Speaker, the august House, and the gallery at large, today we are celebrating International Democracy Day, and I would like to share with you my views and experiences around how Africa has made efforts in advancing democracy.
We definitely have to take pride in celebrating this eventful day in view of our history in ridding ourselves of colonialism and facing neoliberalism these days as well as all schools of thought and practices that tend to impinge on or even undermine democracy.
Africa's efforts in advancing democracy and human rights can be articulated very aptly through initially the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, historically, and the African Union, AU, currently. But, obviously, I would also like to include the role and initiatives taken up by the Pan-African Parliament in the efforts of advancing democracy and human rights in our continent.
One of the outstanding efforts that have been taken up by the African Union is the African Peer Review Mechanism. This mechanism focuses on the African countries supervising themselves - if I can use simple language - or to ensure peer review for advancing democracy and ensuring that human rights are respected. That is obviously also seen in the initiative of the African Renaissance, as well as Nepad, not to mention the various charters that have been adopted by the African Union.
I would like to make specific reference to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, which unfortunately our country has not yet ratified. This charter, amongst other fundamental issues that it raises, ensures that all African countries respect and abide by democratic values. It also, in the way it has been crafted, ensures that African countries dare not change governance through military means. It emphasises that if there are any changes that are supposed to take place in any government, it should be through appropriate democratic means - and that is free and fair elections.
Let me go further and state the fact that we also need to acknowledge that civil society in Africa has done a fair job because it has been able, where possible, to work with governments to advance democratic value and human rights.
However, it is also fair to indicate that, unfortunately in some of our African countries, relations between civil society, especially active civil society organisations, and those respective governments are not necessarily of the best.
I trust and hope that as parliamentarians, as we interact through structures such as the Pan-African Parliament, we will obviously ensure that there is respect, recognition and even encouragement of the participation of civil society in our efforts to advance democracy and respect for human rights.
The role of Africa in the global efforts of fighting for democracy and respect for human rights can be seen in Africa's participation in various international bodies. One can mention a few: the United Nations, the Non- Aligned Movement, the Inter-Parliamentary Union and so forth. It is fair to say that in all these various international bodies Africa's participation has been informed and guided by its charters, and that is an effort worth encouraging.
Let me come to the role of the ANC-led government, particularly in advancing democracy and human rights in Africa. It is fair to say that once again, if you look at the charter that I have referred to, namely the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, you would find that quite a number of the issues that are raised in that charter resonate with our Bill of Rights and our Constitution. That then definitely illustrates that South Africa has been able to influence such charters. In fact, to be quite fair, South Africa was central in crafting that charter.
Beyond such noble efforts in advancing democracy and human rights, I think it is also appropriate that we share as to what then the future holds for us. How do we focus on areas that still need improvement?
The first area that I would like to present to this august House is that there is a need for us as public representatives to strengthen links between Parliament and our citizens. It is very fundamental because we have a historical and constitutional duty to do so.
Furthermore, linked to that is the transformation of the Pan-African Parliament, which is still a consultative body, into a full legislative body. I also trust that, once again, this august House will support the delegates from this House in their efforts to ensure that when the Pan- African Parliament becomes a fully legislative body, it will be able to capably ensure that democracy is deepened in Africa and that human rights are respected and upheld.
Lastly, quite a number of members in the past have been raising the issue of having a Nepad desk here in Parliament, and I would like to reinforce that by proposing that it is high time that our Parliament explores the formation of an AU desk here in Parliament and, amongst other things, ensures that democracy is deepened in Africa and human rights are upheld. I thank you. [Applause.]
Thank you, hon Speaker. Today marks the 16th anniversary of celebrating the International Day of Democracy since the Inter- Parliamentary Union adopted the universal declaration on democracy that affirms the principles of democracy and exercises in democratic government and the global scope of democracy. The UN proclaimed this day in November 2007. This day is to serve as a reminder that the need to promote and protect democracy is as urgent now as ever.
In this regard, Parliament is the central institution in democracy. This is also relevant for South Africa as we celebrate 16 years of our democracy with significant milestones for our Constitution that safeguards and guarantees the Bill of Rights and ensures that regular free and fair elections are held.
However, since the advent of our democracy and our participation in world politics, our international relations have left much to be desired. Our track record in the UN General Assembly has been controversial and disappointing. Our voting patterns on topical issues, for example, Myanmar and Burma, and our stance on the Dalai Lama has shocked the world.
