Chairperson, chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co- operation, hon members of the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation, Your Excellencies, ambassadors, high commissioners and representatives of international organisations, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, fellow South Africans, comrades and friends:
We are standing in an incredibly privileged position today, where we can witness Africa's epic comeback. We are all aware of Africa's history. Many of us have even been closely intertwined with Africa's struggles, pain and suffering. But today we can stand here and proudly watch Africa finally rising. There is no doubt that these are only the first rays of light, glorious Africa is yet to reveal itself.
These are the words of President Jacob Zuma at an Africa Dialogue event organised by the DTI recently in Sun City.
Hon members, today we stand before you to say - and proudly so - that South Africa is one of the rays of light of this glorious Africa that is revealing itself. We are on course towards creating a better South Africa, contributing to a better and safer Africa and world.
We have been building on our achievements and lessons learnt on the foreign policy front since 1994 through an approach based on both continuity and change. We continued to consolidate our strategic advances and areas of strength in our foreign policy and, at the same time, found novel and innovative approaches in improving on our work by tackling new challenges. Eighteen years on, since 1994, our country is standing tall in the global family of nations.
This is the task of the Department of International Relations and Co- operation. We execute this task by enhancing continental development and integration, with a focus on South Africa's role in consolidating the African agenda. This includes Southern African Development Community, SADC, integration; the promotion of peace and security in Africa; the advancement of South Africa's national interests through the enhancement of South-South and North-South co-operation; as well as the advancement of South Africa's national interests through participation in institutions of global governance.
In the past year, the department managed to achieve milestones with the budget allocation passed by this House. We do our work within the constraints imposed on us by limited financial and human resources, as well as conditions prevailing in the world, including the international balance of forces, which are not always favourable with regard to the pursuit of our vision of a better South Africa, Africa and world. The period we live in today is fraught with significant challenges that affect the entire human race.
When our forebears formed the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, almost 50 years ago, they gave the people of this continent hope in their struggle against colonial rule and the pursuit of the right to self-determination. When our leaders transformed the OAU 10 years ago into the African Union, AU, they gave our people more hope in their quest for democracy, development and a continent free of war, poverty, ignorance and disease. South Africa was there when the OAU was formed, represented by the leadership of our national liberation movement. The AU was formed in this country in the city of Durban, with South Africa as a full member. Africa is the centrepiece of our foreign policy today and will continue to be so.
It is our considered view, based on the experience of the first 10 years, that the AU must do more in focusing on the development of the continent. Furthermore, the AU must do more to eradicate conflict on our continent by providing African solutions to African problems; build sustainable economies and enhance continental interconnectivity through infrastructure, in particular; consolidate democracy in our respective countries; provide a better life for all our people; accelerate our integration in all spheres; advance and defend the interests of Africa in global affairs; and, with 2010 to 2020 being declared by the AU as the Decade of Women, develop and implement clear programmes to ensure the emancipation - true emancipation - of this sector of our population. You emancipate the women, you emancipate the people of Africa.
It is with these noble ideals in mind that we accepted with humility the request by the southern region of the AU, particularly the SADC, to field Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma for the position of chairperson of the AU Commission. If Dr Dlamini-Zuma is elected to this position, the southern region will be given an opportunity for the first time in the five decades since the formation of the OAU and AU to contribute at the highest level of the AU. This will also affirm the principle of rotation and regional representation, which is entrenched in the internal democratic processes of the AU.
Together with the southern region and the SADC, we are working with the government of Malawi for the successful hosting of the July summit of the AU in our region. We are in solidarity with the people of Malawi on the passing of their president, His Excellency Prof Bingu wa Mutharika, and, once again, congratulate Her Excellency Madame Joyce Banda on her elevation to being the first female president in our region and the second in Africa.
The last summit of the AU that took place in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in January this year, focused on what we must do to promote intra-African trade and infrastructure development on our continent. Our President continues to chair the AU-Nepad Presidential Infrastructure Championing Initiative and is responsible for championing the North-South Road and Rail Corridor project. Addressing the infrastructure backlog on our continent will be a giant step towards guaranteeing a better life for all Africans and future generations yet unborn.
