or a warrior, and his father is a Darjee or a tailor.
When we wanted to get married, we knew we were going to face some difficulties and, boy, did we! If you think politics is rough, try getting two families from different ethnic groups to agree to a marriage. Fortunately, my dad was a good negotiator and we had a happy ending.
While caste was not an issue for the indentured Indians, the term "coolie" was, and many took umbrage. Kuli, spelt k-u-l-i in Tamil, refers to payment for menial work for persons from the lowest levels in the labour market and without customary rights.
According to Breman and Darial, on the transformation of "kuli" to "coolie":
The distinct humanity of the indentured individual was, in a single move, appropriated and eliminated the person collapsed into payment.
In India the word is applied to the lowest class, and regarded as a term of approach. Nowadays, the term is seldom used and, if I hear it, I personally don't take offence. In fact, I sent a tray of eats to my colleague on Diwali Day and he sent me an SMS thanking me and saying he had "flattened the driehoek coolie koekies" first. [Laughter.] I burst out laughing, because I knew he meant well.
Nevertheless, despite all the hardships, the indentured Indians endured, and they made their impact on the production of sugar, or "white gold" as it was then referred to. European public opinion had reacted favourably to the value of the coolies and in January 1965, the Natal Mercury wrote:
Coolie Immigration after several years experience is deemed more essential to our prosperity than ever. We certainly could not have boasted that our sugar exports increased four-fold in one year (sic).
Gandhi's memorable ejection from a first-class train is well known and I won't dwell on it, but I would be failing in my duty if I did not focus on his other roles. While in South Africa, he picked up that proposed legislation in Natal in 1894 that would deregister Indians as voters. He gathered 10 000 signatures and forwarded the petition to Lord Ripon, Secretary of State for the Colonies in London, and the law was disallowed.
In August 1894, he got hold of the passenger Indians to found the Natal Indian Congress, which was the first organised challenge to the racist status quo. In 1896, Natal passed the Immigration Restriction Bill and the Dealers' Licence Bill, which effectively denied trading rights to all Indians.
Gandhi's persistence managed to reduce the residential tax for Indians, who chose to remain as free labourers in the colony on expiry of their contract from a punitive 25 to 3.
When he went back to India to fetch his family, he wrote a pamphlet called The Indian Franchise - an Appeal. His intention was to inform the world about the sufferings of Indians in South Africa. The government of Port Natal went berserk and proceeded with legislation to exclude Indians from trading. The Europeans threatened to push every Indian into the sea. In 1913, the Immigrants Regulation Bill classified Indians as prohibited immigrants and they were limited to Natal.
Ghandi published a newspaper called the Indian Opinion. Without this newspaper, the Satyagraha movement would not have been possible. Ghandi's grandson, Satish Dhupelia, says that were Ghandi alive today, he would personally have led the campaign against the Protection of Information Bill, which seeks to curb media freedom.
In 1913 a court judgement ordered that all marriages, except those done according to Christian rites were nullified in South Africa. It reduced the rank of an Indian wife to that of a concubine and the children were deprived of the right to inherit.
This incensed the Indian indentured women and galvanised them into action. Thousands from Natal went to the Transvaal to hold protest meetings. They were arrested, because they had crossed the borders without a permit. Valliammai, a 16-year-old died in detention.
Their sacrifice was not in vain and resulted in the 3 tax being abolished by the Indian Relief Act of 1914 and Hindu and Muslim marriages were also recognised. Today we commemorate their hardships, relive their history, and acknowledge our roots but, at the same time, we claim our space and rights as South Africans.
What lessons can we learn from the indentured Indians? Eighty percent chose to remain in South Africa after their indenture was finished. Despite their atrocious conditions and hardships, the strong spirit of determination to succeed prevailed. They built places of worship and schools which still stand as monuments, a testimony to them, and which benefit all of us today. Ghandi said:
We can learn a lot from our Indian brothers and sisters' invaluable contribution to South Africa.
We have gained comfort from their pain and suffering.
One hundred and fifty years later no South African Indian should have any doubts about their identity. We are South Africans. I am a third generation South African of Indian origin. I live in a country where democracy prevails and I can celebrate my mutual identity with freedom. I am proud of my culture and religion and I'm regarded as an equal citizen. As a South African Indian, I have a duty to preserve and protect our age-old sacred cultural, moral and religious values.
On behalf of the DA, I would like to wish all my Muslim friends Eid Mubarak. We all have a link to that first Indian indentured labourer who came to South Africa or, as he is referred to, Coolie No 1, Devaram, and we walk proudly in their footsteps.
In conclusion, I would like to leave you with a quote from the Bhagavad Gita:
Man is made by his belief. As he believes, so he is. [Applause.]
Madam Deputy Speaker, I'm on a weak footing on this subject of celebrating the Indian community in South Africa because of the province from which I come and its history with this community. I'm glad to say, though, that I happily join in with others, knowing that all of us have been part of the struggle that made the Free State also the home of the Indian community, like all others.