Our participation in the United Nations Security Council has also been marked by controversy and failure to influence change. Our blockades of the issue of Zimbabwe are some of our legacies in this august world body. Our continued relationship with rogue states in Africa like Guinea Bissau and the DRC, where according to a UN report human rights abuses are still happening, is a source of shame.
South Africa cannot be an island of democracy in a sea of undemocratic states. If we enjoy our democracy, then why are we not sharing the fruits with our neighbours, Zimbabwe and Swaziland, where political persecution is still permitted and we are watching blindly, doing nothing?
On a parliamentary question to the Minister concerning Swaziland, the response was that the South African government has made no representations to the Swaziland government concerning the political situation and has no intention of doing so. This continues to be the same with our failed, quiet diplomacy in the case of Zimbabwe that yielded no result for 10 years to bring about democracy in Zimbabwe. Our democracy is not sustainable if our neighbours are not free.
Mr Speaker, we need to go back to our constitutional imperatives and our foreign policy principles that focus on the promotion of human rights and democracy. The question here is: Why, up to now, have we not ratified these important treaties? I refer to the charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance adopted in Addis Ababa in 2007, the International Convention on the Protection of all Migrant Workers and the Convention against Torture?
We are defaulting on our noble principles and international commitments to promote human rights, democracy and international law when we support the AU stance not to honour the ICC warrant issued against Mr Al Bashir.
The challenges of democracy in Africa still continue today as we mark this day. There is lack of respect for human rights; intolerance; unconstitutional changes of governments; and a lack of adherence to the rule of law. We need to ensure that we encourage and instil respect for international law in Africa and ensure that civil society exercises, protects, claims and creates its rights.
On the domestic front, we need to ensure that our international commitments make a tangible difference to the lives of the poor by attempting to reach the Millennium Development Goals of halving poverty by 2015, as we have become the most unequal society in the world. We need to encourage vibrant civil society to participate in our democratic process and provide quality education for our young people.
In conclusion, looking forward to the future we need to strengthen our democratic institutions domestically and speak out against neighbours who are violators of these rights. We need to affirm our position as champions of democracy and human rights.
South Africa has a moral obligation in consolidating the African agenda, not only through brotherhood and sisterhood, but through making sure that human rights and democracy are promoted and protected and through respect for international law in the region and on the continent.
We must work hard on changing our tainted image in the international arena and continue to honour our international commitments by staying true to our constitutional values and ensuring that we report timeously on progress made with this commitment. We must also make sure that our democracy is sustainable through civil society participation. Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, this is an important debate. I think all of us today are happy that we are celebrating International Democracy Day. However, as we celebrate today and as the people of South Africa, we can also say that we celebrate because, indeed, the South African government has done a lot in the field of democracy in the country.
When we look at the work that has already been done on the continent, we can rightfully say that we are celebrating because much has been done in the field of democracy. As we celebrate we must make those points clear. However, the celebration must not only be a feel-good celebration for all of us.
As we celebrate we must also say that we have a task as South African people on the continent. We have already started on that task in terms the African Peer Review Mechanism that was put in place. It is also being realised in terms of the work that has been done to ensure that the African Peer Review Mechanism is actually being realised and implemented. Whether it is in the area of Nepad or any other, we must always drive that process and make sure that we achieve those results.
As we celebrate, we must be debating and looking at the bigger question that we must confront in terms of the continent. Where there are human rights issues in some areas which are not necessarily practised, it is our responsibility to ensure that we continue to lead and make sure that human rights are being realised.
On this continent, whether it is an issue of Sudan, Darfur or Swaziland, we must make sure that as a country with people that take pride in the Constitution, we remain in the forefront to achieve whatever we set out to achieve.
The big issues that we must confront on this continent when it comes to the people are the issues of hunger, health, youth and child abuse, particularly as they are made slaves and soldiers in the conflict areas. This remains our responsibility, and we cannot fail, as South Africa and as the people of South Africa, to make sure that we lead on this front.
In conclusion, the issue about the continent and poverty remains a bigger issue, and as we celebrate, we must ask ourselves how we are going to confront it. The issue of the Gini coefficient continues to put us on the map of unaffordability.
This, therefore, remains a challenge and as we celebrate, we must pause and say that we are determined to continue to make sure that we drive this programme. After all, the state is a state in the protection of the people. Thank you.
