Hon Chair, hon Minister, Deputy Ministers, hon members, members of the diplomatic corps, ladies and gentlemen, this year, 2011, is very significant for South Africa in the international arena, as we have seen a number of milestones right in front of our eyes. It is in this year that South Africa, of course, started its second instalment as nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security Council. It is also the year in which history was made when South Africa was admitted to the Brazil, Russia, India and China, Bric, bloc.
Our continued involvement in peacekeeping efforts and conflict resolution in Africa and our contribution to the various multilateral bodies have continued to place us at the centre of international attention and scrutiny. We recently hosted the World Economic Forum on Africa here in Cape Town. In my view, our international profile has never been better.
However, this high visibility has brought with it some serious criticisms of how we have handled some crisis situations, particularly on the African continent. For example, the recent foreign policy blunders that we committed in regard to the Libyan crisis drew criticism from different quarters. To start with, South Africa voted in favour of UN Security Council Resolution 1973, which imposed the no-fly zone on Libya. This resolution, in my view, singularly emerged as the most decisive response to stemming a humanitarian crisis or even genocide by the dictator, Muammar Gaddafi. It is therefore important to note that the quick and effective approach taken by the United States and France and later the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato, to intervene in Libya averted a major catastrophe.
As for the African Union, AU, the Libyan crisis has shown beyond any reasonable doubt that this organisation is largely incapable of resolving the continent's problems. The five-nation ad hoc committee on Libya called by the AU was just another hopeless attempt by this body to offer a so- called quiet diplomacy approach to dictators, as it has done in the past elsewhere on this continent. The AU's abysmal approach to the Libyan crisis could be attributed to the fact that "dear brother" bankrolled this organisation from his deep pockets; hence its reluctance to bite the hand that fed it.
In the Ivory Coast, the AU once again proved that it is hell-bent on protecting dictators when it failed to remove Gbagbo, even with strong evidence that he had stolen the elections in that country. Our government did not fare well here, either. We saw our foreign policy flip-flop like a yo-yo, thereby sending these confusing messages about its position on the conflict. In the words of Adam Habib, and I quote:
South Africa did not sell its position adequately, which shows that its dismal public communication system has failed once again. South Africa cannot aspire to play the international game but continue to do so in the blundering way that it has.
South Africa's entry into Brics was received with mixed responses. There was praise, there was criticism, and there was apathy from different quarters. In the words of Jerry Vilakazi of Business Unity SA:
Politically, it is a major coup for SA as it continues the trend of punching above its weight in international affairs. ... Sharing a platform and establishing a formal relationship with the world's largest and fastest-growing emerging economies is to be welcomed from the political point of view.
He adds, however:
South Africa with a population of 49 million and a GDP of US$285 billion is dwarfed by its latest contemporaries, for example, China is the second largest economy in the world, Brazil is 8th, Russia is 10th and India is 11th.
The politics of our region are currently dominated by events in Zimbabwe and Swaziland. My colleague said I should not mention Zimbabwe, but I am afraid we cannot talk about this region without mentioning Zimbabwe. The developments in Swaziland hinge on the economic and political slide that country is facing at the moment. The people of Swaziland demand an end to the autocratic rule of King Mswati III and the introduction of democracy in one of Africa's poorest countries. While the people of Swaziland are suffering the effects of a failing economy, Mswati III and his wives enjoy a life of opulence and extravagance.
South Africa cannot afford another failed state on its borders. We owe it to the people of Swaziland to help them in their fight for human rights and democracy. Zingiswa Losi, the second Deputy President of the Congress of SA Trade Unions, Cosatu, describes our position on Swaziland as follows:
How does it happen that our government has the guts to act with the world on Libya and has the courage to confront the situation in Zimbabwe with the boldness we see, but does nothing on Swaziland?
It seems impossible that we can create regional integration in this region - which, Minister, you spoke about - when we have tensions and instability in some of the Southern African Development Community members.
Recent events here at home show that South Africa is increasingly becoming a safe haven for international criminals and fugitives who are running away from justice in their own countries. Armed with their ill-gotten wealth, they manage to negotiate their way to freedom by getting into plea bargains with the prosecuting authorities or befriending corrupt senior police officials in this country.
South Africa has also signed prisoner exchange agreements with a number of countries. Is it not time that some of our nationals that are serving prison terms abroad are brought back home to serve out their sentences here? We have been approached by a number of families whose relatives are in prisons abroad to see if the department can implement that agreement.
Allow me to pay special tribute to the former director-general, Dr Ayanda Ntsaluba, for the wonderful relationship the portfolio committee enjoyed with the department during his tenure. The co-operation we received from his management team was amazing. I wish him every success in his new venture.
I also want to congratulate Ambassador Matjila on his appointment as director-general for the department. We hope that the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation will enjoy a good working relationship with him.
Finally, on behalf of the DA I would like to extend our deepest sympathy to the family of Anton Hammerl who was tragically killed in Libya. Our prayers go to the family as they await the return home of his body for decent burial. I thank you. [Applause.]