The SADC-East African Community-Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, SADC-EAC-Comesa, tripartite formation is testimony to how regional economic communities, RECs, can serve as building blocks for the unity and integration of our continent. Recent events in Mali and Guinea-Bissau remind us of the challenges still before us, as well as the fragility of democracy, peace and stability on our continent. In this regard, we are at one with the Economic Community of West African States, Ecowas, and the AU in rejecting unconstitutional changes of government and secessionist tendencies. We have availed ourselves to the government of Mali to provide the necessary support for their transition. We support the ongoing Ecowas and AU mediation efforts in Guinea-Bissau to resolve the situation there. We urge the Bissauan military to allow its people to continue with the electoral processes of electing a new a president.
In the past year, South Africa continued to contribute to peace and security in Africa, utilising, in particular, our second tenure as a nonpermanent member of the UN Security Council and our membership of the AU Peace and Security Council and the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security.
Nepad has been our flagship programme on the development front and the African Peer Review Mechanism, APRM, provides us with a concrete example of how we can help each other, in a constructive way, to build and consolidate democratic institutions in our respective countries. In this regard, I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate our former Deputy President and the national chairperson of the ANC on her appointment to the Africa Peer Review Panel of Eminent Persons for a four-year period. Over the past year, Nepad has been celebrating its first decade of existence. Today Nepad has been fully integrated into the AU structures, processes and programmes. Looking forward, besides focusing on infrastructure in attaining regional integration and opening up intra- African trade, Nepad is emphasising the importance of self-reliance and of mobilising the domestic resources that are available.
South Africa remains committed to supporting the implementation of Nepad and we will continue to provide a home for both the Nepad Planning and Co- ordinating Agency, NPCA, and the APRM Secretariat. We will also ensure that we meet all our commitments in this regard.
Similarly, the draft protocol of the Pan-African Parliament, PAP, which seeks to make this institution more effective, is in the process of being validated. It will then be submitted to the Heads of State Summit in 2012. South Africa will continue to discharge its host country responsibilities to the PAP. However, we should all remain concerned with the possible but difficult attainment by African states of the Millennium Development Goals, MDGs, as our continent is the region of the world least likely to meet these basic targets.
The SADC region is progressing well in the areas of peace and security. We have proudly and successfully held elections in the Seychelles, Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC. These are signs pointing in the right direction for the political future of the SADC. In our relations with our neighbours, we continue to engage at the level of heads of state through diplomatic consultation. We also continue to consolidate our relations through binational commissions.
As member states of the SADC, we remain seized with finding a lasting solution to some of the challenges in our region. Deputy Minister Fransman, as our special envoy in Madagascar, will elaborate on the progress we are making there on a roadmap to return Madagascar to constitutional normalcy. We continue to work with the leadership and people of Zimbabwe for the full implementation of the Global Political Agreement in that country. In this regard, we work together through the framework determined by the SADC.
We take this opportunity to wish the people of Lesotho all the best as they prepare for national elections on 26 May and we trust that this democratic process will usher in new hope for them. In the context of the Joint Bilateral Commission, JBC, we continue to engage with the authorities in Swaziland to address their domestic challenges.
As predicted, the war in Libya has brought about the undermining of peace and security in that region. However, we continue to engage with the leadership of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya with a view to sharing our experiences - we are always ready to do that - as they continue to build their democratic processes. We will share our experiences in transitional justice and constitution-making, among others.
As I have said earlier, the fallout in Libya has compromised security in the Sahel region, in particular in countries such as Chad, Niger, Mauritania and Mali. These countries are at the receiving end of the impact of the disappearance of arms from Libyan military depots and the return of migrants from Libya into those countries. South Africa has heeded the call by these countries for humanitarian relief and interventions in areas where we would be able to work with them for the consolidation of peace, democracy and justice in those countries.
We remain seized with the issue of the status of the people of Western Sahara. We will continue to support the peace efforts of the AU and the United Nations in that area.
Our relations with sister countries of Central Africa are another top priority on our agenda. The same goes for our relations with the countries of West Africa. In this regard, we pledge our solidarity in particular with our strategic ally and partner, Nigeria. We pledge solidarity with the government and people of Nigeria in their struggle to defeat the menace of terrorism.
We must also use this opportunity to once again congratulate the people of Senegal on a very successful election, as well as His Excellency Macky Sall on his election as the new president of Senegal.
In the Horn of Africa, we remain concerned about the tension between Sudan and South Sudan. South Africa participated as a special invitee in the meeting concluded at midnight on 23 April 2012, which was presided over by the AU Peace and Security Council. We remain confidant and hopeful that the mediation processes of the AU through the AU High-Level Implementation Panel, Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, the AU Peace and Security Council and the UN Security Council will yield positive results towards restoring normalcy in that part of our continent. South Sudan, the smallest and newest state on our continent, needs to be given space to develop.