Speaker, we recall the tradition of the majority's prerogative to choose its leaders, to choose its government and the extent to which it can exercise state power, bequeathed to world politics through Greece - Athens, to be precise.
Parliament, which is now known as a speaking place, was handed down to us through the ages as the embodiment and expression of the general will, a pursuit of the virtues of social political and economic justice for all citizens.
In his address to the meeting of the institutions supporting democracy, referred to as Chapter 9 institutions, the Speaker of the National Assembly, the hon Sisulu, among other things, called for Parliament to strengthen these institutions. In my view, strong, dedicated, experienced and assertive parliamentarians will achieve this and much more.
We are here, morally and otherwise contracted by the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, to deliver a better life for all our people and beyond. However, a weak, unassertive Member of Parliament makes a weak institution of Parliament, which then becomes the soft underbelly of our democracy and a threat to our sovereignty.
The crisis of the constitution in 17th century England saw a frantic political battle by the English parliament to strike a balance between the prerogatives of the king and the fundamental rights of the subjects. The Englishmen believed this would bring harmony and political stability to the polity, for the good of all governed. Subsequently the English parliament moved swiftly to democratise the body politic. Unfortunately, I must say these noble efforts were not adequate to avoid the 1688 English Revolution.
For 16 years the Republic fared relatively well and even President Zuma recently expressed optimism in the progress made by South Africa on some of the Millennium Development Goals. It is also a word of encouragement and support to leaders of other African countries.
Internationally, South Africa is navigating the tempestuous seas of globalising economies and geopolitical power, where the world democracies like the United States, European Union, India, etc, and the world autocracies such as Russia, China, etc, including the theocracy in Iran, are battling for greater regional influence and international power.
A lot remains to be done on the part of South Africa to bring political stability and an internationally acceptable climate of democracy and human rights to Zimbabwe, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Swaziland and Darfur, and also to the Middle East.
In conclusion, I believe this Parliament, as the voice of the people and the custodian of our democracy, should take heed that of late the poor have started to become restless. They are seriously questioning the relevance of our Constitution and the meaning of democracy in the midst of their poverty and suffering. Some have come to believe, like Aristotle, that our widespread state of poverty and underdevelopment is now being perpetuated by a defective democracy. Thank you. [Applause.]
Speaker, today is a day to celebrate democracy. It is a day to recognise how democracy has enhanced the lives of citizens around the world who are fortunate enough to live in democratic countries. It is also a time to show solidarity with those people in the world who are still fighting, sometimes in tremendous adversity, to instil democracy in their own countries.
In South Africa we can take pride in the birth of our own democracy 16 years ago and the freedom from the racial oppression that it brought about. As we do that, we need to ask ourselves some serious questions about the current state of our democracy and the challenges that it currently faces.
Although the structure of our democracy is in place, it risks being hollowed out through the gradual closing down of spaces in which true democratic debate can take place.
The Protection of Information Bill and the proposed media tribunal are just two examples in which transparency and free expression are being threatened by the ANC. Parliament, as the ultimate expression of our democracy, also needs to be reformed in line with the recommendations put forward by the Independent Review Panel.
In addition, the influence of money continues to eat away at our democratic structures as conflicts of interests regarding Ministers, and even the ruling party itself, make a mockery of good governance principles.
If we were serious about strengthening our democracy, then we would use this day to commit to finally putting in place the long overdue legislation to regulate the private funding of political parties. It is what our democracy and the voters deserve. Thank you. [Applause.]
Speaker, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers present, and hon members, our fourth democratic Parliament was installed on the basis of both its constitutional obligations and the ANC Election Manifesto which promised that, "working together we can do more". Informed by the 52nd National Conference of the ANC, our internationalist perspective is informed by human solidarity, enhancing democracy, equity and social and economic justice.
This informs our practice here in Parliament, in terms of our international activities, and it locates the operations of the ANC squarely in the national effort to ensure that all of us, bound together by common patriotism, will rise together with a singular sense of purpose in pursuit of the agenda outlined by the President in his state of the nation address in February this year.
In rising to this challenge we should never miss the opportunity to look back and learn from our successes and setbacks in our endeavours to remain focused on our goal for a better life for all. We must also frankly assess our capacity against the weight of rising expectations.
Speaker, this Parliament has participated in these structures and continues to do so in various forums. The Regional Women's Parliamentary Forum was established as an organ of the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum, SADC-PF, with the purpose of providing a framework to follow up on the political commitments regarding the participation and representation of women in decision-making positions. The caucus comprises the chairpersons of the national women's parliamentary caucuses and was launched in 2002.
