Hon members, allow the speaker to be heard. Stop heckling.
The President is doing a lot of work on the continent through the New Economic Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, programmes and the African Union, AU, forums. [Interjections.] We have 5 key priorities in this government and 12 outcomes.
In your history, I am sure, you don't have performance agreements with your members. [Interjections.] We have performance agreements with the President. That you have never seen! [Applause.]
Also, I don't know whether you can compare a budget of 1994 with a budget of 2011 ... [Interjections.] ... even in your own households! [Interjections.] Mr Speaker, you would remember that members of the opposition will come here and want to oppose many budgets, but they will never oppose the budget of the legislature because their salaries are in it. [Applause.]
But, Mr President, I also never knew that members can come here to lobby you for positions in missions. Hon Lekota was standing here, trying to plead with you to deploy him to Uruguay. I thought that I heard him say that. [Applause.]
Speaker, on a point of order: That's a total misrepresentation and she must withdraw it. [Interjections.]
Please take your seat, hon member.
Hon members, you would know that the hon Buthelezi was referring to the challenges we are facing as a country. He is not dealing with the challenges the IFP is facing. The IFP is shrinking and shrinking. [Laughter.] I want to say that it is important that ... [Interjections.]
Yes, it is shrinking through your corruption! [Laughter.]
Bagolo ba nthutile gore ke tshwanetse gore mogolo o a fosa. O a fosa rra. [The elders taught me that I should say an elder is not telling the truth. You are not telling the truth, sir.]
I just want to say that equally as the hon Mr McGluwa spoke so much about the ID. We don't even know whether the ID exists because you are leaderless. I think it is important that we don't even focus on you.
I also just want to say that it is about time that hon members of this House understand that Comrade Julius Malema is not a member of this House. He cannot come and defend himself here. So, engage him on the platforms he has. Don't come here and talk about Julius Malema. [Interjections.]
Hon Meshoe speaks about social cohesion. Other members are also speaking about the importance of us intervening in the issues of Zimbabwe, as if Zimbabwe were not a sovereign country. We should also remember that there are members sitting in this House who were the key sanction busters when you and others were speaking on the world platforms about sanctions. But today they are the very ones who come here and tell us about intervening in Zimbabwe. [Interjections.]
I want to say that today is a very important day because it is two days away from commemorating the 35th anniversary of June 16. This anniversary remains a potent symbol and an emotional reminder of the painful history of this country. It reminds us of the collective determination and resolve of our people to unite in the face of adversity. It is a reminder to all of us that oppression and racism, with all their ugly consequences, are evils that turn humanity against each other; where those who perceive themselves as the ordained superiors over others will do anything to maintain the status quo and subject others to less humane living conditions.
The Freedom Charter, adopted by the masses of this country on 26 June 1955 in Kliptown, categorically states: "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people." The ANC, as early as 1956, adopted the Freedom Charter. We make bold to say that the ANC has and will always be the custodian of the Freedom Charter and all its ideals, as demonstrated through years of unbroken and relentless pursuit of the ideals of an equal and prosperous society.
In his inaugural speech on 10 May 1994, former President Nelson Mandela said:
We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.
In his inaugural address, President Jacob Zuma said:
This is indeed a moment of renewal. It is an opportunity to rediscover that which binds us together as a nation. The unity of our nation should be a priority for all sectors of our society. We are a people of vastly different experiences, of divergent interests, with widely different views. Yet we share a common desire for a better life, and to live in peace and harmony. We share a common conviction that never shall we return to a time of division and strife. From this common purpose, we must forge a partnership for reconstruction, development and progress.
These words demonstrate the consistency of the ANC on the critical matter of nation-building. In fact, in 1912 Pixley ka Isaka Seme made a clarion call to all when he remarked: "We are one people. These divisions, these jealousies, are the cause of all our woes today."