Some 150 years ago the first Indian indentured labourers landed on the shores of our country. They were brought to this country because Africans, the original indigenous Africans of this country, were resisting working on the sugar cane fields of Natal as it was known at that time. As a result of this resistance, the subcontinent of India, which had already been subjected to British rule, made it possible for Indians to be imported here as indentured labourers.
It's an interesting bird's-eye view to see that wherever there was resistance to enforced labour, the colonial rulers of our country visited other parts of the world and brought labour here, such as from the East Indies to the Western Cape, or from China to strengthen the working force in the Gauteng gold mines.
We celebrate this particular community - the Indian community - today, and we have to look closely at the contribution they made to our history, and not only to the industrialisation of the country, as elements of labour here. At the same time they immediately joined in the struggle for equality of status - for rights like everybody else. That is particularly important because in 1860, with the founding of the All India Congress - what was then called in India the Indian Congress - the struggle against British imperialism in India started. They brought this to the shores of South Africa, and, in fact, this led directly ... [Interjections.] ... - I'm not as small-minded as that. We are celebrating South Africa and we are celebrating the communities here. It has nothing to do with the little things that there are here; it has to do with the value of what the community has done, and I will address that issue.
We want to say that we own this country, its history over the centuries, and we would be less South African if we thought that there were certain parts of the history of this country which belonged only to some and not to all of us - South Africa is for all of us and it will always be so. If anything, that is the kind of South Africa we want to build, a South Africa that is for all of us, in which everybody is South African. The fact that we may hold different views on this, that or the other does not change that reality. Therefore, I say with pride that the Indian South Africans who arrived at that time made history for all of us. They set a timetable and a programme that has made all of us the product of this country.
So, when they formed the Natal Indian Congress in 1894, they pointed the way to the struggle in the future of a South Africa that was quickly becoming a capitalist society, in which our own great grandparents from the Transkei, the Free State and the North of this country were moving towards Johannesburg to the mines, and to Kimberley. It was Africa's labour force. The working class of South Africa was taking root.
As that was happening, South Africa's urban centres were developing, the townships of Sophiatown and others, which led to the forming of Soweto. The townships of Durban led to uMlazi and with the establishment of those townships South Africa was growing. The township of Chatsworth and others were born as a general movement of the development of the working class in our country. At that time, none of the present political organisations were there, not then. Therefore, we say that if we are to celebrate in full, we must recognise the contributions made by these communities across decades and centuries.
As we began the last century, the 20th century, just after 1910 we saw the Indian community struggling to cross into the Transvaal against a vicious, backward Republic of Afrikaners that did not want them to settle there. A consequence of this was that at Volksrus in 1913 little Valliammai, at the age of 13, was killed as part of that struggle to move into the Transvaal. That explains that it was the success of that struggle that led to the situation that we have today, a settled, very powerful part of the Indian community in the Transvaal.
It's a sad thing that happened in the Free State - there was not sufficient economic development to lure them there in large numbers. It's also a shame that for so long a province like that sustained legislation that denied them the right to make the Free State their home.
We must see both the good things and the backward things that we did to each other in our history, and we must be ashamed that some of the things were done in that way. I say with pride that if the death of little Valliammai inspired the struggle, it was to be reignited much later in 1976 with the death of a little child of 13 years, Hector Pieterson. It was history repeating itself, in different circumstances but at same time generally driving in the same direction.
So, we can take pride in the fact that all of us made equal contributions, and spilled our blood for the same cause. By the way, at the founding of the first liberation organisation in Africa, the African National Congress, an argument arose as to what it was to be called. The delegates who were at that meeting argued from various angles, but they said that the name, whatever it was, had to include the word "congress" because they were so inspired by the performance of the Natal Indian Congress that they wanted an organisation that would be capable of doing what the Natal Indian Congress had already demonstrated, which was positive. That is the history of our country.
Hon Lekota, as this is very important political education, I've given you two minutes extra already.
Madam Deputy Speaker, I would like to fast-forward in history because I want to say that the Indian ... [Interjections.]
Order!
I would like to say that the contribution of the Indian community in our country was not limited only to struggle issues. The Indian cuisine that has now become part of and characteristic of our culture came with them.
In the area of sport, the Indian community has made incredible history. I want to recall that fact in regard to sports such as hockey and golf. Let me remind you of this, and this Parliament must take note of it. In 1964 Sewsunker "Papwa" Sewgolum, a self-taught Indian who did not hold a golf stick according to what was taught in academies and so on, competed against Gary Player and others, and he beat them! But, let me tell you something that all of us must be ashamed of. When he won and the prizes were to be given out, because of the Separate Amenities Act he was not allowed to go into the club to receive his trophy; he was made to stand outside and it was raining. He was given his trophy there in the rain, with somebody holding an umbrella over him! But, he had won the championship! I see that we honour Gary Player, who was honoured by the old order; fine, I also honour him. But I do think that we must honour Papwa Sewgolum for the example he set our country. I thank you, but I say, "Halala [Congratulations], the Indian community! Halala! [Congratulations!]" [Applause.]