In July 2009 I, on behalf of this Parliament, formed part of a delegation of an advocacy mission to observe the elections in Botswana together with fellow women parliamentarians from Zambia and Namibia. The observations, findings and recommendations of the mission were submitted to the regional caucus and the SADC-PF. The 27th plenary session of SADC-PF was held this year. As Chairperson of the Multiparty Women's Caucus, I represented this Parliament and presented a report on the establishment and functioning of the women's caucus in Parliament.
The Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, established the Co-ordinating Committee of Women Parliamentarians in April 1990 to present all of the IPU's women members. The co-ordinating committee aims to promote an increase in the number of women parliamentarians as delegates to the inter-parliamentary meetings and greater participation of women Members of Parliament in all senior posts of the union.
This structure has achieved a lot in respect of the improvement of the status of women and with regard to contributions made by women in the IPU structures.
The structures I have mentioned above have been created to ensure that democracy, fairness, transparency and the rule of law are maintained. It is for us as Members of Parliament to educate ourselves about what these organisations aim to achieve and what our contributions are supposed to be in furthering the aims of these structures.
The Multiparty Women's Caucus in this Parliament is currently involved in discussions on the strategic programme that would guide its work. Among the activities being considered, the women's caucus is also looking at the discussion on the SADC Protocol on Gender and Equality; training of women Members of Parliament on budgeting; and creating networks with women's forums in other legislatures within the country and internationally, and also civil society movements focusing on women issues.
The Multiparty Women's Caucus believes that these are the responsibilities that women parliamentarians have to carry in order to ensure democracy, irrespective of party affiliation.
We will spare no effort in strengthening the progressive forums of the South, notably the Non-Aligned Movement; the Group of 77 plus China and the Africa-South America Summit; and the New Africa-Asia Strategic Partnership. These forums have demonstrated to us - some even during the difficult years of apartheid - that they can be trusted allies and partners in our struggle for a better life.
As I'm standing here, I know that South Africans, especially the leaders of the ANC, our former Speakers, Comrades Baleka Mbethe and Gwen Mahlangu, have been champions in these structures. They even led them representing South Africa as members of the ruling party.
We continue to build on the long history of our bond of friendship and solidarity between us and countries of the South. We will continue to learn from their experience, especially how, in spite of the colonial history that they share with us, they managed to transform into the tigers that some of them are today.
We will also continue to strengthen people-to-people contact and cultural exchanges between us and the South, and use our bilateral relations and structures such as the India, Brazil, South Africa Dialogue Forum, Ibsa, to intensify exchanges between us in areas of mutual benefit. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon members, before I invite the next speaker, I want to point out that the gallery is full today, and I would like to welcome all those who have joined us.
I also want to point out that the public in the gallery have come to listen to today's debate on democracy, but the debate is being drowned out by the noise from the gallery. May I please appeal to all of you to speak with no voice. Remain silent until the speakers are done.
Mr Speaker, hon members of the Cabinet present here, hon members and members of the public in the gallery, South Africa is signatory to and an active participant in a high number of international forums and initiatives. This is the result of our unique diplomatic position since the peaceful transition to democracy, and also because of our unique experience with some of the most difficult challenges facing mankind today. Looking to the future and where our focus should be, I would like to highlight three areas of importance. Firstly, South Africa's continued leadership role in Africa, especially in peacekeeping and negotiation, must be strengthened. At the moment our leadership is often characterised by commitments that are not backed up by the correct capacity and skills. More than ever, the ability of the SA National Defence Force to properly fulfil the peacekeeping duties that are assigned to it requires urgent attention.
Secondly, South Africa must continue to build a global consensus on environmental treaties, recognising that the sustainable, respectful treatment of the environment is a prerequisite for human rights. Currently South Africa is particularly well placed to influence the debate, since the next round of negotiations after Copenhagen is scheduled to take place on our shores in 2011. This presents us with the opportunity to demonstrate our prowess at negotiating by securing an international consensus that will see our children inheriting a planet that is still capable of sustaining human life.
Thirdly, South Africa finds itself in a contradictory position when it comes to the issue of the arms proliferation. On the one hand we are the only nation in the world to have voluntarily dismantled all nuclear weapons programmes. Potentially, this makes us the foremost arbiters for non- nuclear proliferation.
