Hon Chair of the sitting today, hon chair of the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation, hon members of the committee, Your Excellencies, ambassadors and high commissioners, representatives of international organisations, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, comrades, friends and fellow South Africans, good morning and a belated happy Africa Day!
As we remember our own struggle for liberation and the creation of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, we are reminded of the solidarity of our brothers and sisters, friends and fellow citizens around the world, who shared our dreams of a free and democratic South Africa and Africa.
Let us take a moment to express our sincere and heartfelt condolences to those who have lost families and friends through floods, earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanoes and other natural disasters in Australia, Brazil, Chile, Haiti, Japan, the United States of America, USA, and other parts of the world. We also remember the victims of violence in Africa, particularly in the Middle East, the North African Region and various conflicts around the world. We also recall the tragic bombings of the Twin Towers in New York on what will be its 10th anniversary later this year. We pledge our solidarity with these countries in their trying times, and convey our sincere and heartfelt condolences to the families of the victims.
Let me take this opportunity to thank the President of South Africa, President Zuma, and Deputy President Motlanthe for leading our foreign policy efforts, and for their tireless dedication, wisdom and guidance.
Globalisation has brought all domestic issues into the global framework, and I am therefore grateful for the support of Parliament, the NCOP, my Cabinet colleagues and our partner departments.
I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate Ambassador Jerry Matjila on his recent appointment as the director-general of our department. He brings a wonderful history of experience and involvement in international relations, and we are looking forward to working with him in the service of our people. [Applause.]
Our mentor and father, Oliver Reginald Tambo, reminded us of the purpose of serving our people when he spoke in Lusaka on 1 July 1989, and I quote:
The fact that we are all here is an expression of the unity of purpose among concerned patriots. It is a portent of the unity of the South African people. It serves also as an example of how South Africans should meet ... as equals, as compatriots, engaged in a common endeavour to create a better future for us all. ... It is indeed our collective responsibility to rid our country (and the world) of the cause of conflict, deprivation and disunity ...
Although much has changed since 1989, the words of O R Tambo still echo and carry meaning for the work of our country, especially our department, the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, Dirco. It is appropriate then that our head office is named after this very, very important figure, O R Tambo.
Our foreign policy objectives are grounded in the philosophy of our glorious movement that brought democracy and justice to our shores. It is our philosophy of togetherness and the recognition of our interconnectedness that frames our diplomacy - we are South Africans because we are a society of nations.
Our task as a nation emerging from a troubled past has always been to create political, economic and social spaces to address the challenges of poverty, underdevelopment and marginalisation. We are doing so, and doing so effectively, as was the testimony of our people on 18 May 2011, and as this has been since 27 April 1994. Hence, as South Africans we can today stand united behind the dream of O R Tambo - as he said, we are a portent of unity, as equals, as compatriots, engaged in a common endeavour to create a better future for all of us. This is our legacy. This is our heritage. This is our collective responsibility and our diplomacy.
In a shifting geopolitical landscape constrained by budgets and time, our department works tirelessly to be able to rise to the challenge presented to us, to ensure that we contribute to building a better Africa, fostering better strategic partnerships and significantly participating in global institutions of governance.
I stand before you this morning humbled by the significant strides South Africa has made in the last two years. Nothing can explain the continued trajectory of our foreign policy better than, inter alia, the following: our election by acclamation to the world's pre-eminent peace and security organ, the United Nations Security Council, UNSC, after a lapse of just two years; our admission to the most powerful bloc of emerging markets - Brazil, Russia, India and China, popularly known as Brics now; our leadership of the infrastructure development initiative within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad; our assumption of the chairpersonship of the Southern African Development Community's, Organ on Politics, Defence and Security, OADS; our hosting, next month, of the SADC East African Economic Community, EAEC, and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Comesa, talks on a possible free trade zone; our hosting of the 17th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, COP 17/CMP7, summit in Durban later this year; and our hosting of the India, Brazil, South Africa, Ibsa, summit in October this year.
Our assumption of these major regional, continental and global responsibilities is a demonstration of the confidence that our continent and the international community at large have in our ability to selflessly fulfil these various roles and take on these responsibilities.
Our hosting of the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup added to the growing list of our successes in hosting major events. Our people responded with pride, and today there is nothing but praise and admiration for and confidence in the fact that we are a reliable, responsible and valuable international partner. It is thus important to consolidate these gains and continue to utilise our experience to rise to the challenges presented by the ever- changing international environment.
South Africa will continue to focus in its foreign policy on promoting the integration of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, the unity and renewal of the African continent, South-South co-operation and North- South dialogue. South Africa will also work with other countries for a global system of governance that is democratic and responsive to the interests and aspirations of developing countries. Our programmes on the continent and in the world have been aligned to our national priorities, using bilateral and multilateral diplomacy.
In the area of peace and stability, we continue to support the SADC mediation efforts aimed at assisting the people of Madagascar to return the country to constitutional order. We also welcome, with all our member countries on the continent, the newest member of the African Union, AU, family, South Sudan, which will be declared an independent state on 9 July 2011.
We must, however, say that we express our deep concern with regard to the recent armed confrontation and violence in the Abyei region, and call on all parties still to adhere to the commitments they made in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA, and resolve all conflicts in a peaceful manner.
We will work together with the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, as they move to the second presidential elections scheduled for November this year, and will continue to support efforts aimed at the consolidation of democracy in the country.
As far as Zimbabwe is concerned, we call on all parties to spare no effort in continuing with the finalisation of the implementation of the Global Political Agreement, GPA. We encourage them to conclude discussions on the road map towards holding elections - free, fair and peaceful, we suppose.
We observe that after a tenuous moment in the history of Cte d'Ivoire, the country is now poised for normalisation with the inauguration of His Excellency, President Alassane Ouattara. South Africa is making itself available to continue working with the people of Cte d'Ivoire, who have already visited us twice to ask for support as they strive for national healing, reconciliation and reconstruction of the country.
As I mentioned earlier, the situation in North Africa - and in Libya, in particular - continues to preoccupy the international community. Consistent with the decision taken by the African Union, AU, on Libya, we reiterate our call for an immediate ceasefire that is verifiable. We also encourage the warring parties to begin dialogue leading to a democratic transition. We still strongly believe that there is no solution for the Libyan problem that will come militarily; it will only come through political dialogue.
We will continue to contribute to the integration of our region. As I said earlier on, in this coming month of June we will be hosting the trilateral negotiations for a free trade agreement that will cover 700 million people.
We will be celebrating the 10th anniversary of the AU, and we believe that we should continue to prioritise the important elements and building blocks that make up this formidable organisation for the development of Africa. South Africa deposited its instruments of ratification of the Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance during the January 2011 AU summit. We encourage other member states to do just that.
President Zuma leads the Nepad high-level committee on infrastructure which focuses on the integration of infrastructure in the whole of the African continent. This augurs well for our hosting the trilateral discussions that I referred to earlier on. Equatorial Guinea will be hosting the forthcoming summit of the AU, and we are doing our part to make it a successful summit which will look at all the political and economic problems of our continent.
Led by President Zuma, we joined the Brazil, Russia, India and China, Bric, formation, just a few years after we cofounded India, Brazil and South Africa, Ibsa, as another important formation to champion the cause of the marginalised South and to bring their voice into the political and economic space that will craft our common future as we move forward. We have maintained excellent relations with the other countries that are part of Brics. We believe that this offers a momentous opportunity for business in particular, as we strive to build a better Africa and a better world.
The Caribbean and Latin American regions remain very important anchors of South-South co-operation. Therefore, we will continue to work with our partners there to strengthen the Africa-South America, ASA, framework which, as I said, augurs well for South-South co-operation.
We once again join those calling for the lifting of the United States embargo against Cuba. We also welcome the outcome of the presidential elections in Haiti and assure the incoming government of our support.
We have commenced with the implementation of the roadmap towards the hosting of the Diaspora Summit in South Africa in 2012. We will be hosting a ministerial preparatory meeting on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly, UNGA, this year, moving towards that goal.
Asia and the Middle East continue to be areas of priority in our foreign policy in the context of South-South co-operation. We have very good and active bilateral relations with countries in this region. We also take note of the report of the Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary-General on the conflict in Sri Lanka. South Africa strongly urges all parties to work for a peaceful solution in the Middle East and North Africa, MENA, region and ensure a sense of urgency.
However, we note with regret once more that no convincing progress has been made in the Arab-Israeli peace process since it was rekindled on 2 September 2010. We are, however, encouraged by the recent pact signed between the Palestinian Fatah government and Hamas. South Africa urges Israel to comply with already agreed upon commitments and obligations for the creation of the State of Palestine based on the 1967 borders.
Strengthening of North-South co-operation is another pillar of our foreign policy. This involves building strong bilateral relations with countries of North America and Europe, as well as Japan and Australasia, in addressing challenges of poverty, underdevelopment, lack of peace and security, and post-conflict reconstruction in Africa.
Our strategic dialogue with the United States is one mechanism that ensures sustained and ongoing dialogue between our two countries on issues of mutual interest.
We will continue utilising our strategic dialogue with the European Union, as well as individual member countries, through high-level visits and bilateral mechanisms to promote our national interest, including the African agenda.
South Africa has consistently reaffirmed the primacy of multilateralism, in particular the UN system, as a guarantor for addressing our common challenges, in particular global peace and security.
The importance of the UN Security Council cannot be understated. We call on all its members to respect the letter and spirit of UN Security Council resolutions. We reiterate that the reform of the UN Security Council is urgent and would go a long way in rectifying inequitable power relations within the council.
We have continued to work in all fora for the elimination of all weapons of mass destruction and seek to ensure greater international peace and security through the promotion of disarmament, nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and conventional arms control.
Furthermore, we note with appreciation the growing role of the G20 in the international system. We are thankful to it for the measures it took to arrest the further deterioration of the global economy. As co-chair of the Development Working Group, led by the president of this body, we are better placed to work with others to strengthen the contribution of the G20 in the development arena.
South Africa will be hosting the 17th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, COP 17/CMP7 in Durban later this year. On the one hand, we will have a dual role as the host and president of the conference, with the responsibility of leading member countries towards a fair, ambitious and balanced outcome, and, on the other hand, as a country participating in the negotiations.
Preparations for hosting this conference are now at an advanced stage, in terms of both logistics and substance. We have participated and continue to participate in formal and informal consultations with different groups, regions and countries across the world towards the summit in Durban. As we speak, we are also hosting the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC, Secretariat here in Cape Town as we prepare for a good outcome in Durban.
