Bagolo ba nthutile gore ke tshwanetse gore mogolo o a fosa. O a fosa rra. [The elders taught me that I should say an elder is not telling the truth. You are not telling the truth, sir.]
I just want to say that equally as the hon Mr McGluwa spoke so much about the ID. We don't even know whether the ID exists because you are leaderless. I think it is important that we don't even focus on you.
I also just want to say that it is about time that hon members of this House understand that Comrade Julius Malema is not a member of this House. He cannot come and defend himself here. So, engage him on the platforms he has. Don't come here and talk about Julius Malema. [Interjections.]
Hon Meshoe speaks about social cohesion. Other members are also speaking about the importance of us intervening in the issues of Zimbabwe, as if Zimbabwe were not a sovereign country. We should also remember that there are members sitting in this House who were the key sanction busters when you and others were speaking on the world platforms about sanctions. But today they are the very ones who come here and tell us about intervening in Zimbabwe. [Interjections.]
I want to say that today is a very important day because it is two days away from commemorating the 35th anniversary of June 16. This anniversary remains a potent symbol and an emotional reminder of the painful history of this country. It reminds us of the collective determination and resolve of our people to unite in the face of adversity. It is a reminder to all of us that oppression and racism, with all their ugly consequences, are evils that turn humanity against each other; where those who perceive themselves as the ordained superiors over others will do anything to maintain the status quo and subject others to less humane living conditions.
The Freedom Charter, adopted by the masses of this country on 26 June 1955 in Kliptown, categorically states: "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people." The ANC, as early as 1956, adopted the Freedom Charter. We make bold to say that the ANC has and will always be the custodian of the Freedom Charter and all its ideals, as demonstrated through years of unbroken and relentless pursuit of the ideals of an equal and prosperous society.
In his inaugural speech on 10 May 1994, former President Nelson Mandela said:
We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.
In his inaugural address, President Jacob Zuma said:
This is indeed a moment of renewal. It is an opportunity to rediscover that which binds us together as a nation. The unity of our nation should be a priority for all sectors of our society. We are a people of vastly different experiences, of divergent interests, with widely different views. Yet we share a common desire for a better life, and to live in peace and harmony. We share a common conviction that never shall we return to a time of division and strife. From this common purpose, we must forge a partnership for reconstruction, development and progress.
These words demonstrate the consistency of the ANC on the critical matter of nation-building. In fact, in 1912 Pixley ka Isaka Seme made a clarion call to all when he remarked: "We are one people. These divisions, these jealousies, are the cause of all our woes today."
I cite the words of these leaders of our liberation struggle to make it clear that we are not advocates or champions of the Charter today because it is fashionable to do so, but because we truly believe in the ideals espoused by it. So, if the DA and Cope want to take from the Freedom Charter, they must adopt it at their national conferences. [Applause.] To some of the parties in this country, allegiance to the Freedom Charter and other symbols of the progressive struggle has become their newfound moral consciousness in 2011.
For the ANC, nation-building is at the core of the National Democratic Revolution. Indeed, the objectives of the National Democratic Revolution, NDR, will not be achieved without there being a just, democratic and fair nation. We need to deal with those issues that make us a nation and create a common vision and value system. At the core of this is access to the economy, especially ownership of the means of production, and not just marketers of our labour ability. When our people go out looking for jobs, they say "ke a go imaketa" [I must go and market myself]. This is because they understand that they have been turned into marketers of their labour.
Do you remember the impact of the major national, social and political cohesion campaigns that the country has held? When it is elections, we can feel that we are busy with something that makes us focus on one objective. Do you also remember how we were united as South Africans during World Cup 2010? In fact, somebody said it felt like Christmas that lasted a whole month. Can you remember when we hosted the Rugby World Cup in 1995? Can you remember what happened in Paris 2007, when South Africa was abuzz, including the fact that Brian Habana said when he stood in that stadium he felt that more than 48 million people were behind them? So, it is important that we support the initiative of Magnificent Fridays, as driven by Minister Mbalula and the Minister of Arts and Culture, Minister Mashatile, because I believe this is a noble ideal that all of us should adhere to - unlike some sections of our society, who are purporting to have embraced the vision of a new South Africa but still, in a subtle way, continue to perpetuate the policies of our painful apartheid past. They employ tactics that seek to disguise their intention, even resort to the exploitation of the black masses of this country, and reinforce racial polarisation that meets their objectives of subtle separate development, all in the name of creating what is called "an equal-opportunity society".
What equal-opportunity society exists when we are faced with what Bobby Godsell and Bridgette Gasa, members of the National Planning Commission, described in the past weekend's The Sunday Independent: "The goal is unity and equality, but that's not the reality on the ground". In the article they quote statistics which, they say, reflect the reality on the ground: "In 2005, white households earned on average R68 680 per annum; Asian households R24 707 per annum; coloureds R13 213; and Africans R6 979." They further highlight the reality of unemployment in this country in 2010 and its racial character with 29,8% unemployment for Africans, 22,3% for coloureds, 8,6% for Asians and 5,1% for whites.
These statistics, ladies and gentlemen, indicate that the worst-affected communities are the black majority. What "equal opportunity society" exists when, despite our interventions and efforts, in the main it is Africans, and generally black learners, who suffer from the legacy and devastation of an inferior apartheid education system, and when the majority of black women are still caught in the trap of poverty and underdevelopment? Is this a society where the economy of the country remains in the hands and control of a small minority who own the land and continue to benefit from the progressive instruments of change implemented by the ANC government? Even in the face of this reality and truth, there are those who want us to believe that we are in an equal society. They are the ones who say we do not need affirmative action. They say we do not need state intervention. They say we must allow the status quo to remain. They want us to believe that the miraculous invisible hand of the so-called new liberators ... [Interjections.]