Unfortunately, on the other hand, even after the advent of democracy, our record of trading in conventional weapons is very questionable. The proliferation of arms in the world is a direct threat to building an international culture of human rights. It is vital that South Africa clears up this contradiction in its behaviour.
In conclusion, I would like to appeal for greater consistency in favour of human rights from our representatives on the United Nations Security Council. As a democracy, it does great harm to our reputation when we are seen to be supportive of governments that abuse and violate human rights. I thank you.
Hon Speaker, uppermost in our minds, at this time, must be the Millennium Development Goals. This is especially so as two-thirds of the deadline has already passed and Goal 4, which commits us to reducing child mortality by two-thirds, is proving to be extremely problematic. Instead of going down, child mortality statistics are, in fact, going up.
If you are expecting a baby either in the O R Tambo district or the Eastern Cape generally, there is a terrifying likelihood that your baby will die at birth. At present half of all babies do.
A nurse working at an Eastern Cape hospital over the past five years said she had never come across babies dying at such an alarming rate. In addition, countless more won't make it through their first year.
Tragically, while the situation in the Eastern Cape is particularly shocking, the reality is not far different for the majority of people throughout South Africa. Gross understaffing, unpaid debts, poor infection control, slack administration, lack of finances, pathetic management skills in our hospitals, dysfunctional referral systems, dismal ambulance services, inefficient primary health, lack of control over spending and blatant corruption leave little wonder that we are living this nightmare.
Who will care about democracy if we continue to bury our sons and daughters along with our hopes and dreams for their future? The ACDP welcomes efforts to ensure that all HIV-positive children under one year old are now being put on antiretroviral theraphy, ART, regardless of their CD4 counts.
While the department has introduced new and better guidelines for the prevention of mother-to-child transmission, MTCT, more needs to be done to ensure it reaches those who are affected and at risk.
While the tragically high number of baby deaths in hospitals is linked to overcrowding at hospitals as the needs of people with HIV/Aids place hospitals under enormous pressure, budgets are not the only concern; attitude, training, discipline and good practice are just as critical. Public-private initiatives are not being pursued with enough urgency and determination.
The ACDP calls on government to access and utilise private expertise to deliver the services with and on behalf of the state. If we do not get this right as other countries have, moves to implement a National Health Insurance will only further exacerbate the situation. I thank you.
Chairperson, hon members of the House, distinguished guests, my speech in this debate on the International Day of Democracy will underscore the democratic values, human rights and international co- operation under the India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum and our Parliament's relationship with the European Union, EU.
This will be done against the background of the ANC's policy on international relations and human solidarity. It is most appropriate that we are celebrating the International Day of Democracy in the month in which, here in South Africa, we are celebrating our national heritage.
At the core of our national heritage, as a people, is a long struggle for democracy, recognition and respect for diverse cultures, languages and traditions bounded by our ideals of a unitary South African nation that is democratic, nonracist, nonsexist and based on equity.
At the heart of this heritage is the leadership role that the ANC, as one of the oldest liberation movements on the continent, has played as it approaches its centenary celebrations. Since its formation, the ANC's mission is the struggle for democracy and human rights as understood within the context of the national democratic revolution. We recognise that the achievements of political freedom and democracy in 1994 did not automatically translate into economic democracy and justice.
There exists in our country huge socioeconomic disparities and inequalities which subject the majority of our people to a life of poverty where political freedom, in the final analysis, loses it significance. These disparities and inequalities are a characteristic feature of our current globalised world.
It is these global inequalities and economic injustice that inform our continued struggle for a better life for all and a vision of a better Africa and a just world, as is articulated in the policies of the ANC.
It is these policies and vision that informs the ANC government's policies on international relations and, as such, our understanding of the significance of celebrating democracy and human rights. As South Africans, coming out of a long struggle, we have an opportunity and privilege to celebrate our democratic achievement and gains. We must also use this democratic space to advance our struggle to deepen beyond mere political democracy.
We need to take this beyond the confines of our national borders and build international human solidarity. The recognition of this internationalism around democracy and human rights is fully expressed in the strategy and tactics of the ANC. They encompass the fact that the achievement of democracy in 1994 provided South Africans with an opportunity to build democracy, a culture of human rights and a value system based on human solidarity, and to work with African and global progressive forces to advance human development in our country, on the continent and across the globe.
The ANC government's approach to international relations and to democracy and human rights must therefore be underpinned by these ideals. It must be informed by our principles of a better life for all and a vision of a better Africa and a just world. It is on the basis of this understanding that we must place a priority on establishing and building our relations with other countries of the South.