I cite the words of these leaders of our liberation struggle to make it clear that we are not advocates or champions of the Charter today because it is fashionable to do so, but because we truly believe in the ideals espoused by it. So, if the DA and Cope want to take from the Freedom Charter, they must adopt it at their national conferences. [Applause.] To some of the parties in this country, allegiance to the Freedom Charter and other symbols of the progressive struggle has become their newfound moral consciousness in 2011.
For the ANC, nation-building is at the core of the National Democratic Revolution. Indeed, the objectives of the National Democratic Revolution, NDR, will not be achieved without there being a just, democratic and fair nation. We need to deal with those issues that make us a nation and create a common vision and value system. At the core of this is access to the economy, especially ownership of the means of production, and not just marketers of our labour ability. When our people go out looking for jobs, they say "ke a go imaketa" [I must go and market myself]. This is because they understand that they have been turned into marketers of their labour.
Do you remember the impact of the major national, social and political cohesion campaigns that the country has held? When it is elections, we can feel that we are busy with something that makes us focus on one objective. Do you also remember how we were united as South Africans during World Cup 2010? In fact, somebody said it felt like Christmas that lasted a whole month. Can you remember when we hosted the Rugby World Cup in 1995? Can you remember what happened in Paris 2007, when South Africa was abuzz, including the fact that Brian Habana said when he stood in that stadium he felt that more than 48 million people were behind them? So, it is important that we support the initiative of Magnificent Fridays, as driven by Minister Mbalula and the Minister of Arts and Culture, Minister Mashatile, because I believe this is a noble ideal that all of us should adhere to - unlike some sections of our society, who are purporting to have embraced the vision of a new South Africa but still, in a subtle way, continue to perpetuate the policies of our painful apartheid past. They employ tactics that seek to disguise their intention, even resort to the exploitation of the black masses of this country, and reinforce racial polarisation that meets their objectives of subtle separate development, all in the name of creating what is called "an equal-opportunity society".
What equal-opportunity society exists when we are faced with what Bobby Godsell and Bridgette Gasa, members of the National Planning Commission, described in the past weekend's The Sunday Independent: "The goal is unity and equality, but that's not the reality on the ground". In the article they quote statistics which, they say, reflect the reality on the ground: "In 2005, white households earned on average R68 680 per annum; Asian households R24 707 per annum; coloureds R13 213; and Africans R6 979." They further highlight the reality of unemployment in this country in 2010 and its racial character with 29,8% unemployment for Africans, 22,3% for coloureds, 8,6% for Asians and 5,1% for whites.
These statistics, ladies and gentlemen, indicate that the worst-affected communities are the black majority. What "equal opportunity society" exists when, despite our interventions and efforts, in the main it is Africans, and generally black learners, who suffer from the legacy and devastation of an inferior apartheid education system, and when the majority of black women are still caught in the trap of poverty and underdevelopment? Is this a society where the economy of the country remains in the hands and control of a small minority who own the land and continue to benefit from the progressive instruments of change implemented by the ANC government? Even in the face of this reality and truth, there are those who want us to believe that we are in an equal society. They are the ones who say we do not need affirmative action. They say we do not need state intervention. They say we must allow the status quo to remain. They want us to believe that the miraculous invisible hand of the so-called new liberators ... [Interjections.]
Order! Hon Minister, please take your seat. Hon members, while interjections are regarded as a debate of sorts, and while we do have such interjections from time to time, it's clearly unacceptable to have continuous interjections. I again request that we allow the speaker to be heard. Please let us not have continuous interjections. [Interjections.] Order, hon members! I am still on the floor. I haven't given you permission to speak. I am now giving you permission to speak, Minister. [Laughter.]
Hon members, in 2009 President Zuma called for a partnership for reconstruction, development and progress, making a further call for unity in diversity. However, today we must ask questions. Are we all equally contributing to President Zuma's call for a partnership and to former President Mandela's call for a covenant towards our common future?
Forged in struggle and, as it has demonstrated through the nearly 100 years of its existence, it is only the ANC, with its strong foundation and conviction in nonracialism, which is meaningfully engaged in the construction of a nonracial and a just society. All others are just actors in a political theatre, without any political will towards the creation of a nonracial society. They attempt to project at all cost the image of the ANC and our democratic government as the enemy of certain sections of South Africa, forgetting that we are on a daily basis leading the continued rebirth of a democratic, nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous society.