In Somalia we worked closely with our SADC neighbours to intervene at a time when that part of our continent experienced famine. We have also had the opportunity to interact with the president of the Transitional Federal Government, TFG. I recently hosted my counterpart, the Foreign Minister of Somalia, under the TFG. South Africa pledged R100 million towards capacity- building and skills development, particularly in the recently liberated areas. We believe that this pledge will help rebuild the country, support efforts of the TFG and complement the noble security contribution made by the forces of African Union Mission in Somalia, Amisom, and Ethiopian and Kenyan troops.
Another result of the instability in Somalia has been the growing scourge of piracy. In this regard, I wish to pay homage to our compatriots held captive in Mali and Somalia. I want to say to Steven McGowan, Bruno Pelizzari, Deborah Calitz and their respective families: "We are with you and we are following the situation you are in." Furthermore, finding and returning the remains of our late compatriot, Anton Hammerl, in Libya remains our priority.
The growing importance of Asia and the Middle East in the global economy cannot be overemphasised, especially in the context of the current global financial crisis. The Middle East is also on the global peace and security agenda, at the centre of which is the Israel-Palestine conflict. The South African government supports a two-state solution, with Palestine and Israel existing side by side peacefully.
We regard to Syria, we welcomed the announcement by the Syrian government to accept the proposals of the United Nations and the Arab League, particularly those of the former UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, for the restoration of peace in that particular country. Deputy Minister Ebrahim will elaborate on what we are doing there. South Africa continues to support the monitors that are sent there by the former UN Secretary- General. South Africa continues to encourage the peaceful resolution of disputes surrounding the nuclear programme of Iran and encourages further discussion and negotiation in that regard.
The India, Brazil, South Africa dialogue forum continues to play its unique role as a body bringing together three democracies of the South from three different continents. The Brazil, Russia, China, and India, Bric, partnership mechanism is another good example of South-South co-operation. President Zuma and his delegation have just returned from a very successful summit in India. South Africa will be hosting the fifth Brics summit in 2013.
Our membership of Brics has three objectives in mind, namely to advance our national interests as outlined in the President's recent state of the nation address, to promote our regional integration programme and related continental infrastructure programmes, and to partner with key players of the South on issues related to global governance and its reform. As hosts of the next Brics summit, we have a contribution to make - a historic contribution, for that matter - to the realisation of the objective of establishing the Brics Development Bank.
Equally, we remain committed, as part of our South-South agenda, to our relations with countries of South and Central America, as well as those in the Caribbean. Furthermore, we continue to support the international call for the lifting of the US-imposed economic embargo on Cuba.
South Africa has been given the distinct honour of hosting the historic African Diaspora Summit, which will take place next month, on 25 May. This summit will help create sustainable partnerships between the African Diaspora and the African continent through a realisable programme of action; create sustainable dialogue and partnerships with Africa and the people in the diaspora; and promote South-South co-operation for the betterment of the African continent.
Ties with the United States of America are one building block of our partnership with the countries of the North. We will continue with our strategic dialogue through the US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton. We will be hosting the next dialogue forum with her here in South Africa. Canada is another North American partner whose contribution to our economy and national priorities we continue to appreciate.
Europe remains South Africa's partner in terms of trade, investment, tourism, technical co-operation and development partnerships. Despite the economic challenges experienced in that part of the world, we continue to consolidate relations with all the member countries, in particular the European Union as a bloc, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Russia and the Nordic countries. Increasingly, the Central and Eastern European countries are also contributing in this regard.
Hon Minister, you have five minutes. Thank you.
We are humbled that Japan continues to strengthen its partnership with South Africa and the rest of the world, despite their current hardships brought about by the tsunami.
South Africa believes firmly in multilateralism and that our institutions of global governance must be reformed with a view to making them more representative and sensitive to the interests of the developing countries, as outlined in the 66th Session of the UN General Assembly.
South Africa continues to support the candidacy of the Finance Minister of Nigeria for the position of the presidency of the World Bank. Though she did not win this position, we nevertheless were convinced that this process should go on merit. In the same vein, we want to take this opportunity to congratulate the new President of the World Bank.
Our nonpermanent membership of the UN Security Council continues to consolidate our African agenda, with our President occupying the chairmanship of the UN Security Council for the month of January. During our President's chairmanship, we unanimously adopted a resolution on the co- ordination of peace and security work on the continent. We also adopted Resolution 2033. South Africa will continue to champion the African agenda, even in other minilateralists like the G20.