The outcome of the Durban meetings ought to address, among others, the resolution of fundamental issues over the future of the Kyoto Protocol beyond 2012, as well as the implementation of the Cancun outcomes. Our hosting of COP 17/CMP7 dovetails with other important meetings that are coming, the next being the Rio+20 and the biodiversity gathering in Delhi in 2013.
We made a commitment that by mid-year we would have the full establishment of the SA Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa. The Department of International Relations and Co-operation is currently finalising a Bill, and we envisage that Sadpa will be operational during the last quarter of 2011. We are also committing ourselves to finalising the draft White Paper, after extensive consultations with all stakeholders in the country.
Our Budget Vote draws its strength and inspiration from the prescripts of the national priorities of our government. To this end the President has called on all of us to make contributions to job creation. We are working together with sister departments in the International Co-operation, Trade and Security, ICTS, cluster to achieve just that. We have also worked on training 39 additional cadets, scraping from our limited resources to advance our cause in making sure that South Africa's economic diplomacy moves forward to respond to the President's call.
Our public diplomacy is doing very well and is increasing interaction with various stakeholders in the country. We have covered more than six provinces to date and we will be going for the second round as soon as we finish.
We are working together with the Department for the Public Service and Administration to better the livelihoods of our diplomats and spouses serving South Africa in different countries.
The Department of International Relations and Co-operation remains seized with plans to ensure strengthened relations with the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation, and the Select Committee on Trade and International Relations, as well as other committees on critical issues of importance and common interest. We also want to take this opportunity to thank you so much for your co-operation.
Today is 31 May 2011. In 1910, on exactly the same day, the Union of South Africa was formed, the outcome of a settlement between our colonisers on how best to oppress the black majority and perfect the colonial system. One product of this, two years later, was the birth of the ANC in 1912, whose centenary will be celebrated next year on 8 January 2012. These 100 years of struggle for freedom have bequeathed to us a rich tradition of solidarity and empathy - solidarity with the poor and those struggling for the right to self-determination. The Freedom Charter enjoins us to live in peace and friendship with other nations.
As changes sweep across the globe and touch the lives of people in even the remotest of habitats, we cannot be mere spectators. Our people, our history and our diplomacy demand more from us. We will continue to engage with the international community with a sense of purpose to effect change, rather than just be affected by it. In this time of rapid and constant change and interdependence amongst nations, it's quite self-evident.
It is also evident that mutually beneficial co-operation is a necessity. Consequently, the world is experiencing the practical necessity of making the philosophical paradigm shift from power to partnership in international relations.
In short the world is experiencing and discovering ubuntu or, as O R Tambo put it, "an expression of the unity of purpose among concerned patriots ... as equals ... engaged in a common endeavour to create a better future for us all".
In conclusion, let me take this opportunity once again to thank our two Deputy Ministers for their sterling work in making sure that we continue to work together in implementing South Africa's foreign policy. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon Minister, hon Deputy Minister, hon members, Excellencies, ambassadors and high commissioners, members of the diplomatic corps present, guests, compatriots and South Africans, I greet you. It is only proper for me to congratulate you, hon Minister, on your forward- looking and reflective speech which, of course, sets the tone for the department's work going forward.
Let me also join you, as you have done previously, in mourning the untimely and unnecessary death of Anton Hammerl, whose violent death leaves a bitter taste. On behalf of the committee, I want to express our condolences to his loved ones and the entire journalism fraternity. Let me also acknowledge the efforts of the department in trying to locate Mr Hammerl before we sadly learnt of his fate and your ongoing attempts at finding his mortal remains in that vast country. We wish you every success in the difficult but necessary task of bringing the family some form of closure.
Since I became a member of this committee and my subsequent election as the chairperson of the committee, I have closely monitored the department's implementing the mammoth mandate it is entrusted with with the limited resources at its disposal. I have noted with trepidation that the departmental budget, as with the previous year's budget, shows a decrease in real terms. This could, of course, be attributed to, amongst other things, factors like the global economic recession and the fact that the department's activities in missions abroad are conducted in foreign currency, which destabilises the actual budget figures negatively.
Hon Minister, let me congratulate you and your department on the clean bill of health you have received once again, for the seventh year in succession. [Applause.] I am indeed happy to note that, while there is room for improvement, the matters of emphasis pointed out to you in previous audits are being progressively addressed.
We wish to express our sincerest appreciation for the hard work, leadership and dedication displayed by both the political principals, the management and the staff of the Department of International Relations and Co- operation. Minister, having got used to good governance and excellent financial management, we expect no less going forward.
Let me also take this opportunity to congratulate the new director-general of the department, Ambassador Jerry Matjila, on his appointment. It is noteworthy that his appointment is from the ranks of the department. This, in my view, will ensure constancy and continuity.
Ambassador Matjila, you are indeed taking over a well-run, efficient and effective department. You have stepped into the shoes of a dedicated public servant, former director-general Ayanda Ntsaluba, under whose leadership this department learnt through trial and error until it found the right combination. We are also cognisant of the fact that you were part of the collective leadership that brought the department to where it is today and that you will, of course, place your own leadership qualities at the disposal of the department. We wish you success with your enormous responsibilities going forward.
We have observed that the Public Diplomacy and Protocol Services Programme has again received a reduced share of the budget. However, we are encouraged by the very many initiatives that you, personally, and the department are embarking on in spite of this to keep the South African public informed on the activities of the department. The importance of public diplomacy cannot be overemphasised. I have already alluded to its necessity, more so now that we are back in the United Nations Security Council.
We have noted some administrative challenges, though, around the high mobility of skilled workers. My understanding is that this mobility does not necessarily represent a flight of skills or vacancies in the sense that there are no warm bodies attached to these posts, but that at any one time, transfers or deployment of staff is done internally within the department to missions in Africa and abroad, thus leaving the positions at head office temporarily vacant until their return. Now from this scenario, Minister, two issues emanate: Firstly, what is the impact of these transfers and how does the department cope with the vacuum brought about by these temporary shifts that take place within the department, especially because some of these shifts are done at the senior management level? Secondly, these posts reflected as vacant when the occupant is temporarily seconded or transferred create an inaccurate picture of a department with a high vacancy rate and staff turnover, when indeed that is technically not the case.
Minister, I want to propose that this is correctly captured in departmental reports, so as to correct this skewed view, especially because these documents are for public consumption. Naturally, as a committee of Parliament we will always be concerned about strategies for retaining human resources and creating the necessary effective demand management plans.
In addition, the committee will intensify its oversight over the department in the following areas: the completeness of the asset register and its accuracy; timely submission of monthly reconciliation reports by missions; clearance of old debts and advances incurred through interdepartmental payments; balancing the division of the budget according to the budget priorities in line with the department's Strategic Plan and mandate; the progress made in engaging with relevant state departments for the speedy processing of security vetting for persons being posted abroad; and the operationalisation of the consular emergency response team, especially because of the number of disasters taking place anywhere in the world, civil wars and deaths affecting South Africans in different parts of the world. In this context, a co-ordination instrument to assist citizens in distress abroad is indeed crucial.
Furthermore, we have noted the announcements regarding policy initiatives which include the White Paper on Foreign Policy, leading to the proposed Foreign Service Act, the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa, and the proposed South African Council on International Relations, Sacoir. We are looking forward to further developments and progress reports in this regard.
South Africa's second tenure in the United Nations Security Council, UNSC, is indeed a sign of confidence by the international community and their acknowledgement of South Africa's contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. It is not inconceivable, though, that the challenges South Africa met in its first encounter still remain, and all peace-loving nations and our own people can see that in order to impact positively in this organisation, all processes must be hard fought.
Nonetheless, it must correctly remain South Africa's resolve to continue pressing for reform of the UN and other institutions of global governance, such as the IMF and the World Bank which, of course, has arrogantly continued to favour the rich nations at the expense of the poor and developing ones.
The crisis in confidence in the credibility of the UN is a consequence of the post-Second World War and Cold War realities which have long since passed their sell-by date. Today's realities demand a fundamentally transformed UN, responsive to the challenges of the 21st century and sensitive to the needs of especially Africa, the poor and other developing nations.
Some countries have adopted the posture and boastfulness of being the world's foremost democracies, in some instances arrogating to themselves the mantle of world police of democracy and human rights and selective exporters of democracy par excellence. Yet, in contradiction, they cling to an unreformed United Nations which, in its current form, is patently undemocratic and not sensitive to the security, stability and development needs of poorer nations. Indeed, the unequal power distribution in the UN system makes a mockery of the UN Charter, which propagates the equality of nations.
I am aware, hon Minister, that South Africa's positions in decisions taken at the UN are a result of broad consultation processes among South Africans and with regional organisations, notably the African Union, AU, and AU sister countries. However, in the true nature of international relations, these facts are sometimes distorted, misrepresented, misunderstood and, in some instances, downright fabricated by critics not well disposed towards our country.
Proceeding from lessons learnt from our previous stint in the UN Security Council, our foreign policy positions are constantly put under the spotlight. While appreciative of your heightened efforts in this regard, in spite of the real decline in your budget allocation and the constraints hamstringing these efforts, we nonetheless need a robust diplomatic strategy which will ensure communication and engagement with the public on these issues.
Now, let me turn to some of the vexed political issues. In April, South Africa once again vigorously debated in the UN Security Council in support of the plight of the people of the Western Sahara and argued that the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara, Minurso, be accorded a human rights monitoring mechanism. This followed allegations of gross human rights violations by the Moroccan security forces. The failure to get this concession from the UN Security Council serves to confirm that South Africa must continue to exert pressure for UN reform.
This tendency towards double standards, following closely on the heels of a swift decision-making process and action on Libya and Cte d'Ivoire, undercuts the effectiveness and credibility of the UN. I want to reaffirm our support for the department's efforts to help bring about peaceful resolutions to conflicts afflicting Africa and the world.
We remain extremely concerned about the continued violence which threatens to reduce Libya to rubble, with devastating consequences for those the world claims to protect - the civilian population. While South Africa voted in favour of UNSC Resolution 1973 for the enforcement of a no-fly zone and protection of civilians in accordance with Resolution 1970, we must ask the question: Are the Nato military actions in Libya consistent with what we voted for? Is Nato acting in pursuit of Resolution 1973 or have they become another party to the war? Is it still about the protection of civilians or has the mission changed to a regime change, as some Nato leaders themselves seem to suggest?