Halala! [Congratulations!] Thank you, hon members. No, hon member, I took into account the fact that hon Lekota has been here since August. Since this is the last week, he really wants to put in everything for this term now! So please excuse him. [Laughter.]
Madam Deputy Speaker, I think the hon Lekota has taught us all a lesson though, that if we want extra time we have to talk very loudly into the microphone and you get to give us extra time! [Laughter.]
You won't succeed in doing that!
Deputy Speaker, I think hon Lekota certainly scored a hole-in- one with his last suggestion. [Laughter.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, it is a great honour for me to pay tribute today to the first Indians to arrive on South African shores exactly 150 years ago, on 16 November 1860. Amongst those I honour today is my grandfather who, as a 23-year-old, arrived on South Africa's shores from North India on 14 April 1897, when he disembarked from a ship called the SS Umzinto. Ironically, uMzinto is still in the area where I reside today.
The contribution of my grandfather and the many other Indian migrants between 1860 and 1911 is well documented but, I fear, the contribution of the Indian community to our country has not yet been fully assessed and not fully appreciated.
Amongst our country's unsung heroes and heroines are undoubtedly the first pilgrims from India who landed on our shores on board the SS Truro. The Indian migrants came searching for greener pastures, but for many these were the sugar cane fields of KwaZulu-Natal. My grandfather too found employment in this industry, and as a young man made a living working for a sugar cane company in Port Shepstone.
History records that from the many trials and tribulations of the Indian migrants emerged as many triumphs, and a sense of purpose too. Indian people lived cheek by jowl with their African brothers and sisters until 1966, when the Group Areas Act, which separated all South Africans, came into effect.
But, this did not dampen the fighting spirit of the Indian people. It was the South African Indian community who invested their originally very scarce resources in the education of their children and the upliftment of their social and economic conditions, so that each subsequent generation could surpass their father's one, not only in terms of economic prosperity, but also in terms of education, knowledge and awareness. This led to the establishment of almost 400 community-built schools, mainly in KwaZulu- Natal.
Deputy Speaker, the arrival of our Indian brothers and sisters in South Africa also led to a powerful relationship between India and South Africa. Today, we laud the role of India in shaping the political landscape of South Africa. India has left indelible imprints on the human race over the course of centuries. Today, India is not only a rising 21st century superpower, but the pace of change in the world's largest democracy, with its vibrant and open society, is simply inspiring. History records that we - South Africa and India - share a common past. Both of our countries were subjected to occupation by British imperialists, and our hardships and experiences during our colonial periods bear striking resemblances. I am proud that South Africa and India's special relationship was forged in the struggle against racial oppression and discrimination.
But, despite the commendable relationship between our two countries, the fact remains that, 150 years after the arrival of the first Indians to our shores, many challenges still remain for South Africa's Indian community.
The perception that all Indian people are rich businessmen and women is false, and has created, in my opinion, the myth that there are no poor Indians in South Africa. This is simply not true. A quick tour around KwaZulu-Natal, in particular, will reveal that some of the poorest inhabitants of KwaZulu-Natal are, in fact, people of Indian origin. It is with this in mind that I believe that there is an urgent need for government and NGOs to do more to assist those communities to access housing and other basic services.
In addition, clearly not enough has been done to preserve and honour the culture, religion and traditions of the Indian community. But, our constitutional imperatives are a great step forward. Currently, the state broadcaster - and I'm glad that the Minister of Communication will be participating in this debate - only flights 102 TV programmes of interest to the community per week, while there has been no concerted effort on the part of government to promote Eastern languages. More schools, for example, could offer Eastern languages as part of the curriculum. The issue of equal job opportunities for young graduates is also a matter of concern.
It is my firm belief that it is important that we take advantage of this moment in history to ensure the lasting and sustainable legacy of the community. There have been many calls for national monuments like at Curries Fountain in Durban and the Durban market, similar to the Afrikaner Voortrekker Monument.
Professor Ashwin Desai, an author, suggests that such a centre, like a memory bank or culture centre, should be constructed to bring together into a central place a collection of photographs and artefacts of the history of South Africans of Indian descent. Sadly, the only centre in Durban, the Durban Documentation Centre, was closed down recently.
Curry and rice and bunny chows are today two of KwaZulu-Natal's, and indeed South Africa's, most favourite dishes, but the legacy of the Indian community of South Africa is far greater than that of food alone. South Africans of Indian descent have greatly enriched our nation, especially so the province of KwaZulu-Natal.
I want to end with the words of the president of our party, Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, who has on numerous occasions paid tribute to South Africans of Indian descent, and is on record as saying, and I quote:
Simply and plainly put, without the blood, sweat, suffering and toil of the people of the Truro and the many more Indians who followed them, South Africa would not be what it is today and would not enjoy the levels of prosperity, development and stability which we now have, and which, albeit far below our intended goals and aspirations, are nonetheless superior to those enjoyed anywhere else in sub-Saharan Africa.
I also want to wish members of the Muslim community Eid Mubarak for tomorrow.