We would also like to take this opportunity to thank members of the interministerial committee for the preparations for and hosting of COP 17, in particular the Department of Water and Environmental Affairs and South Africans at large. We managed to adopt the historic Durban Platform for Enhanced Action and preserve the Kyoto Protocol. We continue to be the chair of COP 17 until we hand over the presidency and will defend the gains of the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action until we hand over in Qatar later this year.
South Africa, led by the Department of Water and Environmental Affairs, will be attending the Rio+20 summit remembering that in between this and Rio 1992 there was Durban and the 10th anniversary of the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg. We are also mindful of the fact that our President was the Chair of the Global Sustainability Panel of the UN Security Council.
The Department of International Relations and Co-operation continues to implement on our mandate, informed by the spirit of working as "Team Dirco". We also champion the "I am a true South African diplomat" motto. Our protocol branch in the department continues to work with all other sector departments to ensure that we host successful conferences and summits in this country.
South Africa continues to champion the African agenda through the African Renaissance Fund, which will be dissolved into the SA Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa, later in the year.
Today, many countries in our region that are former colonies of Portugal are celebrating 30-odd years of their freedom resulting from the Carnation Revolution. I want to refer, in particular, to the independence of Angola and Mozambique in 1975, which opened a new chapter for our struggle for freedom. We take this opportunity to also thank all other countries and the AU for the role they played with regard to our freedom. As we acknowledge the role played by Algeria in our struggle for freedom, we also extend our condolences to the people of Algeria on the passing away of their first democratically elected president, His Excellency Ahmed Ben Bella. May his soul rest in peace.
Let me conclude by saying that as many of our country celebrate the 50th anniversary of the OAU next year, we should remember what our stalwart and late ANC president, O R Tambo, said to the Liberation Committee in Arusha, Tanzania:
Africa is pledged to the total liberation of our continent. Accordingly, she has an obligation to continue to mobilise the necessary political and material resources to ensure that this objective is achieved in Namibia and South Africa. The OAU, itself an eminent product of Africa's liberation, remains the one vehicle we have at our disposal to co- ordinate and mobilise this continental effort aimed at the completion of the task of finally expunging colonialism and racist domination from our continent, consolidating our independence and proceeding with our development programme.
Yes, I can confirm that with South Africa and Namibia now free, Africa is indeed on the rise. [Applause.]
House Chair, hon members, hon Minister, Excellencies, ambassadors and members of the diplomatic corps present, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, I greet you all. Minister, it is only proper for me to congratulate you on your reflective and forward-looking speech, which, of course, will set the tone for the work that the department will be doing in the course of the coming year.
Let me start by expressing my sincere condolences, and those of the committee, to the people of Malawi on the passing of their President, Bingu wa Mutharika, and also congratulating Her Excellency Joyce Banda on her assumption of the presidency of Malawi.
I have observed that again this financial year the department will be faced with implementing its mammoth task with ever more meagre and limited financial resources and within the constraints imposed by prevailing conditions in the global economic sphere. Let me take this opportunity to acknowledge the announcements regarding the two major policy initiatives, which include the establishment of the SA Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa, and the legal framework in the form of the Foreign Service Bill.
Minister, we share your conviction that Sadpa must indeed fundamentally work differently from the traditionally colonial donor-recipient practice, where conditionality is imposed on beneficiaries without their involvement and without due regard for the peculiarity of their own conditions. Indeed, Sadpa must operate in partnership with beneficiary countries and create synergies for mutual benefit that must also assist in addressing our domestic challenges. We will pay particular attention to the command and governance structure of Sadpa in an effort to assist and support the department in navigating the pitfalls so evident in the functioning of state-owned enterprises.
With regard to the Foreign Service Bill, we have noted, and consequently appreciate, that the Department of International Relations and Co-Operation operates in an international environment that may not be adequately covered by the current Public Service Act, hence the need for a legal framework that will cater for the uniqueness of its operations and the peculiarities of its mandate. As such, the department is assured of the committee's support for its ongoing efforts in addressing this particular matter.
High on the agenda, as guided by the President's 2012 state of the nation address, is the promotion of intra-Africa trade and infrastructure development, which must serve as catalysts for economic upheaval and job creation and provide the necessary interconnectivity on the continent to facilitate intra-Africa trade. These are also our own national priorities, which of course also constitute common challenges across the region and the continent.