What is happening in Libya once again confirms the correctness of South Africa's perspective that there is no substitute for peaceful resolution to conflict and, this being the case, we support the AU's attempts to facilitate dialogue between the Libyans. As you will know, President Zuma was in Libya yesterday in pursuit of this particular goal.
Furthermore, we express our principled support for the people of North Africa and the Middle East for their calls for political reforms and democratisation.
The progressive steps taken by the Egyptian authorities to open the Rafah border crossing must indeed be welcomed. This is a welcome respite for the caged Palestinians who have been suffering under the illegal, immoral and inhumane blockade. These people are now in a position to seek much-needed medical help, food and fuel supplies.
We are equally encouraged by the Palestinian unity talks between Hamas and Fatah and hope that this will end the polarisation of the Palestinian people and usher in a new period of unity and cohesion, which will allow them as a united people to confront the challenges of their subjugation. South Africa must remain firm in its support of the right to self- determination and self-governance of the Palestinian people, living side by side in peace with Israel. Israel must also realise that only a peaceful settlement will guarantee its own strategic interests.
In the aftermath of the haze left by what some have termed the "Arab spring" in North Africa and the Middle East, the matter of the economic blockade of Cuba, which continues to visit untold hardships on that island nation, and the Cuban Five, who are still languishing in US prisons, run the risk of receding into obscurity. I wish to impress upon the hon Minister that she should continue to pursue this matter.
We are encouraged by the department's resolve to continue contributing to socioeconomic development on the African continent. A lot of ground has been covered under the African Renaissance Fund, ARF. It is a welcome development that the ARF will be replaced by the South African Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa.
It is also encouraging to learn that this financial year a conference engaging the African Diaspora will be held. These brothers and sisters are a rich source of experience and must be engaged with on the development agenda of the continent.
President Zuma, as SADC mediator in Zimbabwe, has been applauded, even by his critics, for efforts to bring about positive movement towards the resolution of the conflict in that country. His facilitation team has removed some of the hurdles and it is gratifying that the Global Political Agreement, GPA, partners themselves have agreed on a draft text of a roadmap which is reportedly forward-looking in levelling the playing field for free and fair elections. I have also learnt that the GPA partners have agreed on calling for the lifting of sanctions, which is an encouraging step for the resuscitation of the economy of Zimbabwe.
Partnerships with the countries of the South are critical in order to advance not only South Africa's own developmental needs, but also the African Agenda. Participation in the India-Brazil-South Africa, Ibsa, Dialogue Forum is important as a vehicle for transforming global governance in favour of the interests of the South. Recently, South Africa joined the Brazil, Russia, India and China formation, Bric, and President Zuma attended the third Brics summit in China during April. I have no doubt that our participation in Brics will bring hope for Africa.
In order for us to reap the benefits of being among the highest contributors to the international organisations which we belong to, we must utilise our allocated quota for positions in these bodies. Another related activity is to aspire to filling high-level strategic positions, especially in these organisations, to be able to exert influence on decision-making in these structures.
Lastly, hon Minister, let me join you in the call for the parties in the Sudan to adhere to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA, which is the only roadmap that will bring lasting peace and prosperity to that country. Let us also congratulate you and wish you all the best with the work that is being done in Madagascar to bring about a lasting solution to the problems afflicting that country. I thank you so much. [Applause.]
Hon Chair, hon Minister, Deputy Ministers, hon members, members of the diplomatic corps, ladies and gentlemen, this year, 2011, is very significant for South Africa in the international arena, as we have seen a number of milestones right in front of our eyes. It is in this year that South Africa, of course, started its second instalment as nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security Council. It is also the year in which history was made when South Africa was admitted to the Brazil, Russia, India and China, Bric, bloc.
Our continued involvement in peacekeeping efforts and conflict resolution in Africa and our contribution to the various multilateral bodies have continued to place us at the centre of international attention and scrutiny. We recently hosted the World Economic Forum on Africa here in Cape Town. In my view, our international profile has never been better.
However, this high visibility has brought with it some serious criticisms of how we have handled some crisis situations, particularly on the African continent. For example, the recent foreign policy blunders that we committed in regard to the Libyan crisis drew criticism from different quarters. To start with, South Africa voted in favour of UN Security Council Resolution 1973, which imposed the no-fly zone on Libya. This resolution, in my view, singularly emerged as the most decisive response to stemming a humanitarian crisis or even genocide by the dictator, Muammar Gaddafi. It is therefore important to note that the quick and effective approach taken by the United States and France and later the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato, to intervene in Libya averted a major catastrophe.
As for the African Union, AU, the Libyan crisis has shown beyond any reasonable doubt that this organisation is largely incapable of resolving the continent's problems. The five-nation ad hoc committee on Libya called by the AU was just another hopeless attempt by this body to offer a so- called quiet diplomacy approach to dictators, as it has done in the past elsewhere on this continent. The AU's abysmal approach to the Libyan crisis could be attributed to the fact that "dear brother" bankrolled this organisation from his deep pockets; hence its reluctance to bite the hand that fed it.
In the Ivory Coast, the AU once again proved that it is hell-bent on protecting dictators when it failed to remove Gbagbo, even with strong evidence that he had stolen the elections in that country. Our government did not fare well here, either. We saw our foreign policy flip-flop like a yo-yo, thereby sending these confusing messages about its position on the conflict. In the words of Adam Habib, and I quote:
South Africa did not sell its position adequately, which shows that its dismal public communication system has failed once again. South Africa cannot aspire to play the international game but continue to do so in the blundering way that it has.
South Africa's entry into Brics was received with mixed responses. There was praise, there was criticism, and there was apathy from different quarters. In the words of Jerry Vilakazi of Business Unity SA:
Politically, it is a major coup for SA as it continues the trend of punching above its weight in international affairs. ... Sharing a platform and establishing a formal relationship with the world's largest and fastest-growing emerging economies is to be welcomed from the political point of view.
He adds, however:
South Africa with a population of 49 million and a GDP of US$285 billion is dwarfed by its latest contemporaries, for example, China is the second largest economy in the world, Brazil is 8th, Russia is 10th and India is 11th.
The politics of our region are currently dominated by events in Zimbabwe and Swaziland. My colleague said I should not mention Zimbabwe, but I am afraid we cannot talk about this region without mentioning Zimbabwe. The developments in Swaziland hinge on the economic and political slide that country is facing at the moment. The people of Swaziland demand an end to the autocratic rule of King Mswati III and the introduction of democracy in one of Africa's poorest countries. While the people of Swaziland are suffering the effects of a failing economy, Mswati III and his wives enjoy a life of opulence and extravagance.
South Africa cannot afford another failed state on its borders. We owe it to the people of Swaziland to help them in their fight for human rights and democracy. Zingiswa Losi, the second Deputy President of the Congress of SA Trade Unions, Cosatu, describes our position on Swaziland as follows:
How does it happen that our government has the guts to act with the world on Libya and has the courage to confront the situation in Zimbabwe with the boldness we see, but does nothing on Swaziland?
It seems impossible that we can create regional integration in this region - which, Minister, you spoke about - when we have tensions and instability in some of the Southern African Development Community members.
Recent events here at home show that South Africa is increasingly becoming a safe haven for international criminals and fugitives who are running away from justice in their own countries. Armed with their ill-gotten wealth, they manage to negotiate their way to freedom by getting into plea bargains with the prosecuting authorities or befriending corrupt senior police officials in this country.
South Africa has also signed prisoner exchange agreements with a number of countries. Is it not time that some of our nationals that are serving prison terms abroad are brought back home to serve out their sentences here? We have been approached by a number of families whose relatives are in prisons abroad to see if the department can implement that agreement.
Allow me to pay special tribute to the former director-general, Dr Ayanda Ntsaluba, for the wonderful relationship the portfolio committee enjoyed with the department during his tenure. The co-operation we received from his management team was amazing. I wish him every success in his new venture.
I also want to congratulate Ambassador Matjila on his appointment as director-general for the department. We hope that the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation will enjoy a good working relationship with him.
Finally, on behalf of the DA I would like to extend our deepest sympathy to the family of Anton Hammerl who was tragically killed in Libya. Our prayers go to the family as they await the return home of his body for decent burial. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, Minister, Deputy Minister and members of this House, in the world in which we live there is a high expectation of South Africa to perform above its size in the global arena. South Africa's gross domestic product, GDP, represents 25% of the total GDP of Africa. Also, the economic activity we generate in South Africa accounts for one third of sub-Saharan Africa's economy. Clearly, we have a very important role to play in ensuring economic growth in Africa and achieving political stability across the continent.
Nevertheless, a critical question remains regarding how South Africa sees its place in the world and how we can assert our values and interests. We have tried to promote good governance, and play the mediator through the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, and the African Union, yet more assertiveness and focus is required.
South Africa is the biggest contributor to the African Union, AU. We are key role-players in Nepad, the Pan-African Parliament, PAP, and the Group of 77, G77, among others. The changing power dynamics in the world, and in Africa particularly, will require our country to play a prominent role.
The fact that we have joined Brazil, Russia, India and China, Bric, has given us even more credibility and leverage worldwide and we should be proud that we have secured a seat on the United Nations Security Council. These are all important platforms for us to use to improve the situation in our country and help support important international initiatives for peace and security.
For Africa to flourish, its leaders must respect the sovereignty of their people. H Solomon notes that in reality Africa has experienced not the sovereignty of the state but that of the state elites. For far too long the AU made the security of its leaders a privileged matter and prioritised it over the human security of Africa's 800 million citizens. Obviously, this has not been good for Africa. Leaders secured despotic tyrannical leaders at the expense of the people and their rights.
The North African people are slowly taking their future into their own hands. This is a wake-up call for all African and global leaders, that it is the people who will eventually decide the destiny of nations. The last vestiges of leaders like Muammar Gaddafi, Gbagbo and Mugabe, who want to cling to power even though it is time for them to go, will soon be wiped away. We need to understand that the Tunisian spring is still in its early days.
Geopolitical risk has become even more significant in today's global politics because of prevailing technology. Against this background South Africa needs to reassess its place in this ever-changing global environment. Our foreign policy requires a clear focused strategy.