They do this primarily because a nonracial society is but a distant dream in their view. What gives them sleepless nights are the advances we are making in continuously challenging the reality of the colour bar and inequality in our society. What scares them is displayed in the Chicken Lickin' advertisement showing the re-emergence of an Afrikaner family from below the ground, where they had been hiding for fear of perceived reprisals with the advent of democracy in 1994 ... [Interjections.] ... only to realise that today South Africa is a much better and more tolerant society than it was when they went into hibernation.
Some of these people even go as far as distorting the outcome of the 2011 local government election, with the assistance of some independent analysts, to try and create political polarisation by arguing that minorities are deserting the ANC. They are telling tales and are not being factual. The purported increase in the DA's support is mainly at the expense of the minority parties. [Interjections.] They themselves even said that they were disappointed by Cope. [Interjections.]
It is this ANC that, at its 52nd national conference, reaffirmed that black people collectively ...
are the drivers of reconstruction and development. As in the past when they rose above the politics of race and hatred, these communities do carry the responsibility of nation-building and reconciliation too. Critical for them to play this role is the defence and consolidation of unity across ethnic and racial divides to fight racism and tribalism whenever and wherever it rears its ugly head.
All sections of South Africa today, including minorities, know and accept that the ANC is their only trusted and reliable ally in pursuit of a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous society. [Interjections.] Equally, they know that the ANC government is at the service of all South Africans and it does not and never will discriminate in its services to South Africans.
What about Plato? What did he do?
Our people also know very well that it is only the ANC government that is truly committed to the full advancement of women within our society. We do not see women as poster or pin-up girls, campaigning for men to be in charge and perpetuating the old sexist marketing strategies of using women to attract attention. [Applause.] We do not take advantage of poor Gugulethu women to garner votes by distorting the truth and claiming that their shacks had been electrified, turning our poor and vulnerable people into thieves. We do not challenge the inhumanity of open toilets like some have done with the Makhaza open toilet fiasco, but we act swiftly to correct whatever wrongs have been done. [Interjections.] The dignity and safety of our people is sacrosanct to us.
Since 1994, not only has the ANC formulated laws and policies to protect and advance the women's cause for full emancipation, but through practical and consistent actions, we have shown our real resolve towards the women's cause. Today we have a national department tasked with the mainstreaming of women's issues. We have the gender machinery and we have employment equity legislation, which is an instrument for affirmative action. No one will argue against the fact that one of the most notable successes of our affirmative action policy is the positive move towards gender parity in this country, benefiting all women, black and white. Many of the members here would know that when we arrived at Parliament in 1994, even the inscriptions on the toilets read "members' wives", not "members." So, it showed that the women who used to come to this Parliament were not members. [Applause.]
The ANC and its government, including its own Youth League, have a clear policy on women's participation and representation in their decision-making structures at all levels. That is why President Zuma was not shy to appoint a woman as the Governor of the Reserve Bank. [Applause.] We celebrate when we witness, through the progressive policies of this government, many women taking charge of strategic industries in the realm of the economy and other sectors of our society. It is only the ANC that fully understands the legacy of triple oppression that women have endured and some of the continued hardships women still face today. ANC women have no inferiority complex, thanks to the Women's League. [Interjections.] Women who emerged from the political school of the Progressive Women's Movement are committed to the goal of an equal society. Women from the ANC will never surround themselves with men because they feel inferior. [Applause.]
We are the proud heirs of the legacy of great ANC Women's League leaders such as Albertina Sisulu, Adelaide Tambo, Lilian Ngoyi, Greta Ncaphayi, Helen Joseph, Ruth Mompati, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and many others. We do not need to parade women on our posters to prove our commitment to the issue of gender emancipation. [Applause.] We live our commitment daily, and it is reflected in the products of our efforts. Mr President, you and the