The Southern African Development Community, SADC, should strive to be seen to be the face of Nepad, and South Africa should indeed encourage countries in the region to join in the voluntary assessment processes offered by the African Peer Review Mechanism, APRM, initiative. In this vein I wish to congratulate the national chairperson of the ANC, Comrade Baleka Mbethe, on her appointment to the APRM Panel of Eminent Persons.
South Africa assumed the stewardship of the SADC Troika in August 2011. We have noted the hard work that has gone towards finding a lasting solution to the political crisis in Madagascar. We have also noted the considerable progress made with regard to the creation of the Independent Electoral Commission and the Amnesty Bill.
South Africa's tenure in the Security Council has been marked with success, including the adoption of Resolution 2033, which sought to strengthen and promote the Security Council's co-operation with regional organisations, particularly the African Union's Peace and Security Council. In light of recent events in Libya and Cte d'Ivoire, in particular, insufficient consultation with peace and security institutions in the different regions has blurred the role that the Security Council played. Instead, we have witnessed the brazen pursuit of national and strategic interests of individual members of the P5 and, through the clamour for regime changes under the auspices of the Security Council, indeed often at a very high cost to human life and the future stability of countries and regions.
Of particular concern is the proliferation of weapons in the Middle East and North Africa. Some members of the P5, in co-operation with some rich countries in the Middle East, injected huge amounts of arms and money, either directly or indirectly through their proxies, into that conflict- ridden part of the region. Once the proverbial dust has settled and these powers have achieved their military goals, it is left to the locals, with the support of their regional police, to clean up the mess afterwards. By this time, the warmongers have found another target for pacification. In this regard, South Africa's principled belief in the peaceful resolution of conflicts is commendable and will continue to receive our unqualified support. Naturally, those who are nave enough to believe that military interventions can bring about sustainable and lasting peace and stability will, as they have done in the past, oppose this position and seek to discredit our country's foreign policy. They, in collaboration with or with the support of detractors of our country, have dabbled in verbal theatrics, ranging from calling our country's foreign policy "flip-flop" to being anti human rights. Curiously, though, they have remained silent on the gross violations visited on the landless Palestinians and the Saharawi populations, that are suffering a similar fate.
South Africa has remained steadfast in her support for the right to self- determination and statehood of the Palestinian people, living side by side and in peace with Israel. This peace will remain elusive until the fundamental grievance of the Palestinian people is addressed. The condition of this occupied people has progressively worsened and a negotiated settlement on the final status issues has equally remained elusive.
The continued construction of illegal settlements, which has become the trademark of the Israeli land grab, only serves to undermine the realistic potential for the existence of a Palestinian state by creating new facts on the ground. The peace process must be revived to deal with the final status issues. A negotiated settlement is as much in the interest of Israel as it is in the interest of the Palestinians.
While we celebrate the birth of the state of South Sudan as the youngest member of the African Union, AU, we are extremely concerned about the raging conflict between South Sudan and her northern neighbour. I want to repeat the call that South Africa and the AU must continue with the process in search of a long-term, sustainable solution to the outstanding issues of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA, and call on the governments of both the north and the south of Sudan to return to the negotiating table.
The plight of the Saharawi people in Western Sahara is the risk of being swept off the radar of the international community. South Africa's proposal in the Security Council for the establishment of a human rights mechanism, meant to monitor and report on alleged human rights abuses perpetrated against the Saharawi people in Western Sahara, is correct and should have received support in the Security Council. It is tragic, though, that some members of the council, in particular the regime change architects in the P5, did not support this call. This, once again, is another proverbial elephant in the room of the multilateral system, with its hypocrisy and subjection of universal human rights issues to the narrow, self-serving and neocolonial agendas of foreign colonisers. South Africa must remain the voice of conscience in the multilateral system and keep these issues on the agenda of the council until they are eventually supported.
I have noted with a great sense of comfort that South Africa continues to keep alive the debate on the reform of the global system of governance, in particular the Security Council and the Bretton Woods institutions. I am aware that South Africa is actively lobbying the G20 to afford sub-Saharan Africa a greater voice in the governance of the International Monetary Fund, IMF, by allocating a third IMF board chair to the region.