One of the biggest issues in Africa is the future of Sudan. The recent referendum saw nearly 99% of the region's voters approve a split from Northern Sudan. Even so, peace has not come to the region. The incursion by the northern army into Abyei has once again displaced thousands of people. Is ethnic cleansing again taking place here, under the noses of the AU? We need to ask this question. Now that South Africa has obtained a nonpermanent seat for 2011-12 in the United Nations Security Council, it must do better for Africa this time round. Communication is key if we want to send out a clear message to the world.
Unfortunately, South Africa has not been able to clarify the rationale behind the vote in favour of the UNSC no-fly zone over Libya. Many attempts have been made to try to clarify this, but the message has not been very succinct and clear, especially when other emerging powers such as Brazil, India, China and Russia abstained.
We need to demonstrate that there is intellectual substance behind our crucial decision-making. This is critical, because Western powers are now using the resolution as a cover for military intervention. Communication is clearly lacking between the relevant stakeholders and, therefore, decisions are made which in retrospect appear to be ill-advised or short-sighted.
Let us recall Nelson Mandela's words in 1993 when he said:
South Africa will not be indifferent to the rights of others. Human rights will be the light that guides our foreign affairs.
Today, in keeping with those wishes of Madiba, we have to continue to be the torchbearers of that light by protecting and respecting human rights here and elsewhere. Last year it was said that the department would be working on a new White Paper on Foreign Policy, yet the progress in this regard is very slow. Furthermore, the establishment of the foreign policy council has not become a reality up to now. It has been more than a year and the commitments that were given have not been fully honoured. We appreciate the efforts made, but the commitments have not been fully honoured.
A greater deal of international co-operation between different nations will be required in the future. South Africa should act as the prime mover in proposing enhanced engagement between Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics, and the developed north. We would like to hear a more fluent and confident voice in South Africa's foreign policy. More importantly, we should identify clear economic goals and how to achieve these goals that we wish to pursue in the Brics forum.
In conclusion, South Africa must rethink its role and place in the Southern African Customs Union, Sacu, and the Southern African Development Community, SADC, region in order to provide leadership that is both strong and moral. The first step is to accelerate the harmonisation of policies among us and also to achieve an appropriate and equitable revenue-sharing formula within the customs union.
Furthermore, there has been little progress in regional integration processes at the level of the SADC, despite the fact that the area was declared a free trade area in 2008. When things are dragged out, neither our common interests nor good relationships are fostered. In fact, the opposite happens, and we must be conscious of this.
I congratulate Mr Jerry Matjila on his appointment, and wish him all the best for the future. Hon Minister, I also want to salute the contribution made by the former director-general, Dr Ntsaluba, on his sterling work in the department. I thank you.
Chairperson, hon Minister and Deputy Ministers, Your Excellencies, hon members and guests, among South Africa's ambitions has been to transform some of the international financial and political institutions, the International Monetary Fund, IMF, included. Logically, there should be no plausible reason for South Africa not to propose and support the Manuel candidature for the IMF position. He has over the years as Minister of Finance developed a deeper understanding of the African agenda and that of the developing world. Moreover, he is South Africa's homegrown product, of whom the country should be proud.
In their recent addresses to Parliament, the President of the Republic, the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Economic Development respectively placed more emphasis on the need for greater participation and inclusion of the majority of the people of this country in the process of economic planning, development, growth, ownership and management. They, and rightfully so, believed that this was key to the creation of jobs on a large scale and, therefore, economic justice.
Madam Minister, a strong national economy rooted in the majority possesses the capacity to underpin and sustain an effective and efficient foreign policy. It will also assure South Africa of an economic sovereignty capable of driving regional economic integration and development in the face of a strong globalising agenda.
We need only to observe the perspectives driving international political power and security to realise that the powerful nations of the world employ their strong national economies to author the rules of international trade and politics, primarily to promote and secure their national interests first. More than a century ago Lord Palmerston made this feature of international relations much clearer when he said of Britain:
We have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual ...
The military strikes by the United Nations and Nato forces in Libya and Cte d'Ivoire totally disregarded the overtures coming from the African Union, AU, calling for political dialogue to end the civil war in Libya. This amounts to a clear demonstration of the old adage influencing the balance of power: The strong will do what they will and the weak will suffer what they must. This is in spite of the fact that we warned before the air strikes that international humanitarian aid law required the international community to intervene and said that it might use force where another state was seen to be decimating its own civilian population.
We are also proud of President Zuma for his courage and his attempts to salvage the AU's initial position on Libya in the face of what appears to be a lost cause, particularly at a time when the US, Britain and France are insisting on a regime change in Libya.
Regarding the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, South Africa should proactively encourage the current efforts at reconciling Hamas and Fatah in order to pave the way for a political dialogue between Israel and Palestine. It would also impress on the leadership of Hamas that recognition of the existence of Israel is imperative for the success of the settlement based on the two-state solution and peaceful co-existence. The parties in the conflict should be reminded of these words spoken by one of the region's past prominent leaders:
We, like you, are people - people who want to build a home, to plant a tree, to love, to live side by side with you in dignity, in empathy, as human beings, as free men. That was the former Prime Minister of Israel, Yitzhak Rabin. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon Minister, Deputy Minister, hon members, and our new director-general, Ambassador Jerry Matjila - welcome to the club, sir - the UDM supports Budget Vote No 5.
When the stage of euphoria that existed during our country's first democratic elections in 1994 dissipated, a section of African leaders and scholars became extremely sceptical of South Africa's close relationship with the West. They feared that although we had attained political liberty, the former colonial masters would be pulling strings behind the scenes.
There is a lot that South Africa has done to dispel the myth of a South Africa that has an anti-African agenda, such as our high expenditure on peacekeeping missions, regional economic development initiatives, and so on. However, we ought to spend more time in thorough introspection about where we might be failing the peoples of the continent.
Even after the efforts of former President Mbeki's epic African Renaissance project, South Africa still struggled to win the faith and confidence of certain African leaders regarding South Africa's commitment to the African agenda. There has been much criticism and debate on the continent on how South Africa seems - unwisely, at times - to endorse dubious UN Security Council's resolutions. The situation was made worse when former President Mbeki was seen by many to have succumbed to pressure from the West, which demanded that Charles Taylor be sent to the International Criminal Court to face allegations of war crimes.
Recently South Africa went against the African Union, AU, position on the Libyan conflict and endorsed the dubious UN Security Council Resolution No 1973, which imposed a no-fly zone over Libya to protect civilians. To our country's embarrassment, it later turned out that the West had duped the South African government into politics of hypocrisy and regime change. The UDM holds no brief for the Gaddafi regime. However, Resolution No 1973 gave the West licence to kill. Indeed, no one in this House can dispute that this resolution gave the West permission to support the rebel forces by giving them aerial cover in the fight against the Gaddafi regime.
Once more we are witnessing foreign policy similarities between how former President Mbeki conducted the Charles Taylor exit from power strategy and President Zuma's widely reported trip to Libya to get Gaddafi to relinquish power. Needless to say, this is a complete departure from the original brief of the AU. [Time expired.]
Hon Chairperson, members of the portfolio committee, hon Minister - whom I want to thank for bringing me into this engagement of understanding protocols and diplomacy six or seven months ago - Your Excellencies the ambassadors, high commissioners, representatives of international organisations, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, and my wife, Philida, I greet you. We have just returned from the Non- Aligned Movement Ministerial Conference in Bali, where our Minister participated in the 50th year commemorative session of this important organisation.
This historic occasion affords us the opportunity to address the issue of relevance and to put some strategic questions about where South Africa finds itself in the development trajectory of international relations. This is a broader question in the context of the world, because diplomacy 30 years ago and diplomacy today are clearly different.
The strategic questions include the following: Is our diplomacy relevant in the new world order? Has our model of diplomacy kept track with the new and ever-changing global realities? Is our diplomatic corps appropriately equipped to deal with the lightning speed of change that we are witnessing in the world? What are we doing to ensure that international relations don't remain foreign and inaccessible to the ordinary citizen?
These are the type of questions that we in the Ministry with this portfolio are consistently asking ourselves in order for us to be on top of our game.
How the world of international diplomacy has changed since the launch of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961! The key question, then and now, is the challenge to remain relevant and to ensure that we are able to respond in real time to unfolding global events.
In 1990, under apartheid South Africa, there were diplomatic ties with 39 countries. That number increased dramatically to at least 147 in 1995. The key question is whether our administration, systems, policies and programme priorities have kept pace with the increasing demand and relevance of international relations and positioning South Africa as a serious player in the new world order.
As South Africans we remain eager to see progress on our continent of Africa in the areas of peace and security, economic and infrastructural development, training and skilling of Africans, putting an end to poverty and illiteracy, popularising democracy and good governance, and ending wars and battles.
In our various interactions with our stakeholders we have therefore defined our roles in Africa and the world as those of bridging the space between the powerful and the powerless in the international system; regional peacemaking; supporting the objective of international peace and security; shaping the 21st century to be a century of Africa's political, social and economic renewal; and ensuring that a rules-based system is established which limits the possibility of unilateral action by major powers. Just with reference to that, as an immediate response, let me say this. We have heard what the DA, as well as hon Holomisa, were saying and I think it is critical to understand the following about that resolution. We have honoured the technicality of the resolution. What we saw, however, was that the implementation thereafter left much to be desired. South Africa's position in the context of the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly is consistently to speak about reforms in governance institutions at that level, so that there is integrity in the execution of resolutions as we move on. We are quite consistent in our position.
Our first foreign policy priority is the consolidation of the African agenda. This agenda entails, amongst others, the need for Africa's economic growth and its development, its economic integration at the regional and subregional levels, trade and investment, as well as democratisation and good governance.
As a practical attestation of our commitment to the political revival of our continent, South Africa in its continued support to the Pan-African Parliament, PAP, proudly hosts the PAP. We are pleased to note that the PAP successfully convened its 4th ordinary session in May 2011. We also wish to report to this House that currently the protocol on the establishment of the PAP is being reviewed within the context of the transformation of the African Union Commission into an authority.
Over the past 16 years, with South Africa's responsibility increasing in our bilateral and multilateral relations, we have steadily built a fully- fledged branch for Diplomatic Training, Research and Development, DTRD. Our main focus is to produce well-rounded diplomats who will be able to advance South Africa's national interests and defend its foreign policy priorities, principles and ambitions, and pronounce on its values.
Our branch also seeks to focus on building our ability to engage with our nonstate actors, especially our think-tank institutions, with whom we share a deep sense of patriotic passion for matters of foreign policy theory and practice.