The building of South-South relations should not only be seen in terms of economic and national self-interest, but as part of advancing our common ideals of building a world based on economic democracy and justice. It is also about our commitment to rid the world of inequalities and poverty, and by so doing, deepening democracy and human rights.
India-Brazil-South Africa, Ibsa, is a trilateral, developmental initiative that promotes South-South dialogue, co-operation and common positions on issues of international importance; facilitates trade and investment opportunities between the three countries; supports the alleviation of poverty and social development in developing countries; and promotes the trilateral exchange of information, international best practice technologies and skills amongst the three countries.
The South Africa-European Union, SA-EU, trade relations represent a bilateral interaction on South-North co-operation that has seen growth in South Africa's export, but also reinforces a system of global dominance in trade relations that has a negative impact on African countries as illustrated in the EU's relations with developing blocs.
There is another inconsistency in the application of human rights in the EU support for a genocide warrant of arrest issued by the International Criminal Court, ICC, against the President of Sudan. The African Union has taken a position of nonco-operation with the warrant for war crimes and crimes against humanity issued by the ICC on President Omar Al-Bashir and made an appeal to the UN to delay the case against him.
Hon Mokgalapa, South Africa supports the AU's decision precisely because there is a provision in terms of article 15 of the Rome Statute that allows for a deferral. We are saying: Let us defer the matter so that we are able to ensure that the people of Southern Sudan are able to realise the referendum next year. That is what we are saying.
We could easily have subjected President de Klerk and his government to the same process in 1990, but instead we negotiated with him, and look at where we are today! That is the point. [Applause.]
You cannot prosecute Al-Bashir whilst he still has a very big role to play in terms of realising this particular referendum. You cannot do that. [Interjections.]
Hon member, you should address the Chair, not any other person in the House. Just address the Chair. [Applause.]
I thought I should clarify that, Chair. But also ... [Interjections.]
Do not clarify it. Address the Chair. [Laughter.]
Through you Chair, on the issue of Myanmar, hon Mokgalapa ... [Laughter.] ... should not misinform this House about our vote in the UN. He must refer to the records. We said that this matter should not be dealt with at the level of the UN Security Council; instead, it should go to the Human Rights Commission in the UN. That is what we said. [Applause.]
It is within this context that our people's Parliament remains an embodiment of the society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights. If people want to speak about human rights in Africa, they must not be selective. Here is Western Sahara, violating human rights, why are you not mentioning that? I thank you. [Applause.]
Speaker, democracy is an ideal that speaks to members of society having control over rules and policies, treating each other as equals and being treated as equals. As a country we have impressively laid out a legal framework guaranteeing people's rights, but there are further questions that we need to ask ourselves to determine whether the ideal of democracy has been realised.
The following questions are asked: Are our governing institutions representative of and accountable to the people? Do we have an active civil society and are we empowering it without manipulation? Do our political parties articulate the views and aspirations of the people?
We have taken tremendous strides as a young democracy, but we also cannot afford to be complacent because the equality ideal is so far from being realised and without it democracy remains a distant ideal. Thank you, Mr Speaker. [Applause.]
Speaker, the biggest commitment, both nationally and internationally, to democracy and human rights that we have made as a country is agreeing to and passing into law the Constitution in 1996. At that stage we committed ourselves to upholding a democratic system of government, and our Constitution was lauded all over the world as being one of the most liberal in the area of human rights.
Today we need to look at the progress we have made in upholding that commitment. I am afraid that there are alarm bells ringing louder and louder which indicates that the significant achievement of bringing about democratic government in our country is under threat.
Firstly, in a democratic government the goal is to open up windows of opportunity for everyone. However, we have succeeded in opening the gates of opportunism for some only - think of Travelgate, Oilgate and Armsgate, to name but a few.
Secondly, undisputed essentials of a democracy are freedom of speech and expression and a free press. Recent events have shown that the current government has de facto rewritten section 16 of the Bill of Rights to read as follows: Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, except if you happen to make gestures at the President that his blue light brigade regards as inappropriate, or if you happen to expose alleged underhand dealings of the National Police Commissioner. At the same time the right to privacy, and not to have one's home searched and the privacy of one's communications infringed, must also give way in the above circumstances.