On the developments in Iran, South Africa has indeed maintained its stance in the United Nations Security Council, UNSC, also with regard to its commitment to democracy, human rights, sustainable development, social justice and environmental protection. South Africa is a responsible producer, processor and trader of defence-related products and advanced technologies. South Africa is against the irresponsible proliferation of small arms and ammunition and, of course, an activist against all forms of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction. While our country supports the right of all states to nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, it believes that this should be done under the auspices of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
We commend your handling of the issues pertaining to Iran and Syria with an appreciation of and sensitivity to the complexities and their centrality to the strategic and geopolitical dynamics of the Middle East.
We are keenly observing the negotiations for the continuation of the African Growth and Opportunity Act, Agoa, beyond 2015 and view this as being a crucial socioeconomic and political issue for our country. All necessary efforts must be brought to bear on securing this extension.
Partnerships with the countries of the South are critical to advance not only South Africa's own developmental needs but also the African agenda more broadly. Participation in the India-Brazil-South Africa, Ibsa, forum is important as a vehicle for transforming global governance in favour of the collective interests of the South.
Of course, South Africa's membership of Brics brings hope to Africa. It is gratifying that at a recent meeting of the Brics finance ministers in Washington the idea of having a working group established to pursue the idea of a Brics bank was indeed tossed about. I personally support this idea. There is indeed an opportunity cost to Brics states if the idea of a Brics bank is not pursued.
Relations with the strategic formations of the North will remain very important as a conduit for promoting the African agenda and that of the countries of the South. The European Union in this instance is South Africa's largest donor of official developmental assistance and direct investment. This relationship should indeed be utilised to achieve both our national and continental projects under the Nepad programme.
We have observed that the Public Diplomacy and Protocol Services programme has again received a reduced share of the budget. The importance of public diplomacy cannot be overemphasised. A comprehensive, aggressive and target- driven communications strategy is needed to conduct a fearless campaign on the activities of the department in furtherance of the country's foreign policy.
It is, of course, with great satisfaction that we have noted that a distinguished South African will be fielded by the SADC region as a candidate for the strategic position of chairperson of the African Union Commission. Africa is our beloved continent and it is indeed in our national interest to meaningfully contribute to strengthening the structures of the continental organisation. We have committed to doing exactly that. We, like the rest of the SADC region, have no doubt that the hon Minister of Home Affairs, Ms Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, is the ideal candidate. This would be a gesture to give the Southern Africa region an opportunity to contribute to the AU at the highest level and in line, of course, with the AU declaration of 2010-2020 as the "Decade for Women" to ensure gender equity at the highest level of these continental organisations.
In two days we will once again be celebrating our freedom from institutionalised apartheid and its brutal manifestations. When we do so, we must be mindful of the fact that the majority of our people still experience discrimination on a daily basis. While significant progress has been made by this ANC-led government, the fundamental contradictions that mainly constitute the national grievances of our own people still permeate their everyday lives. In this context, our international relations and co- operation is not an end in itself but an instrument of the revolution that must help us to overcome our domestic challenges and achieve this national democratic revolution.
When we celebrate our 18 years of freedom and 100 years of the ANC's struggle and selfless sacrifice, we must do so cognisant of the fact that our liberation from apartheid was in part possible because the international community supported our struggle through, among others, public condemnation of apartheid, making the system unprofitable and providing material and moral support to the liberation struggle.
While acknowledging the battalions of thousands of supporters for our cause the world over, I want to single out the courageous island nation of Cuba, who, because of their revolutionary spirit of internationalism and solidarity, made enormous sacrifices and paid a very high price in the form of financial and material resources and the loss of human lives. In battles against the former SADF and Unita rebels, 2 016 Cuban soldiers lost their lives. It is against this backdrop that we can never ever forget the contribution made by the Cuban people to our revolution. [Applause.]
In conclusion, I want to reiterate the point that history has bequeathed to our country the responsibility of internationalism and solidarity. South Africa, being herself a beneficiary of such human virtue, has to continue to highlight the plight of the people of Cuba, who continue to suffer from a unilateral embargo imposed on them for being audacious in, among others, fighting terror groups hellbent on overthrowing the Cuban revolution. To this end, five Cubans languish in US jails for infiltrating US-based armed terror groups and providing their government with information that arguably saved the lives of thousands of Cubans.
Lastly, more broadly, history has indeed bequeathed to South Africa the responsibility to be the champion for global justice, peace and freedom, and the voice of conscience against human rights violations irrespective of who the perpetrators are. I commend the Budget Vote. [Applause.]