The DTRD ensures that the Department of International Relations and Co- operation, Dirco, continues to interact with the broad civil society in identifying global trends, sharing views on the implications of our foreign policy, and developing approaches that could be helpful in the resolution of the challenges of today's world. Therefore, the branch has developed a strategy around recruitment, training and making sure that we see growth among junior diplomats.
We continue to work closely with Palama in improving the quality of our senior managers through the executive development programme, so as to contribute to improved delivery by our government. It is important that we ensure that the instruments of our administration are well oiled.
I just want to indicate to the House that in our break-down of the nature of disabilities represented in our department we have at least 36 individuals: physically disabled, 18; blindness or low vision, 11; deaf or hard of hearing, 5; and medical disability, 2. There is a particular forum that the department has created to make sure that we, in a sense, respond to the policy objectives of government. This forum interacts with universities and civil society and attempts to address critical issues relating to the disabled.
Plans are at an advanced stage and a lot of work has been done for the establishment of the South African Council on International Relations. This will be an advisory council and it relates to strengthening our resolve regarding our policy. Through the ministerial process a lot of work has gone into that.
In a spirit of "South Africanness" a dynamic relationship between the state, unions and civil society will be critical when we deal with COP 17. Over the next couple of months we must make sure that the road map that has been identified is implemented in order to have a successful and sustainable end of the year conference. Let me also express my appreciation of our new director-general. As others have said, he brings along many years of experience in this arena and a clear sense of the strategic nature of the task at hand.
In an effort to address the general welfare of our officials, we are also continuing to provide care and support to our employees and their families, both at head office and in the missions. Amongst others, we have established a dedicated spousal support office in order to ensure a special focus on the spouses.
As a member of the international community, we remain committed to building a fair, equitable, global economic and political architecture, which will benefit both the developing and developed countries, including the rich and the poor of this global village.
As we celebrate achievements, we remain mindful of the challenges facing the world, especially in respect of the recent developments in North Africa and the Middle East, the situation in Libya - which we have spoken about - the situation in Sudan's Abyei region, the Middle East peace process, the struggles of the people of the Saharawi Republic, and our relations with the countries of Southeast Asia.
In the Middle East we have noted with appreciation the announcement by the Palestinian parties, Fatah and Hamas, in Cairo on 27 April 2011 that they have reached an understanding with a view to setting up a transitional unity government and holding elections within eight months.
We further believe that the unity of the people of Palestine is vital for the creation of a free and democratic Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. In this regard, we urge all Palestinian factions to unite behind a reformed Palestinian movement so as to carry forward the hopes and aspirations of all Palestinians for freedom, self-determination and human dignity.
Strengthening South-South relations remains an important pillar of our foreign policy objectives, especially with Asia, where we have resident missions in the six Southeast Asian countries. Our bilateral trade relations have been growing steadily in this region and the total trade between South Africa and Southeast Asia amounted to R52,3 billion in 2010.
In South Asia, South Africa views Pakistan as an important role-player. In strengthening relations and looking at some of the difficulties that exist, we have to make sure that there is meaningful dialogue to overcome some of the difficulties.
Since the mandate of 2011 as the year for renewed focus on the creation of decent employment, the Gulf States continue to be an important partner. Endowed with capital accumulation, South Africa has reported success in attracting investment from the region's investment arms, the Sovereign Wealth Funds, in the hospitality and real estate industries.
The creation of a joint US$500 million infrastructure investment fund, coestablished by the Industrial Development Corporation, IDC, and the State General Reserve Fund of Oman, will further contribute to alleviating unemployment. Of further interest is the fact that the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, the largest Sovereign Wealth Fund globally, has established the Africa Private Equity Division to investigate investment opportunities in Africa. That has identified South Africa as a target market.
Finally, I would be failing in my duty if I did not acknowledge the historic and strategic relationship with the island of Cuba, affirmed by the presidential visit in December last year. It is also one that I have personally nurtured for at least a decade. In the year that we celebrate 100 years of Africa's oldest liberation movement and 50 years of the historic battle of Cuito Cuanavale, we must acknowledge the role that Cuba played in our freedom struggle, fighting side by side and sacrificing life and limb for our liberation. A relationship forged on the principles of freedom and justice can never be repaid in rands and cents.
In July 2011 we will be engaging in a further round of bilateral talks with this brave island nation which has demonstrated resilience and tenacity. We call for the immediate lifting of the embargo and add our voices to the global call for the release of the Cuban Five.
In conclusion, as we strive for a world-class practice of international relations and co-operation, and to address the myriad of challenges facing our country, Africa and the world as a whole, we have to make sure that we position ourselves with regard to our national interest in Africa as well as in the world. We must understand the dynamic relationship between the public sector and the private sector, as well as the NGO and CBO sectors, not only for South Africa, but also in the interests of Africa and the broader responsibility of international solidarity.
Let us remind ourselves of the words of one of the founding fathers of the Non-Aligned Movement, Kwame Nkrumah, when he said, and I quote:
Countrymen, the task ahead is great indeed, and heavy is the responsibility; and yet it is a noble and glorious challenge - a challenge which calls for the courage to dream, the courage to believe, the courage to dare, the courage to do, the courage to envision, the courage to fight, the courage to work, the courage to achieve - to achieve the highest excellencies and the fullest greatness of man. Dare we ask for more in life?
I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, hon Minister, hon Deputy Minister, hon members, guests on the gallery, the vision of the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, Dirco, is that the African continent should be prosperous, peaceful, democratic, nonracial, nonsexist and united, and should contribute to a world that is just and equitable.
So, the mission of Dirco is that it is committed to promoting South Africa's national interest and values, the African Renaissance and the creation of a better world for all.
Our former director-general stated in the department's Strategic Plan of 2011-14 that, in order to effectively take the work of the department forward, the department would continue to place a premium on enhancing the human resources and infrastructural capacity. The human resource strategy of the department seeks to align itself to the delivery of imperatives of the department.
Our President, in his state of the nation address, emphasised job creation. So, the department will obviously prioritise the filling of vacant funded posts to ensure the smooth functioning of the department.
The human resource strategy continues to prioritise the entrenchment of effective organisational processes, the management of Dirco's talent pool, effective employee resourcing and utilisation, and management capacity- building.
Necessary interventions are continuously sought and applied to support the Dirco workforce through, amongst others, training, capacity-building and employee wellness programmes. These programmes are also targeted at staff members in South African missions abroad, as well as their families.
South Africa's diplomatic and consular missions implement South Africa's foreign policy in order to enhance its international profile and serve as strategic mechanisms for the achievement of national interests. South Africa has 124 missions in 107 countries, which maintain South Africa's diplomatic relations with countries and organisations.
For the year 2011-12 Dirco's budget is R4,7 billion, of which R1,246 billion goes to Programme 1, namely Administration. This represents 27,1% of the total Budget Vote. This amount has, however, been decreased compared to last year's budget. South Africa is also recovering from the global economic slowdown. This has obviously affected the state's ability to raise revenue which has in turn affected the budget.
The Administration programme is responsible for the overall management of the department and for policy development. This programme is divided into six subprogrammes, namely Ministry, Management, Corporate Services, Diplomatic Academy, Foreign and Domestic Properties Management.
As of December 2010 the Department of International Relations and Co- operation had 2 897 approved posts, of which 2 382 have been filled. The breakdown of the numbers of staff in the department is as follows. In the head office there are about 1 583 staff members, in the missions about 667, in the diplomatic pool about 60, in Human Resources about 40, and in the cadet or internship section about 37 staff members. In the locally recruited personnel structure, where recruitment is done for the missions abroad, the number of approved posts is 2 481, of which 2 220 are already filled, which leaves us with 261 vacant posts.
In March 2011 the former director-general reported to the portfolio committee that the department had 499 vacant posts. This obviously is a concern to us, but apparently these are posts that will be covered over the medium-term period. It is important that these positions and vacancies be filled.
The committee also notes that the number of women working for the department is very low, standing at only 34%, and yet our target is 50%. The employment of people with disabilities - and I heard what the Deputy Minister said - now stands at 1,5% instead of reaching the target of 2%.
In building organisational capacity, Dirco needs and will take measures to increase its gender and disability representation by targeting women and people with disabilities at career exhibitions. It will also be working with disabled people's organisations for people with disabilities to send in their applications. The department should continue to present employment equity plans and guidelines to selection panels to target women at SMS level and people with disabilities. The department will also be revisiting the locally recruited personnel establishment.
There are also challenges faced by the department, obviously, and these include the high mobility of skilled resources - unfortunately all government departments draw from the same resource base.
Challenges in respect of employment-related matters are, amongst others, re- skilling resources to new and ever-increasing requirements. With South Africa's increasing involvement in international affairs, South Africa also has the task of filling critical vacancies in international institutions, such as the SADC and the AU. There is also the challenge of filling the quota reserved for South Africans in these international bodies.
In the 2011-14 Strategy Plan of the department the former director-general mentioned that through their Diplomatic Training, Research and Development branch they would set up the training of their personnel in order to build the necessary skills for their workforce so that the correct, skilled staff can be deployed to critical positions.
The committee is extremely happy that Dirco continues to have an unqualified audit report. It is, however, concerned with the budget cut for this year, especially in line with the increased work of the department. We hope that National Treasury will consider increasing this department's budget allocation.
Chairperson, before I conclude, I would like to say to the Minister, Deputy Minister and members of the House that while we obviously take note of all the conferences that are taking place in South Africa, I would like to add one more conference. Disabled persons will be hosting an international conference here in South Africa this year, and many international disabled persons will be coming to this conference.
We are also hosting the World Federation of the Deaf Congress in Durban in July. It will be the first time that we will be hosting this conference for deaf people on African soil. We want to thank this department for its assistance. You have helped us with the bid for it to be hosted here in South Africa. I thank the department for that. [Applause.]
Chairperson, I am happy to say that we as the ANC supports this Budget Vote. Thank you. [Applause.]
Chair, the ACDP supports South Africa's commitment to peace in the Sudan and efforts to mediate in the present crisis. Hon Minister, the cost to South Africa of R20 million in sending our former President and a 15-member delegation is of some concern, however. With regard to our Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics, membership, keeping in mind that China is reported to have been instrumental in the provision of arms and hardware to the Khartoum government to enable it to eradicate the villages of the Darfur region to purge it of rebels, and that 70% of Sudan's oil is said to be going to China, how does this affect the impartiality of the mission, as oil and its revenues are a prime focus in the conflict?