Freedom of the media enshrined in section 16(1)(a) of the Bill of Rights is regarded as an unnecessary evil when it is used to expose the myriad examples of corruption, lack of service delivery and grossly wasteful expenditure of so many in our government. Of course, it is very difficult to tell exactly what our President really feels about the matter, as his statements differ depending on his audience.
In this very House, last week, the President tried to justify the ANC's insistence that media censorship is necessary and that the law of defamation is not sufficient to protect the poor people in this country who cannot afford to take the media to court. Then at a meeting with media representatives last Friday, he said that the government is committed to a free press as enshrined in our Constitution, but that we need to guard against "foreign spies". In Monday's newspapers we see that the ANC is concerned that whistleblowers are undermining them. We can understand the President's paranoia regarding spies, given what is going on in his own party, but we would love the President to give us examples of these countless poor people who are defamed and need this drastic government intervention.
Mr Speaker, we are not fooled. The media tribunal is to protect the ANC and its cronies, and no-one else. [Laughter.] And here's a novel thought: If the ANC conducted itself in a way that was beyond reproach, there would be nothing to expose, now would there?
Thirdly, other essential pillars of democratic government are the independence of the judiciary and the separation of powers. When a political party has to take court action resulting from a judge conducting a political witch-hunt at the behest of the most senior member of a provincial executive, then we are treading on dangerous ground - even more so when that member of the executive is held in such high esteem by the ruling party that he now represents our country as an ambassador in one of the most influential countries of the world.
When a premier has to go to court to enforce her constitutional right to be part of a committee discussing the alleged interference of a High Court judge in a Constitutional Court case, we are quite justified in assuming that the said commission is taking into account considerations that are not based on judicial principles. And this is the very commission that is supposed to be choosing independent judges!
Of course, the fact that the premier won both court actions is a positive sign that there are still judges who are independent, but it appears that they are becoming fewer and fewer.
A vital part of an independent judicial system is the impartiality of the National Director of Public Prosecutions and its ability to exercise its constitutional mandate without fear, favour or prejudice. The ousting of Vusi Pikoli as the National Director of Public Prosecutions, NDPP, in favour of a man who has proven himself unfit in every respect other than having the distinguished qualification of being a supporter of Jacob Zuma, goes to show just how far the President will go to protect himself and his cronies from criminal charges, and the disdain with which he regards our democracy when it does not suit his purposes.
Fourthly, the ongoing assault on property rights enshrined in the Constitution is causing untold damage to our democracy, not to mention our economy, and the more uncertainty there is, the less productivity and the less external investment we shall see. It is a lose-lose situation.
So, Mr Speaker, at the moment we are unfortunately in serious danger of losing all the ground we have gained since the advent of democracy. It is the responsibility of each one of us to stand up for the democratic principles for which so many fought for so long and which can so quickly be destroyed by the short-sighted actions of people whose own interests are their only priority. If we do not do this, we will not have a future worth thinking about. [Applause.]
Speaker, hon Ministers, hon members and members of the public in the gallery, firstly, I just want to say that it seems as if members who are participating internationally, particularly those from the opposition, really do not understand why they should be part and parcel of those bilaterals that we are having.
I also want to highlight the issue of Zimbabwe that was raised by hon Mokgalapa. The hon member was part and parcel of the delegation that went to Botswana last year to celebrate the very same day. He had a platform to speak in that conference and didn't mention what he was saying today.
In fact, the way he was discussing the issues, nobody believed that he had come from an opposition party. Judging by the way he was stating the issues, it was clear that he was either a member of the ANC or a member of South Africa. [Interjections.]
I'm not dreaming. I know that he has to please certain members of the opposition today. [Interjections.] [Applause.] But I also want to indicate from the outset that whenever we attend these international forums, nobody speaks like a member of an opposition party because we have agreed that when we go, we go as a South African delegation. [Interjections.]
I was very surprised today because some of the members of the opposition came and knocked at my office with the understanding that I am the one who decides on the delegation. Unfortunately I am not. I just request the members from their Chief Whips. It is their Chief Whips who allocate the members to the delegation, so they must never again come to my office to ask me to negotiate on their behalf so that they can be part of the delegation. [Interjections.]
I think the hon members from the opposition must understand the sovereignty of each and every country. As South Africa, we can share views and ideas on how we achieved democracy and it's up to those countries to decide on how they should achieve the same in their own countries. In terms of the diplomacy in Zimbabwe, today Zimbabwe has a government of unity.