We all know that when you speak to an Indian he says, "Nothing for nothing," because nothing does come for nothing. I stand here today as a proud South African of the IFP, and also as a person who is proud of my heritage, roots and culture. Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker. [Applause.]
Deputy Speaker, as we gather today to celebrate the arrival of Indians in South Africa 150 years ago, allow me to pay tribute to the contributions made by the Indian community to all forms of our nation's development. On this day 150 years ago, Indians arrived on the shores of Durban in various ships. They were brought here for the sole purpose of working as slaves on the sugar cane fields of KwaZulu-Natal.
I doubt that their colonial masters had any idea that within a short space of time the very slaves they had imported would become wise and successful business people. Less than three decades later, many Indians ventured out from being cane cutters to being cane growers. Soon, several Indian slaves were successful entrepreneurs in their neighbourhoods. Many of the slaves had the option of returning to their motherland, but instead they remained behind and joined the fight against oppression with their fellow South Africans.
We are especially proud of the role that Indians played in the freedom of our nation. Under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi, through peaceful protest, they helped change the face of our nation through nonviolent demonstrations.
From the early 1900s onwards the Indian community recognised the evils of apartheid rule and the impact that the inequality was having on their fellow African brothers. It is for this reason that they stood side by side with them in the fight against racial oppression and inequality.
The formation of the Indian Congress was a turning point in this struggle, as the fight against the apartheid regime gathered more support from the international community. But, whilst this formation was Indian in identity, they remain to this very day proudly South African.
On behalf of the ID, I wish to congratulate all Indians in South Africa on the role they played in transforming our country, and the ongoing contribution they make to the development of our nation. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Speaker and hon members, the UDM joins the rest of the House in paying tribute to the Indian people who arrived on our shores 150 years ago.
Since the arrival of those first indentured labourers, they have left an indelible mark on the shape of our history. There can be no denying that people of Indian origin have been inextricably linked to the growth of our country. They have witnessed and experienced the years of colonial rule and the subsequent rise and fall of apartheid.
In that time their identity was reduced to a question of race without regard to the richness of diversity among themselves. During those decades, being an Indian meant being nonwhite and nonblack. This arbitrary and immoral racial classification was the cause of endless suffering and injustice. The former regime also mastered the art of divide and rule and sought to inflame racial animosity between Indian people and people from other racial and cultural groups.
Happily, those days are now behind us. Indian people played a very significant role in bringing about democracy. For instance, one of India's greatest statesmen, Mahatma Gandhi, spent time in South Africa and experienced our oppression at first hand.
Today, we can proudly celebrate the far-reaching role that the descendants of those first indentured labourers have played, not only in politics, but also in sport, culture, medicine, arts and industry. They have been active contributors to the South African nation. We salute their contribution. Without them our rainbow nation would be distinctly less bright and colourful. Thank you, hon Deputy Speaker.
Hon Deputy Speaker, I believe that if you had given the hon Lekota a further fifteen minutes, he would probably have also lectured us on the founding of another congress. [Laughter.] But he couldn't get to that point. Thank you, therefore. [Laughter.]
On behalf of the FF Plus, I would also like to extend a word of congratulations and thanks to our compatriots of Indian origin and descent who are South African citizens for the role that they have played over many years.
I think it is also correct that we look at history from a different angle. Even though it is true that a large majority, or the bulk, of Indians came in 1860, it is also true that it is said that the first person of Indian descent arrived in 1657. This was a lady known as Mooi Ansiela. She was born in north-west India, and arrived with Pieter Kemp on board one of the ships called the Amersfoort. She was an employee or a slave of Jan van Riebeeck. In 1668 she was made a free burgher and she was then allowed to do whatever she wanted in regard to her slavery.
It is also interesting to note that slavery and the whole thing that happened here was in 1860. In the two Boer Republics slavery was abolished in 1854 in terms of their constitutions.
Now, the Chief Whip referred to the whole issue of unity and diversity, and I have also listened to what our colleagues have said today. I remember something from when I was a child. I was brought up on the West Rand in Gauteng, and I remember many Sunday afternoons in the early 1960s when there was not much to do. We would get into our cars and drive to have a look at the beautiful double-storey houses in Azaadville where our Indian compatriots were living.
Today things are different. Today Indians are in terms of the Employment Equity Act and affirmative action considered as black. Things have changed, but the important point I would like to make is this: No minority in a plural society will ever in the long-term survive by claiming credentials through supporting the majority in that sense. What we need in South Africa in terms of the constitutional dispensation is the recognition of the rights of different communities in terms of their cultural and linguistic heritage, and to make provision for that in our constitutional dispensation. That is where your future will lie, not in trying to suck up to any majority, regardless of who that majority may be. Thank you.
Madam Deputy Speaker, the ACDP joins in celebrating the 150th anniversary of the arrival of the Indian community in South Africa, beginning in 1860 with approximately 152 000 ... [Interjections.] ... - if I've got time. It began in 1860 with approximately 152 000 Indians coming to Natal between that year and 1911.