Mr Chairman, it is my intention this afternoon not to comment on specific aspects of the budget, but rather to reflect on a number of events that have taken place and the consequent policy implications. Of course, because of the limited time I can reflect on a certain number of events only. There is no doubt in my mind that South Africa's second term as a member of the UN Security Council has been seen to be far more successful than its first. South Africa has what some might call an "eclectic" foreign policy: a policy that is sometimes value-driven and at other times interest-driven. It's not that the two are mutually exclusive but, if not skilfully executed with smart diplomacy, that eclecticism can lead to international misunderstanding, inconsistencies and even contradictions.
As the White Paper on South Africa's Foreign Policy points out, since 1994 the international community has looked to South Africa on many occasions to play a leading role in championing values of human rights, democracy, reconciliation and the eradication of poverty. These are core values reflected in our own Constitution. South Africa's first term as a member of the Security Council was not uncontroversial, with perhaps the low point being reached when South Africa, contrary to its human rights values, voted against a resolution condemning Myanmar for its human rights abuses. International observers do not concern themselves so much with what countries profess in national policy documents, but with their actions. It is here where we have at times, I think, got the balance wrong between our value-driven approach and our interest-driven approach.
Post 1994, Africa has been at the centre of South Africa's foreign policy. Our high profile in global affairs has not only been drawn from our peaceful transition and human rights-based Constitution but also from our close alignment with Africa. The latter has been used by the developed world to assume that South Africa, in this context, can speak for the continent as a whole, and in the past we have been a useful interlocutor. However, in the case of the post-election stand-off in the Ivory Coast, South Africa's value-driven approach took strain. In the process, our credibility was put at risk, both as interlocutor and driver of the African Agenda. Our position was indecisive, badly communicated and somewhat contradictory to our value set.
Initially, South Africa seemed to have flirted with the idea of supporting Gbagbo and, when the UN Security Council tried to force Gbagbo from power by ordering sanctions and demanding that power be handed over to Alassane Ouattaro - who was recognised by the international community as the winner of the election - South Africa demurred, pushing rather for a negotiated settlement. Eventually, South Africa had to accept the AU's original position that Ouattaro be installed, but in the process we were compromised.
Libya has also presented a challenge to us and our African agenda. Faced with the many human rights violations in Libya, South Africa correctly supported resolution 1973 at the Security Council. This position was in line with both the Arab League's position and article 4H of the AU Founding Act, which gave the right to member states to intervene in a country's internal affairs in grave circumstances such as war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.
The resolution, invoking the "responsibility to protect" doctrine, authorised a no-fly zone but also authorised member states to take all necessary measures to protect civilians under attack in Libya. In the context of a spiralling death toll, Nato started bombing.
Now, I understand South Africa's irritation in this regard, particularly as President Zuma was in the process of leading the AU's mediation efforts in Libya. However, well into the conflict no results were forthcoming and as a result of these efforts, it is questionable as to whether Gaddafi had any serious intention to negotiate.
One of the debates around the "responsibility to protect" doctrine is when to step up the nature of the intervention from diplomatic to sanctions and to other forms of intervention. As with Libya, I see that cycle presenting itself again in respect of Syria, where negotiations have once again stumbled and the death toll is rising. We will see a debate continuing in that context.
The perception of Libya being another failure of South Africa's African agenda needs to be examined and it is through this prism that we need to examine another threat: the Zimbabwean situation. Once again, South Africa has favoured the "quiet diplomacy" approach rather than the route of negotiation. The DA has had serious differences with the government in its approach to solving the Zimbabwean issue, as we have seen that country slide in the process from being the bread basket of the region to being the basket case. We are, however, fully supportive of the road map that has finally emerged. The road map addresses issues such as the constitution- making process, media reforms, electoral reforms, restoration of the rule of law, freedom of assembly and the actual election process. I commend the Minister when she stated quite categorically in her address to the portfolio committee that this government stands fully behind the road map and its chronological order. However, I am of the view that we are still going to be challenged by these things in Zimbabwe. I hope not.
Africa is fast emerging from the shadows of the world stage and with this emergence it is revealing that it is a highly diverse, complex and complicated continent. Not only is there a Francophone-Anglophone divide, but there is a North-South divide, big-small divide, a developing-least developed divide and, of course, ethnic and religious divides.
To the extent that Africa still needs interlocutors, others are emerging, foremost of which is Nigeria, which will continue to pose a challenge to South Africa. Nigeria is also a contender for an African permanent seat at the UN Security Council. Its economy is growing rapidly, and at present rates of growth Nigeria will overtake South Africa as Africa's biggest economy within a decade. It is also noticeable that on all major issues that I have alluded to, Nigeria has been foremost in taking a contrary view to that of our own. It has been quite open about its own African agenda and in this context I am advised that over 50 percent of the senior staff members at the African Union headquarters are Nigerians.