Since the mediation efforts, the conflict with northern forces in the oil region of Abyei continued last week and there was an attempt by Khartoum on Monday to remove United Nations, peacekeepers. How will it hinder peacekeeping activities in the region and at what cost to South Africa? Is South Africa's general call to all stakeholders to stick to agreements then adequate in the circumstances? When we look at our neighbour, Zimbabwe, we see another situation in urgent need of mediation. Has South Africa called for enforcement of the Global Political Agreement, GPA, and, if we have, how resolute and unrelenting has this call been? Since the political agreements negotiated have not been enforced, the former ruling party, Zanu-PF, has been able to manipulate the situation, frustrating all efforts to find a solution to the crisis.
South Africa is carrying the cost of this failure, accepting over 80% of the five million economic and political refugees who have fled the country since 2000. We have also been negatively impacted by the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy, which in 1997 had been the largest regional market for South Africa.
Zimbabweans are not asking South Africa to prescribe a solution; the SADC- negotiated GPA already does that. What they are asking is that South Africa put pressure on Zanu-PF to live up to their signature and pave the way for a truly free and fair election that will see Zimbabwean people for the first time voting freely for a government of their own choice.
The ACDP notes the assertion by the President of the United States, Barack Obama, that Americans foster an unbreakable partnership with Israel, especially as the United Nations has passed more resolutions condemning Israel than it has all other nations combined. In a proclamation naming May as Jewish American History Month, President Obama applauded Jewish Americans who, through their everyday actions, work to provide a better life for future generations by joining hands with all who seek equality and progress. The ACDP welcomes President Obama's stated commitment to the pursuit of peace in the region and an assurance of Israel's security. Hon Minister, you have said that South Africa has called on Israel to stick to agreements. Have you called on other stakeholders to do the same?
The ACDP will support this Budget Vote. Thank you. [Applause.]
Chair, Minister and Deputy Minister, ambassadors, members of the diplomatic corps, comrades, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, I rise on behalf of the ANC in support of this Budget Vote No 5. Allow me also, Chair, to convey wishes for a speedy recovery to Deputy Minister Ebrahim, who is not with us today.
With the rapid development of globalisation after the end of the Cold War, the world has been undergoing some fundamental changes, including the emergence of new economic and political powers, and increasing global challenges such as the threat of terror, deterioration of the environment, climate warming, severe acute respiratory syndrome, Sars, and bird flu.
The ANC resolved in Polokwane to rise to this challenge of imperialism and agreed to strengthen itself and other progressive forces and develop a common agenda with the objective of realising a just and better world. Such a world order must be characterised, inter alia, by greater security, peace and dialogue, and greater equilibrium between the poor and the rich. In this we are guided by the ANC's principles of a better life for all and a vision of a better Africa and a just world.
To tackle these problems, current international organisations are relatively challenged and are faced with the pressure to reform. Since there is no existing world government, the only effort we can make in response to the challenges is to strengthen international institutions and enhance global governance through closer co-operation and co-operation amongst the great powers.
Chairperson and hon members, in contextualising the current epoch, the 2008 ANC Strategy and Tactics document correctly asserts that, and I quote:
Globalisation also means growing inter-dependence among nations, reflected among others in production and trade, financial flows, environmental challenges, health issues and migration. Further, improved platforms of mass communication help lay bare the advances in human comfort and thus the unfairness of massive global inequality.
It continues:
Globalised capitalism has also generated careless exploitation of natural resources, endangering the long-term survival of the human species. The wanton destruction of the environment, the threat to biodiversity and the danger of global warming are all a grave challenge that should receive priority attention.
Poverty will only be eradicated, ladies and gentlemen, if global governance creates conditions for the organic growth of developing countries. In this regard, developing countries should be able, without arbitrary restrictions and undue interference, to receive investments, grow their capital reserves, develop technology and strengthen their human resource capacities without the threat of their human resources being poached by developed countries. It must be made possible for our country to trade on a level playing field.
Emerging big powers, which include South Africa, have much more interest in international institutions and a desire to play a positive role in global governance. As beneficiaries of the current international system, they need to rely on the system to pursue further development. Therefore more involvement in global governance is in our national interest.
Chairperson, to enable the economically and geographically most vulnerable countries to feel the impact and benefits of the new dynamics, the new South-South and triangular partnership agenda must aim to help strengthen our capacities, not only by giving policy advice, but also by building on- the-ground capacities in order for us to acquire more relevant knowledge and technologies to improve the quality and quantity of our products and innovate new ones; to diversify and expand domestic, regional and international markets; and to attract more foreign investment and raise capital from domestic, regional and international investors.
Building a new institutional architecture of global governance should be to transform the post-World War II institutions, namely the UN Security Council and the Bretton Woods institutions, including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. We should develop new interregional governing structures of South-South co-operation, as reflected in the initiatives that we are in already - India, Brazil and all the others; the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership; and the recently initiated AU- South American Community of Nations dialogue.
We should also deepen regional and subregional economic co-operation and integration on the African, Asian and South American continents through structures like the African Union, Mercosur, the Community of South American Nations, CSN, and the fledging attempts to establish an Asian Economic Community.
Indeed, hon members, in the context of South-South co-operation, structuring greater interaction between parliaments and civil society constituencies cutting across Africa, Asia and Latin America with the aim of fashioning viable alternatives to neoliberal globalisation and perhaps other subregional influentials like Indonesia in Southeast Asia or Argentina in South America, as well as Venezuela, is necessary.
According to the department's 2010-2013 Strategic Plan, South Africa participates in the global system of governance to enhance the development objectives of the developing world, including the attainment of equitable global order. The Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development will go down in history as having been able to bring together world leaders from diverse political persuasions, ideologies and world views. These leaders agreed, inter alia, that trade distorting and environmentally harmful subsidies had to be phased out and that trade should be linked to development.
As the ANC, we believe that the Department of International Relations and Co-operation is on the right track to ensuring the shift in power relations in global governance, as it states in its Strategic Plan aforementioned that it will continue to support the current momentum within the G20 through active participation in the summit process, whilst seeking to ensure that the group continues to co-ordinate an integrated and coherent global response to the financial and economic crisis. The G20 must also play an important role in maintaining future financial stability and providing much needed leadership in the reform of the regulation and supervision of the global financial architecture, including Bretton Woods institutions.
The ANC-led government's commitment to clean energy and environmental sustainability has been recognised internationally, and its being host to the Conference of the Parties, COP 17, in Durban in December is a testament to that commitment. It is expected that this session of the Conference of the Parties should not only discuss climate change, but produce a legally binding agreement to commit countries to a target for the reduction of emissions. South Africa should continue to work with like-minded countries to ensure that climate change imperatives are balanced with the development needs of developing countries.
Chair, the North's responsibilities to Africa must include the commitment of the industrialised countries and multilateral institutions to supporting mechanisms for and process of conflict resolution in Africa. They should also improve market access of African exports, reversing the decline of official development assistance, flows to Africa. They should accelerate debt reduction, including translating concrete commitments into tangible deliverables. They should also ensure investments in infrastructure projects and promote private sector investment. Finally, they should support the implementation of the agreed action programme.
Chairperson, in conclusion, the emerging market powers have the potential to challenge the current modalities of globalisation. What is typically up for discussion is not only the functions of global architecture, but more its formal structure. The most important contributions that the new drivers of global change can make for tackling global challenges is to help rethink the current rules of globalisation. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, Minister, Deputy Minister, hon members, diplomatic corps, ladies and gentlemen, South Africa's foreign policy has undergone an evolution since the advent of democracy in 1994. The metamorphosis of our foreign policy has led to our policy's being labelled as lacking a sense of purpose and direction.
The first democratic government from 1994 to 1999 chose a moral and ethical, principled foreign policy, which was transformational in nature, observing human rights as the core pillar of foreign policy. This was to ensure that we were a respectable and responsible global citizen.
From 1999 to 2008 the focus was on the consolidation of our foreign policy, with the primary attention on globalisation, universalism, multilateralism, and ensuring that there was equality in the global system, with equal responsibility and accountability.
The current period, 2009 until 2011, is that one of utilitarian continuity that focuses on economic diplomacy, co-operation and the building of commercially driven partnership.
In spite of this evolution, the challenge of our foreign policy still remains a lack of coherency, cohesion and co-ordination. Our foreign policy still fails to link domestic priorities with foreign policy. Hence, there are continued clashes of our core values of human rights with commercial trade interests. We have in the process compromised on our core values with a quest for economic power. The question is: How will our foreign policy address the core domestic imperatives of poverty, unemployment, underdevelopment and job creation?
Allow me to highlight the following points of concern. The first one is human rights and economic diplomacy. South Africa has been hailed as a beacon of hope in championing human rights. However, we have dropped the ball in the process, with our focus on economic diplomacy, which compromises our constitutional values for commercial and trade interest.
We need to revert back to our principal stance on human rights. The difficult balancing act of marrying human rights and economic diplomacy is still a big challenge, as both are compatible. This has led to the ongoing clash between our values, interests and partners. It has caused our foreign policy to be labelled as "lacking direction and purpose". An example is the suspension of the human rights tribunal by the Southern African Development Community, SADC, leaders - which South Africa supported!
The second issue is the capacity of the department. There is a lack of capacity in the department, with over 400 vacant posts in both middle and low levels. The department cannot attract new cadets from tertiary institutions to further their careers in International Relations. We still cannot fill the quotas in multilateral institutions.
We are not using candidate diplomacy adequately to influence decision- making in these institutions. We speak about reform of these institutions. The real reform will only happen when we start to fill the strategic positions in these institutions.
The third issue is the United Nations Security Council. We welcome the election of South Africa for a further two-year term in the UN Security Council as a nonpermanent member. We hope we use this term to redeem our image by taking principled decisions and communicating them efficiently.
We would also like to welcome the decision of South Africa to support the no-fly zone against Libya. This is for the primary reason of protecting civilians in Libya against its brutal dictator government. The fourth issue is regional integration. We cannot champion regional integration without first getting the basics right. We need to ensure that there is democracy, good governance and respect for human rights in the SADC region, and stand strong against regimes that do not observe these principles. Zimbabwe and Swaziland are classic examples. They still remain a problem in the region, which will affect regional growth and progress. We need to influence change in these regimes and call for their reform.
The fifth issue is the African Renaissance. We acknowledge the principles outlined in the African Renaissance and New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, programmes and our leadership role in the African agenda, which encourages Africa's renewal, political democracy and economic growth.