Many were made outrageous promises about luxurious living conditions and a better life, whilst others were physically abducted and placed on board ships. Families were torn apart through this process and, as indicated by previous speakers, a five-year contract was offered, renewable after five years with a sweetener of a return ticket.
The conditions on these ships were deplorable, with many succumbing to diseases that spread. When they arrived here, they were subject to a physical examination in a manner very similar to how cattle were examined before they were purchased.
There were no schools, churches or temples in place to allow some degree of normality in their daily existence. Ironically, the first Indian couple that stepped onto South African soil were a Christian couple by the name of Mr and Mrs Devaram.
From humble beginnings the South African Indian community has progressed to a point where, despite small numbers, they are playing a leading role in the sociopolitical and economic life of South Africa. This, against the background of being discriminated against by whites who perceived them as an economic threat during apartheid. Regrettably, the current policy of affirmative action is perceived by many Indians as a means of marginalising them in favour of other previously disadvantaged persons.
How did they then succeed? It was by implementing a simple yet highly effective ethos under which they lived, namely a strong focus on education and a solid family value system. This we should all learn from.
The ACDP acknowledges the significant contribution that the South African Indian community has made to the country. They brought colour, spice and dance to South Africa that, it is argued, cannot be replicated by anyone else in the world, except possibly by Indians in India itself.
We in South Africa owe a similar vote of gratitude to the South African Indian community who are first and foremost loyal and dedicated South Africans. I thank you.
Deputy Speaker, comrades and colleagues, the following text is a salute to all women who fought valiantly in our struggle for liberation, and to celebrate the outstanding freedom fighters, especially women of Indian ancestry, who have inspired us with their bravery and commitment in the fight for justice and peace.
Today commemorates the 150-year anniversary of Indians' arriving on South African soil. The first Indians from Madras arrived on the ship the SS Truro on 16 November 1860. On 4 October 1860, the ship SS Belvedere had left Calcutta with 310 passengers. Great Britain had introduced a new system of slavery in the form of indenture to serve the needs of its developing colonial economies. Famine in the north-western province of India contributed to 17 899 people emigrating from Calcutta. On account of severe famine in South India, 428 000 people left from Madras. Between 1860 and 1911, some 152 184 indentured labourers from across India came to South Africa.
The Indians signed a ludicrous statement of contract. It said:
We, the undersigned male immigrants, do hereby agree to serve the employer to whom we may respectively be allotted by the national government under the Natal Act No 14 of 1859, and we all understand the terms under which we are engaged, wages for the first year to be 10 shillings, ... -
not 10 ... [Interjections.] ... it was 10 shillings ... [Interjections.] ... it was 10 shillings per year for the first year
... concluding with 14 shillings for the fifth year.
Many died on board the ships due to harsh, unsatisfactory conditions, and those who arrived worked as cheap labour and lived in inhumane conditions completely controlled by their employers.
Later, in the 1870s, the free Indians or so-called "passenger Indians" who paid their own passage to Natal, the majority of whom came from Gujarat as traders, artisans and workers, arrived.
For Indians, the laws treated them as migrants, and it was the intention of the law to discourage them from staying longer in South Africa. One measure was that the colonial government did not provide any schooling for Indian children.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi - the Mahatma - a young lawyer educated in India and England, arrived in 1893 to start work in Pretoria on a lawsuit. During his journey from Durban to Pretoria, a white passenger complained about sharing a compartment with an Indian. He was asked to go to the third-class compartment. He refused to do so and was forcibly and unceremoniously thrown out of the train in Pietermaritzburg.
In 1894, a year after Gandhi arrived in South Africa, the Natal Indian Congress, NIC, was founded. Numerous discriminatory laws, harsh taxation and unbearable conditions experienced by both free and indentured Indians continued. The NIC's aim of satyagraha was to improve the rights of Indians in South Africa and to end the practice of indentured labour. The Transvaal Indian Congress, TIC, and Cape Indian Congress, CIC, were later formed. Three years later, in 1919, the South African Indian Congress was born.
The British government rushed the Franchise Bill through Parliament in 1898, followed by two more Bills aimed at passenger Indians, the Immigration Restriction Bill and the Dealers' Licences Bill, curbing migration and trading. The white community obviously saw them as a threat. In 1906, the Transvaal government passed a law making it compulsory for Indians over 8 years of age, children, to carry a pass bearing their thumbprint. This caused outrage among the Indian population. By the end of January 1908, 2 000 Asians had been arrested for failing to register. Eventually Gandhi and the leader of the Chinese population in South Africa, a Mr Leung Quinn, reached an agreement with Jan Smuts, the Transvaal Colonial Secretary, whereby the Act would be repealed if everyone registered voluntarily, but Smuts denied any promises made to Gandhi and, on his way to the Registration Office, was duly assaulted.
Gandhi and members of the NIC and TIC were in and out of prison on an ongoing basis as they led campaigns against unjust laws. In less than a month, 300 Hindus, Muslims, Parsis and Christians became members. Sohrab Rustomjee, Ahmed Cachalia, Ebrahim Asvat, Mohamed Nagdee, Mr P K Naidoo and numerous other leaders were imprisoned. In 1913, Thumbi Naidoo succeeded in mobilising about 5 000 miners to down tools to protest against the ?3 tax imposed on them.