In 1994 when the ANC was voted in by the people of this country, even though it got an absolute majority, we catered for other political parties to be part of the Government of National Unity so that, at the end of the day, they can understand whom we are talking about when we talk about the majority of this country. Today they are here in the opposition benches because the ANC has allowed them to be recognised as opposition members. [Interjections.] If it was not for the ANC, you would not even be opening your mouths this time. [Interjections.]
Order, order, hon members!
In terms of the diplomacy in Zimbabwe, today I can say there is peace in Zimbabwe because the three political parties are working together. [Interjections.] Yes, you can say it is rubbish. However, the member from the DA who serves in the SADC Parliamentary Forum cannot say that because he was part and parcel of the SADC Parliamentary Forum that was addressed by President Robert Mugabe. Later it was addressed by Prime Minister Tsvangirai. All of them were saying that they are very happy about the way South Africa, particularly the ANC, has led them to that government of unity. [Applause.]
It is surprising because some of the members used to say nobody wants to go to Zimbabwe. But when we were going to Zimbabwe and Zambia, all the flights were fully booked. Even the hotels were fully booked, and there were a lot of members who were there touring in Zimbabwe and Zambia. But today you come here and I do not know on whose behalf you are speaking. [Interjections.]
Let me advise the hon Greyling that ...
Speaker, would the hon member take a question about Zimbabwe?
After I have finished I will take the question.
Hon members, I want to remind hon Greyling regarding the issue of the report by the independent experts. I think the hon member must not assign the responsibility to the executive. That report is supposed to be discussed by this Parliament, and the members of this Parliament have to implement the recommendations from that report.
It is the responsibility of this House to do the oversight over the executive, therefore what he must understand is that whenever one points a finger at other people, the other fingers are pointing at him or herself. [Interjections.]
With regard to the issue of the media tribunal, the ANC has come up with a proposal that this issue must be investigated. I don't know where you got the information that we have already decided, because we said we need to investigate. [Interjections.]
I think people must understand the policies of the ANC and how we debate issues in the ANC. Everybody has a right to say something in the ANC, unlike in other political parties. [Interjections.] That's the unfortunate part of it.
In terms of the subject that we were dealing with today, I just want to mention the achievements, because of my time limit, that we have attained as Parliament. One, we were able to have International Women's Day and Africa Day celebrations. As Parliament we were also able to hold a joint Parliamentary Group on International Relations, PGIR, and focus group workshops where members reported on what they have been discussing in those international forums.
We also had a training workshop on the SADC Parliamentary Forum, SADC-PF, election observation mission. We also had a women's parliament on millennium development goals which is part and parcel of the international programme. We also had bilaterals with various countries during the Inter- Parliamentary Union, IPU, and SADC-PF.
These bilaterals are part and parcel of promoting human rights and democracy. I believe that in future we will continue to formally establish parliament-to-parliament relations in order to make sure that the continent and the world finally achieve peace and stability.
I also want to highlight the issue of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, and the United Nations. As Parliament we participate in that structure and we have members that attended the IPU-UN forum. In that forum the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the World Bank gave a briefing on their intentions on the transformation of these institutions.
I also want to highlight the way that the members who attended that forum deliberated on the matter, including hon George from the DA. Members from other countries proposed to the Speaker that they want to come to South Africa to learn how we are dealing with issues of oversight. [Interjections.] That is why we have always received a lot of members from various countries who have come to learn about what we are doing in South Africa.
I want to thank all members who participated in these international forums for working together as a South African delegation. I also thank the South African embassies for their warm welcome and hospitality which they gave to our delegates. I want to say to this House, before I sit down, that there is a member that I have not seen smiling in this House. But when we were in Thailand, it was a first for me to see that at least the member has teeth! [Laughter.] Today matters related to trade, peace and security, climate change and human rights, to name a few, need to be addressed by our Parliament so that we do not diminish the gains made in achieving social cohesion and good governance.
I am not going to name and shame that person because the Speaker knows exactly who that member is. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Speaker, I rise on a point of order in terms of Rule 66.
In the course of this debate, the hon Mrs Schfer, referring to the National Director of Public Prosecutions, indicated that he is not fit to hold office. Now, in terms of Rule 66, no member of this House may reflect upon the honour or competence of a judge of a superior court or the holder of any other office whose removal is dependent upon this House, except upon a substantive motion. I request that she withdraws those comments.
Hon member, I will check the Hansard and I will come back with a ruling on that matter.
Debate concluded.