These noble ideas cannot happen while we are still faced with armed conflict, war and undemocratic governments. It is for this reason that we are calling for South Africa to champion the ratification of the Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance to ensure peace, stability and legitimacy. It has so far been ratified by 11 countries, including South Africa, and it needs 15 countries to ratify it for it to be in force.
The sixth issue is public diplomacy. We welcome the revitalisation of this unit and its change into a full branch, as well as the outreach done by the Minister and the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co- operation over the period of last year. We need to communicate our foreign policy principles more to the public at home, as most of them do not know and understand our foreign policy - what we stand for, and the decisions we take in multilateral forums.
Public diplomacy is the most effective way of communicating our message to audiences, both at home and abroad. We need to explore new ways of communicating, like e-diplomacy, in order to influence this diverse audience. Linked to this is the involvement of nonstate actors in our foreign policy.
We acknowledge that the department is in the process of drafting a White Paper on Foreign Policy which will culminate in the Foreign Service Act. We hope that broader consultation will happen with stakeholders so that our foreign policy is clear and coherent. We also welcome the establishment of the SA Council on International Relations, which will be inclusive.
The seventh issue is conflict resolution. South Africa is expected to play a major leadership role in Africa, with conflict resolution and peacekeeping. Hence, we are still involved in peacekeeping missions, but we need to recognise and be cognisant of our limited resources. We need to have partners on the continent and in the world who can assist.
We cannot impose ourselves as a hegemonic superpower without resources. Conflict still breeds instability in many African countries. Our leadership role is to ensure that there is peace and security that will lead to prosperity, development and economic growth on the continent.
In conclusion, our foreign policy should be able to close the gap between our domestic priorities and foreign priorities. We need to take our leadership role seriously and be strong on principle issues of democracy, human rights and good governance, for without these principles all the good intensions of the African Renaissance will remain a pipe dream.
In our quest for an equal global system with equal responsibility and accountability, we need to begin at home by ensuring that our foreign policy is responsive to our competing domestic challenges. It should be coherent, cohesive and co-ordinated. We need to implement proper guidelines for how we conduct our foreign policy so that we can claim our rightful place among the global nations as one of the emerging leaders in the world.
Let me join my colleagues in commending the outgoing director-general, Dr Ayanda Ntsaluba, for the sterling work that he has done in the department and in the committee. We have enjoyed very fruitful working relations with him.
We also wish to welcome Ambassador Jerry Matjila in his appointment as the new director-general. We are looking forward to working with you. We have already engaged with you - last week in the portfolio committee with the briefing on the Millennium Development Goals . All I can say is, so far, so good! Thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, I would like to submit to the House that we should really consider not allowing members who are not members of the committees to participate in the Budget Vote debates, and they know who they are.
Having said that, hon Chairperson, I greet the hon Minister, Deputy Minister Fransman, Deputy Minister Ebrahim in absentia, members of the diplomatic corps, members of the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, members of the public, and hon Members of Parliament.
Expounding the Freedom Charter's ideal that "there shall be peace and friendship", the 1969 ANC Morogoro Consultative Conference had the following to say:
Democratic South Africa shall take its place as a member of the OAU ...
...at the time... ... and work to strengthen Pan-African unity in all fields. Our country will actively support national liberation movements of the peoples of the world against imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism. Diplomatic relations will be established with all countries regardless of their social and political systems on the principles of mutual respect for each other's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity should therefore inform the nature of relations we craft with any country. These principles should be treated as sacrosanct and reciprocal at both the strategic and the operational levels.
Article 1 of the 10 December 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights contains words whose truth is a reproach to social injustice and its perpetrators. It reads:
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
In working towards universal peace and freedom we seek to forge a new world order in which the equality of nations is not only a concept but a material reality. Our starting point has been and should be South African interest and Africa's renaissance. We prioritise the African continent, and not only because in 1994, as recorded in the Reconstruction and Development Programme document, we became conscious of the fact that failure to achieve regional and continental sustainable development would lead to inter alia:
... the region facing continued high unemployment and underdevelopment, leading to labour migration and brain drain to the more industrialised area.
We also prioritise the African continent because of its colonial past, which has left most of it engulfed in conflicts due to scarcity of resources caused by underdevelopment. We strongly believe that socioeconomic development cannot take place in the absence of peace and stability, in the same way that socioeconomic development is critical for addressing the root cause of conflict and instability.
That is why we take time as mandated by regional bodies - hon Holomisa, please listen because you were not there when we were discussing these things [Laughter.] I repeat, that is why we take time, given the mandate by the region and the continent, to work towards resolving conflicts in our region and continent. The conflicts, for example in Somalia, remain a matter of concern. The focus of the world on development in North Africa and the East has put Somalia's conflict on the back burner. This must also be attended to.
Chairperson, we are also saying that the New Partnership for Africa's Development is a pledge by African leaders, based on a common vision and a firm and shared conviction that they have a pressing duty to eradicate poverty and to place their countries, both individually and collectively, on a path of sustainable growth and development and, at the same time, to participate actively in the world economic body politic.
The programme is anchored in the determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world. Hence we welcome the President's involvement in the high-level committee infrastructure as a positive step in addressing the infrastructural challenges that hinder the continent from interacting economically amongst its countries.
We must therefore continue to implement the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, and improve the regional climate for growth and development, as well as place the development requirements of the continent on the global agenda. Linked to Nepad, the work to establish a South African Development Partnership Agency to promote developmental partnerships with other countries on the continent has to continue. We hasten to add, however, that this agency should advance, and be seen to advance, a progressive agenda averse to condescending tendencies of traditional aid agencies.
Our country's security and prosperity is linked to and coexists with the consolidation of the African agenda. We need to address inequalities between the poor and the rich countries, with increasing poverty and marginalisation of millions of people; the globalisation and unilateralism of bigger powers; the spread of weapons of mass destruction; and organised crime. These should be fought using every means. In this regard, we as the ANC made a commitment in our 2009 manifesto to a peaceful resolution of all conflicts.
We as members of the African Union and Pan-African Parliament must continue to play an active role in peace-building efforts on the continent, and that should not be seen as funds being wasted - it is money worth spending. We need to strengthen our capacity to resolve and mediate in areas where there is a conflict or misunderstanding, as we have done and shall continue to do. We are continuing to do so in Zimbabwe, hon Mubu. We should continue to support all initiatives aimed at enhancing democratisation and good governance in the Southern African Development Community, SADC, region.
Our aim and focus should always be the promotion of peace, security and stability through, amongst others, engaging in preventative diplomacy and sustaining our involvement in peacekeeping operations in Africa. In this regard, we are continuing to work for a peaceful solution to the conflict in Libya, to which the Minister has already alluded. South Africa shares similar positions on political, economic and social issues to those of other countries of the South and, in this context, relations and co-operation with countries of the South in Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia and the Middle East continue to grow both multilaterally and bilaterally. However, we urge that such relationships must be on the basis of mutual benefit and development. As the ANC National Executive Committee January 8 Statement of the current year unequivocally stated:
We cannot afford to de-industrialise and become simply a provider of raw materials to other nations.
In order to strengthen South-South co-operation, we should continue to work with countries of the South to create political, economic and social convergence for the fight against the poverty, underdevelopment and marginalisation of the South. In this regard, the department should strengthen its focus as it appears in its Strategic Plan:
Continued active engagement with organisations of the South (such as NAM, G77 & China) ...
That must continue. I quote again:
The implementation and monitoring of IBSA Agreements and Action Plans as well as facilitating sectoral co-operation in order to deliver tangible results for South Africa ...
That is important, and lastly:
Revitalising the New Africa Asia Strategic Partnership (NAASP) as a vehicle for South-South socioeconomic co-operation ...
This should not be lost.
In building the South African developmental state, with requisite strategic organisational and technical capacities, we need to use our position in Brics to strengthen our New Economic Growth Path. In the same vein, our membership of Brics should be used to strengthen the African agenda and promote African development, and to reverse the treatment of Africa as a junior partner on global socioeconomic issues, fit only to receive financial aid and supply the rest of the world with unbeneficiated raw materials.
The department should continue to garner support from the developed countries of the North for South Africa's national priorities, such as education, health, rural development and land reform, creating decent work and fighting crime. South Africa should thus continue engaging countries of the North in the context of promoting the African agenda and the agenda of the South through participation at summits and in dialogue with the G8 and the G20.
South Africa should, therefore, continue to enhance its partnership with member states of the G8 to pursue co-operation with the latter and continue prioritising the implementation of resolutions of past G8 summits. We cannot afford to have summits taking resolutions and not bringing forth results.
South Africa needs to continue with high-level engagement with the European Union, EU, including on the EU's strategy for Africa in terms of the Trade, Development and Co-Operation Agreement and the Africa-EU action plan. We should continue to implement the Joint Action Plan of the SA-EU Strategic Partnership. These include co-operation in areas of peace and security, health, information and communication technology, ICT, migration, energy and transport.
Hon Chairperson, I still have some time left and I would like to respond to my colleagues. I'm disappointed in the "lecturer" here. Hon Mubu came here with a red pen just to mark everything that has been done red, red, red!
Before I forget, I must tell you that a yo-yo does not flip-flop; it goes up and down! [Laughter.] And I have seen the flip-flopping by you from your side. On Libya you speak two different languages with your colleagues. Mokgalapa welcomes ... [Interjections.] ...
Order! Order, please.
... the work that is being done in Libya and he seems to understand the position that was taken on Libya. You come here and you say you don't understand how we voted on that!
Let me educate you now - I'm the lecturer and you become the student! [Laughter.] South Africa's vote was based on the principle espoused in article 4 of the AU's Constitutive Act, if you know that - it speaks to the need to protect civilians. All we did was to support the fact that the civilians in Libya needed protection. This was also in line with our own Bill of Rights, Chapter 2 of the Constitution of South Africa. [Interjections.]
Are you done?
No, not yet. Human beings must enjoy these rights.
Whilst I am on the subject of human rights, hon Mokgalapa, here is another lesson. Women's rights are human rights. It cannot be correct that your party, when it suits them, take women to dance with the leader of the party, but when it comes to allocating critical positions, women are not good enough. Women's rights are ... [Interjections.] ...
Order! Order, please.
... also human rights.
Order! Order, please.