Unfortunately I have only four minutes left and I would like to recognise the role of Indian women. I would quickly like to say that little is known of their role in the Indian resistance movements, for example, as they fought alongside the men to change the course of history. Only recently did the Indian government honour a young 16-year-old martyr, Valliammai Munuswamy Mudliar for her role as a first-generation freedom fighter alongside Gandhiji, as Mr Lekota, who has left, has said.
Although Indian women have always played an important role in social and communal life, much of their work in households and in their families, supporting their men and children, was unrecognised. It was Gandhi who fought for this dramatic change in the role and status of women in South Africa and India when, at his request, they came out in large numbers from the shelter of their homes. Indian women first embraced the struggle in 1913 by way of an open invitation from the satyagraha association to join men in retaliation for the Searle Judgment which invalidated all non- Christian marriages. All Hindu, Muslim and Zoroastrian marriages were declared null and void. This meant that all Indian married women in South Africa were reduced to the status of concubines while the children were classified illegitimate and deprived of all rights of inheritance, property assets and legal claims.
This was a hugely emotive cause; the very honour of Indian womanhood had been insulted. By engaging in these activities, women broke out of their traditional boundaries and challenged the images of the passive and docile Indian woman and other issues such as the onerous permit system and immigration laws, that is, prohibition of Indians' moving from province to province. It was not so long ago that Indians were not allowed to stay over in the Orange Free State. I remember Chief Justice Ismail Mohammed of the Constitutional Court was not allowed to sleep over while working on a judgement in Bloemfontein.
In the 1920s and 1930s Indian women confined their work to culture and charitable work, but by the beginning of the 1940s, confronted by changing social and economic conditions, Indian women became politically motivated. Both professional and working-class women began to take an active interest in politics. A comparative assessment by the government's Social and Economic Council revealed that 70,6% of Indians, 38,2% of coloureds, 24,8% of Africans and 5,2% of white families were living below the poverty line. That means that 70,6% of Indians as compared to 5,2% of white families lived below the poverty line.
A large number of working-class households were dependent on female breadwinners. During the war, the Communist Party of South Africa, CPSA, sought to mobilise women around food supplies. In 1946, 1 000 Indian demonstrators led by the CPSA engaged in protest marches against food controllers and black marketeers in Durban. Trade union activity also served as a polarising agent as Indian women, especially Hindu and Tamil women, were mainly employed in the clothing, textile and food industries. For example, Rahima Moosa and Fatima Seedat entered politics through their jobs with the food and canning industry. Dr Goonam and Ms H Naidoo, together with NIC members, mediated with management and contracted concessions for Indian workers.
The struggle in India resulted in the imprisonment of Kasturba Gandhi, Sarojini Naidu, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit and Meera Ben. These women served as role models for activists such as Zainab Asvat, Dr Goonam, Zohra Bhyat, Manuben Sita, Mrs Amina Pahad, Mrs Zubeida Patel, Ms Badat, Mrs R Jinn, Mrs Chella Chetty, Mrs Pillay, Mrs Pather, Mrs Nair, and the list goes on.
The Passive Resistance Campaign 1946 to 1948 involved women from different socioeconomic, religious and linguistic groups. The women who assumed leadership roles in most instances were educated and wealthy, came from politically active families and were victims of racial and gender discrimination. They were in the main predominantly Gujarati-speaking Hindus and Muslims. In Natal, the majority of resisters were Tamil and Telugu-speaking Hindus, mainly descendents of indentured labourers.
Mrs Rathamoney Padayachee was elected the secretary for the 1946 Women's Action Committee ... Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Deputy Speaker, the celebration of 150 years of our history has for the first time highlighted for other communities the struggles, the sacrifices and the massacres of indentured labourers. We must not make the mistake of looking only at people after Mahatma Gandhi, because there were other great heroes and heroines of the struggle.
I would like South Africa to know that for 101 years in this country the policy of successive white governments was: "Coolies, go back to India!" In 1961 HF Verwoerd had the courage to stand up in Parliament and say that that policy had been abandoned and that the Indians were now part of the permanent population of South Africa.
One should look at the concerns of the minorities, the concerns of the Indian community. The manner in which policies are applied is hurting them, yet they are South Africans. What we undoubtedly require is Madiba's definition of blacks, meaning Africans, coloureds and Indians. The Indian community are hurt and they are wounded.
What we require is the assurance of the hon President of our country to the Indian community that we will be treated as equal citizens within the spirit of the Constitution, which grants every citizen equality. The time has now arrived for a drastic change in the policies relating to equality and affirmative action. They should be replaced by another formula where there can be the levelling of the playing fields. There is no sense in telling the Prime Minister of India that Indians have made enormous contributions to the country, and that we were doing well, when we are treated as second-class citizens. Stand up in this Chamber and put Dr Verwoerd to shame!
As we continue to commemorate this historic event, let us never forget the incredible contributions that the Indian indentured labourers made in every facet of life. Let us remember the profound words of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhiji, who said:
Happiness is when what you think, what you say, and what you do are in harmony.
The true strength of an Indian is not derived from his physical form, but from his inner spirit. Today let us all commit ourselves to delivering our people from the shackles of poverty, irrespective of race, colour and creed, and march forward with courage, conviction and determination. I thank you and also wish the Muslim community Eid Mubarak for tomorrow. [Applause.]
I would like to say that we should notice that the hon Bhoola is the only hon member who is always on the dot. If he is given two minutes, it is going to be two minutes or less. Thank you, hon Bhoola. [Applause.]
Madam Deputy Speaker, the history and record of the indentured labourers of Indian origin in South Africa are a classic example of how people can defy the odds and rise above their circumstances. Their story can only be compared to that of the Africans who were captured and transported across the Atlantic, and sold as slaves in the Americas.
The comparison is relevant because in our view the difference between indentured labour and slavery is insignificant. Of course, as we tell this story, we are saying very little about those who could have perished on the way, and we think there were many. Those who brought them to South Africa had possibly hoped that they would forever be drawers of water and hewers of wood.
Azapo says they defied the odds, because they have become part and parcel of South Africa. Many of them identified themselves with the oppressed during the struggle for liberation. They rejected the pseudo freedom of the tricameral system, and fought for true and genuine freedom. We thank God that despite the intentions of those who transported them across the seas, we now have successful business people, lawyers, doctors, teachers, sports persons, and so on.
We are paying tribute to them for the role that they have played in bringing about democracy in South Africa. If we had the time and space, we would mention some of them by name. I am paying tribute to one of my political mentors, the late Cde Strini Moodley. We are looking forward to a day when we will refer to these patriots just as South Africans, without any reference to where they came from, just as we do not refer to others as South Africans of German, Dutch, English or Italian descent. Thank you. [Applause.]
Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Hon members, I think the debate today is indeed an historic moment for us. I listened carefully to the responses of the various political parties, and it is outstanding how all of us have come together with a common view in celebrating this historic moment of the 150th anniversary of the arrival of the Indian indentured labour in South Africa. I was struck by the absence of any attempt by the political parties to use this debate to score political points. They have rather paid tribute to the common recognition that all our people are giving to this historic event.
I must say that I was rather surprised that the hon Bhoola from the MF still tried to be a bit of a tiger by bringing in a little bit of politics, when he made comments about the feelings of the Indian people towards the policies of the ruling party, which I did not think was quite true.
The last speaker referred to Strini Moodley and I am reminded of what Strini experienced when he was sitting on the beach in Durban and dipping his feet into the sea, alongside his friend Steve Biko. A white constable came up to Strini and said, "Hey you, what do you think you are doing? Don't you know this beach is reserved for whites?" Strini looked at Steve Biko and then said, "Steve, tell him - he doesn't know." The policeman looked very puzzled and asked Steve what Strini was talking about. Steve said, "Well, don't you know that this is the Indian Ocean?" [Laughter.]
Sumit Chakravartty, in a foreword to a book called Gandhiji's vision of a free South Africa - a collection of articles by Enuga Reddy - said that the establishment of a nonracial, democratic government in South Africa under the leadership of Nelson Mandela - the vision of Gandhi - in a spirit of reconciliation remained a binding source of strength and an inspiration to all South African people. In 1908 Gandhi said: If we look into the future, is it not a heritage we have to leave to posterity, that all the different races commingle and produce a civilisation that perhaps the world has not yet seen?
In paying a special tribute to the historic contribution of Gandhi and his vision for the future of humanity, President Mandela said in September 1992 that Gandhi was a South African and his memory deserved to be cherished then and in post-apartheid South Africa. We must never lose sight of the fact that the Gandhian philosophy may be a key to human survival in the 21st century.
Connecting Gandhi's contribution to national developments in South Africa, Gandhi repeatedly emphasised until the end of his life that he was both an Indian and a South African. He did not consider himself as belonging to Indian South Africans alone, but to all South Africans. He asserted without any trace of ambiguity that the spirit of Gandhi lived not only in the hearts of Indians struggling against racism and for a nonviolent democratic society, but also in those of Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Archbishop Tutu, the Rev Beyers Naud and indeed many others.
In recognition of the contribution that his South African experience gave to the evolution of his ideas, Gandhi told the Kanpur Congress in 1925:
Indians of South Africa claim that they have given me to you. I accept that claim. It is perfectly true that whatever service I have been able to render ... to India, comes from South Africa.
Despite being born in India he, Gandhi, was certainly made in South Africa.
Another feature of the special significance of his influence was the friendship that emerged between Mahatma Gandhi and the Rev John Langalibalele Dube, who was to become the first President General of the ANC. Both men were involved in work for their communities; Gandhi founded the Natal Indian Congress and Rev Dube founded the Natal Native Congress, which was the precursor of the ANC.