With regard to the Southern African Customs Union, Sacu, hon Ngonyama, Sacu celebrated its centenary last year. This gives us an opportunity to review this institution. You know that Sacu was conceptualised many, many years ago before the ANC took over. Therefore, there is a need to use that revenue to create a development fund. The fund will help to put the necessary infrastructure in place and that will help to increase intra-Sacu trade. This will help diversify the economies of Sacu and make them globally competitive. [Interjections.]
Who else? Wena! Wena! [You! You!] You must attend to this. [Laughter.] I'm sorry, Chair, it is the hon Bantubonke Holomisa.
That's correct; he is the hon member.
Yes, I apologise. But my point regarding him is that he must always make sure that he does not send apologies to the portfolio committee. [Interjections.] Yes, for every committee meeting he is not there, there is an apology. We are then, with the paper that he has sent to us, not able to discuss issues. As soon as he can attend to that, we can interact with him in a very constructive manner.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana) Hon member, your time has expired. [Applause.]
No, no, my time has not yet expired! [Laughter.] [Interjections.] No, wait, Waters! Keep quiet.
I would like to join my colleagues in welcoming the new director-general, Ntate [Mr] Matjila and also ...
Hon member, your time has expired.
Thank you. My party has not utilised all its time - I know there is a minute somewhere! Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Minister, on the same point, you are very fortunate. Your members have spared some minutes for you. The time you have has now moved up from 5 minutes to 13 minutes! I cannot say that about me - I wasn't that fortunate!
Modulasetulo, ke leboga Maloko a Palamente ka moka ao a kgathilego tema ngangi?anong ye ya boutu ya rena le ditekanyet?o t?a kgoro ya rena. [Chairperson, I would like to thank all the Members of Parliament who took part in the Budget Vote debate of our department.]
Don't worry about your gadgets. I will save you the agony.
It is really quite a pleasure, honour and privilege to work with the members of this portfolio committee. Every time I sit here and listen to the deliberations, I feel the sense of commitment to exactly what the hon Mubu - a professor, I learnt today - said, that South Africa's international stature has never been better than it is today. I think he has summed it all up and, after the sip I have taken, I can only thank you very much for that support, coming for the first time, maybe, from the DA.
I would also join hon Magau in saying that maybe there is a need for a bilateral meeting between her and hon Mokgalapa. Whilst these accolades for the department have been mentioned, he still feels that there are things that we need to do. We will definitely take heed of all the contributions made by all the members of the committee.
Chairperson of the portfolio committee, we want once again to reiterate what we have said on numerous occasions, that we were really devastated by the demise of Anton Hammerl in Libya. I know for sure that this matter has also been raised with Col Gaddafi by the President. I think the sad reality and the most painful thing for his wife, his children, his family and friends, and in particular the colleagues he was with on that fateful day, was that they almost got sworn to secrecy themselves - for their own safety they could not say a word until they were released. As we said earlier on in the press conference, our officials had to follow the released journalists across the border to Tunisia to listen to the trauma they had gone through of being sworn to secrecy for 44 days about the whereabouts and demise of Anton Hammerl.
I know that I will not be justified in saying, "May his soul rest in peace," until we are miraculously able to find his remains in that desert and bring his remains home. Libya remains a war zone, so it is going to be quite an arduous task to search for his body, but I would like to quote the words of the Austrian ambassador, who is based in South Africa and who said on that fateful day, when the sad news was broken to us, that in his 35 years as an ambassador, he had never seen a government taking so much time and making such an effort to find one person in a war zone. That is what the Austrian ambassador said about the South African government. [Applause.] We will spare no effort, but do just that, informed by what our foreign policy and Constitution calls on us to do.
I thought I also needed to take advantage of being in this gathering to highlight what hon Magau and other members said about the famous Resolution 1973. Chairperson, to hon Holomisa, with due respect, South Africa, Nigeria and Gabon were advised by the African Union to vote positively on Resolution 1973.
Who sponsored Resolution 1973? It was the Arab League. The Arab League sponsored Resolution 1973. Why would it have been the Arab League? Countries in North Africa, as the geography indicates, are on the African continent. However, politically and culturally they think they are Arab first, so that resolution was sponsored by Arabs. What informed South Africa's participation in voting on it positively? It was exactly what hon Magau said: our Constitution, our human rights record, and so on.
What I need to say for sure is that South Africa did not vote for a regime change. By the time we voted on this resolution, more than 2 000 people had been mowed down by their own government, which had been supposed to protect them. So, there was no way we could do other, and we will apologise to no one for having been informed by our foreign policy to vote the way we did, and we will continue saying that.
About sharing of information when there are debates in the international community, and in particular in the Security Council, we will again spare no effort, even with the constraints of budgets, in continuing to share information with the ruling party and with opposition members. This is because on foreign policy - and that is why we are bringing the international relations council to the fore - we want to engage with all South Africans. We are out there defending the gains of our freedom for the entire nation, South Africa - the South Africa of Mandela, the South Africa of O R Tambo, the South Africa of all, and the South Africa that fights for the weak and the voiceless.
The hon Dudley raised questions about an issue very close to us - the future of South Sudan. Rest assured that we are determined to support the South Sudanese people and make sure that they lead a viable and democratic state. I did not spend Christmas at home, because President Zuma sent me to that part of the world, first to appeal to President Bashir to allow the referendum to proceed peacefully, freely, and fairly. That happened, and we thanked the government of South Sudan and also the government of North Sudan for having allowed that to happen. We also appealed to President Kiir of South Sudan that it was important that he avoided all provocation and focused on the ball - that 9 July should come. We will never condone the maiming and killing, and the occupation of the Abyei region again.
I would also like to take this opportunity to call specifically on all the friends in the West, and in particular the United States of America, and remind them that before the referendum, undertakings were made publically by the USA government that after the referendum the name of the Sudanese government in Khartoum would be removed from the international list of state-sponsored terrorism, that there would be the lifting of sanctions, and that there would be a cancellation of debt. None of these three things have happened. As we are making an appeal to them, we also remind them of what other friends have been saying about their commitments. We want to take this opportunity to urge the United States government to please come to the party and make sure that, as we nudge people to do the right things, they respond. If we have made undertakings, we should come back and implement them.
Hon Holomisa, South Africa is respected by the entire AU collective. Confidence and faith in South Africa has never been so good, and that is why, when we were dealing with the problems in Cte d'Ivoire, the AU asked that President Zuma be part of that delegation. When we were dealing with the problems in Libya, President Zuma was again asked to deal with the situation.
I now come to why we have joined the Brazil, Russia, India and China group, Bric. You know, every time I listen to South Africans, I remember that the entire global community, in particular the members of Brics, have never stopped celebrating South Africa's entry there. The majority of progressive South Africans have also come to the party to celebrate South Africa's entry.
I hear hon Mokgalapa asking how we link domestic priorities with international work. How best could we have shown you, hon Mokgalapa, that we mean business than by linking our domestic priorities with the work that we do internationally? Could we have done that by not having been admitted to Brics?
I want to say this in my mother tongue as I don't know how to explain it in English. I think that is the problem, largely, of my people.
Ka Sepedi ba re moja sa gagwe o a khuti?a. [In Sepedi they say hide what you have, to avoid sharing it with others.]
Every time people tell South Africa to take its rightful place, South Africa says, "No, not now, a little bit later." The international community said to us through Brics: "South Africa, you run the biggest and most diverse economy on the African continent. South Africa, you are the champion of human rights on your continent, and we want to share the experience of the work that you have been doing with regard to peace, security and development on the African continent with you. South Africa, you are endowed with mineral resources that are exploitable, but you also have the mechanism to beneficiate these resources. Come join Brics."
So, when you ask all the other Bric members, they will tell you that they have seen the important role that South Africa can play in bringing the right kind of politics that are respected internationally into Brics.
South Africans themselves do not recognise the fact that the entire community of the African continent also appreciates the role that South Africa plays, because South Africa's foreign policy, which is open for every person to read, is that our national interests are best safeguarded by our looking at the interests of the continent of Africa. The partners of Brics see the one billion people in Africa - South Africans talk of the 49 million people! At what point will we see that we have this leadership role to play, bestowed on us by history? We are there now. Let's stop looking back. Let's move forward. Let's be positive, because the world expects just that from all of us.
We will continue, as we said in our presentation, to fight for the reform of all global institutions of governance including, and in particular, the UN Security Council. We think that the time has come for this to be implemented. I can tell you that there are no contradictions between the work we do internationally and our foreign policy. We follow that to the letter, and that is where we earn respect and continue to command respect.
We have said on numerous occasions that it will take the leadership of Zimbabwe to solve the problems of Zimbabwe. The Southern African Development Community, SADC, will stand ready to work with the people of Zimbabwe. We shall spare no efforts in continuing to support the initiatives of Zimbabwe. Hon Dudley, I have said that if you want to know how resolute we are, you should read the SADC communiqu which was not far- fetched and drafted in some smoke-filled room. That statement was drafted informed by the outcomes of the Zimbabweans themselves, by their Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee, Jomic, the committee that oversees the implementation of the Global Political Agreement, GPA, itself. We will continue doing that because there is nowhere in the world where you can choose relatives and neighbours. They are there, and we have to continue working with them.
The secondment policy, which has been passed now and endorsed by Cabinet, will allow us to be able to continue to fight for allocated quota positions, particularly at international fora, but I must also hasten to say that I have experienced the anomaly where South Africans apply for positions and, on the eve of their accepting their seats, they have just said, "Ha, that place is very cold. It is not as good as the weather in South Africa. No, I am not taking the position." Things will change if we start realising the importance of taking these positions.
As far as the filling of vacancies in our department is concerned, there were 69 vacancies at the senior management service, SMS, level, when our former director-general spoke to you. Since that time, to date, we have filled 38 of those 69 positions. The rest, which have been advertised, will be filled during the course of this month.
Once again, ke a leboga [thank you] for your co-operation. Let's continue marshalling our forces at home and abroad to champion South Africa's foreign policy. I thank you. [Time expired.][Applause.]
Thank you, hon Minister. Before we adjourn the House, I must say on behalf of the Speaker, the Deputy Speaker and the other presiding officers, that I want to echo the sentiments expressed by the Minister and other hon members regarding the unfortunate demise of Anton Hammerl and say, "May the Lord keep comforting his family and friends."
Furthermore, I have an announcement, hon members. You are reminded that the Extended Public Committee, EPC, on Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs will meet in the Good Hope Chamber, which is here, at 14:00. The EPC on Health will also meet at 14:00, in Committee Room E249.
Debate concluded.