Many historians have argued that this friendship and collaboration inspired the joint co-operation between Indians and Africans in the years of the freedom struggle that followed. History also gives credit to the outstanding contribution of Dr Yusuf Dadoo, who focused his attention on the building of an alliance of Indians and Africans as the basis for the widest unity of the people against racism. Dr Dadoo became an architect of the unity of all oppressed people in the struggle to end racist tyranny, so much so that the ANC honoured him in 1955 with the award of the decoration of Isitwalandwe/Seaparankoe.
In his recent state of the nation address, President Zuma stated that our country would mark the 150th anniversary of the arrival of Indians. He affirmed that the celebration provided an opportunity to recognise the important contribution of the Indian community in the fields of business, labour, science, sports, religion and culture, and the achievement and consolidation of our democracy.
From humble beginnings as cane cutters in the sugar cane fields in KwaZulu- Natal to a significant presence in virtually every economic facet of human lives, the Indian community have made an outstanding contribution to the evolution of our democratic society. Today, the sugar industry in South Africa ranks as one of the major manufacturers of sugar and sugar by- products.
Whilst South Africa can boast that it is perhaps with humility, people of Indian origin can also boast of the fact that their labour pioneered this industry. Today, as we celebrate, we also recognise the very perilous circumstances that these pioneers from India faced. So, when we look at the economy today and the sugar industry, viewed against the background of the conditions of work, one sometimes does get angry, but by celebrating their arrival we salute them for having made the contributions that they did even though they lived under circumstances which were like slavery.
One can also not discount the role played by indentured labourers of Indian origin in the transport sector in Natal. Their labour, together with British technology, successfully built the railway network that we have today inherited in our country.
It is in the coal mines and the sugar fields that the seed of modern day trade unionism was born in South Africa. Indian workers formed their own unions, mainly in the sugar industry, and by the 1930s gravitated towards the SA Communist Party. Nonracial industrial unions were formed in the late 1930s with largely Indian leadership. In some ways it is not without significance that Harry Naidoo, the trade unionist, was about the first trade unionist to unionise African workers in the sugar industry.
In 1952, when the Group Areas Act was passed, it was designed to break both the economic and social fabric of people of Indian origin. Notwithstanding all of this, among several activities, the Indian leadership became a central part of evolving the resistance movement in unity with African people and other democrats.
In 1955 the Indian leadership, together with the community, made their mark at Kliptown in their participation in the development of the Freedom Charter at the Congress of the People. Today their presence is evidenced in significant numbers in the professional and commercial stratums in society. They have had significant achievements in the medical, legal and education fields and the Public Service, and indeed in academia. The significance far outweighs their numbers in relation to the size of the population. They built in the spirit of the pioneers, who built their own churches, schools, temples, mosques and churches, and in the spirit of sacrifice and service. They are also respected and admired for their exceptional entrepreneurial energy and enterprise, and for always being ready to take the gap first.
The history of South Africa's liberation struggle documents the outstanding contributions made by many Indian compatriots to the freedom struggle. Names such as Yusuf Dadoo, Monty Naicker, Dr Goonam, Ahmed Kathrada, George Sewpersadh, Billy Nair, MJ Naidoo and Mewa Ramgobin stand out. In the ANC, the SA Community Party and uMkhonto weSizwe names such as Mac Maharaj, Essop and Aziz Pahad, Laloo Chiba and Ebrahim Ebrahim stand out as legends for the contribution that they have made.
Today, as we mull over the struggles and tribulations of Indians in South Africa, the insights bring home the poignancy of their enslaved exile. Torn from their moorings, through sheer depth of hardship and diligence they put down new roots, turned barren land verdant and metamorphosed into loyal and abiding nationals of their country of adoption.
Indians growing up in Africa have had a rich and challenging life of immigration, indenture and struggle politics. I am a product of this heritage. My forefathers came from the South of India, having left behind a way of life, relations, culture, cuisine, music, language, religion and rich ethic tradition. When Indians left India's shores, mainly for economic reasons, either as indentured labourers or passenger traders, they brought along with them a fearless determination to succeed and take on the character of the country of their adoption while retaining their religious and cultural roots.
I am a living example of this testimony of a proud heritage that my forefathers built for me 150 years ago with their blood, their sweat and their tears. And out of their toil I emerged, having metamorphosed from various historical designations of coolie, ikula, iNdiya, Asiatic, Indian, charra to the pinnacle of my new identity as a fully-fledged South African. [Applause.]
I am a unique creation, unlike my counterparts in the rest of Africa. I have a proud heritage of tilling the soil, picking up the garbage, planting the vegetables, sweeping the streets, selling fruit and vegetables in the marketplace, waiting at tables in hotels, working in the coal mines, selling newspapers and driving buses.
Though a victim of apartheid, I have a proud heritage of fighting for justice and being in the vanguard against oppressive regimes with the higher-order principle of nonviolence. Now, after four generations, I can proudly say: Mother Africa has defined me, embraced me and moulded me into this unique product aptly described as "conceived in India but made in South Africa". [Applause.] Debate concluded.