This rivalry has played itself out again in the recent failed attempt to elect a chairperson for the AU commission. While South Africa celebrated the nonelection of Jean Ping, it was Nigeria that claimed the victory of defeating South Africa's attempt. Nigeria was foremost in opposing South Africa's candidate, citing the grounds that the top five members should not be presenting candidates for the top position. There is no doubt that it is a smokescreen. The DA believes that Dr Dlamini-Zuma would be an excellent candidate and in this context she has our full support. [Applause.]
I note that South Africa has indicated that in Lilongwe she is again going to be put forward for that position and we wish her well in that regard. My concern is that she may well be rebuffed again, which may be seen as a major setback for South Africa and its African agenda.
I doubt whether South Africa's apology to Nigeria in the diplomatic row over the barring of 125 Nigerians from entering South Africa is going to persuade Nigeria to change its attitude in the elections. On this issue, let me say that I think South Africa's action of barring entry to those Nigerians was entirely appropriate. There are strict visa requirements between South Africa and Nigeria, part of which is the requirement of a valid yellow fever vaccine certificate. Perhaps the Minister would explain why such an apology was issued.
While South Africa's value-driven approach has met various challenges in Africa and the AU, it has managed to drive its interest agenda very well in such fora as the G20, Brics and Ibsa. The latter two proved particularly useful for South Africa to gain allies in its campaign for the reform of the UN and other international organisations. This is a position that we are in support of completely. It has also used these fora to advance the interests of Africa in global issues, more particularly international trade and development.
Foreign policy in most countries will always be a balancing act between a country's values and interests. South Africa is no exception. Our job as parliamentarians is to be vigilant so as to avoid the scales being tipped in the wrong direction. Of course we need to be pragmatic, but we should never stray too far from our core value set. We do not need another incident akin to our refusal to grant the Dalai Lama a visit to South Africa ... [Interjections.] ... which prompted Human Rights Watch to comment that South Africa's refusal to grant him a visa was essentially about pleasing China and a denial of Tibet's struggle for democracy. [Applause.]
Hon members, especially our guests in the gallery, please note that no photography is allowed in the Chamber.
Chairperson, hon Minister, Deputy Ministers, to begin with, Cope supports the Budget Vote. [Applause.] We believe that a commonality of purpose should inform our approach to international relations. After all, the national interest overrides other considerations and it is important for all of us to see South Africa as an important role- player in international politics. It is common cause that we should seriously project "brand South Africa" much more seriously.
I will now briefly touch on a few issues of great importance to us. The first one is political and economic integration in the Southern African Development Community, SADC. It is very important for Cope that we continually analyse the nature and extent of integration of the 15 member states that comprise the SADC. The combined population of SADC countries is 257,7 million and the combined gross domestic product is nearly R4 trillion. The SADC has the potential to become a very powerful economic hub. After 1994, there was a great deal of forward movement regarding economic integration, and the development of the SADC was high on the agenda. Our observation is that somehow this priority is slipping down at the very moment when it should be held up in the agenda.
Cope believes that integration should proceed on the basis of major joint operations. In our view, the Airbus model should be adopted. Airbus has 16 different sites spread over France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Spain. The Joule, an electric car developed by South African engineers, is being shelved after R300 million of the taxpayers' money has been injected into it. To commercialise this venture, R9 billion is required. Surely this is the kind of project that could be handled jointly in SADC, as the time for electric cars, trucks and buses has arrived.
We believe it would go a long way towards achieving the goals of integrating the region if the process was project driven to a large extent. Where economic interests of mutual benefit arise, SADC members will naturally elevate their level of co-operation and this will benefit economic integration in the region. Many citizens of the SADC are already interacting on a one-to-one basis but they are doing so without any multilateral structure to properly accommodate them. It's a problem that must be addressed.
I now wish to turn my attention to a very serious problem regarding the two Sudans, which you have already spoken about. Cope sincerely hopes that the panel lead by former President Thabo Mbeki will end its mission by bringing the parties together to sign and implement an agreement that will be backed by the international community. The suggestion from some groups in the conflict that the Mbeki panel has too little authority to force the warring parties to settle must be speedily addressed by canvassing wider international support while there is still a window of opportunity in order to avoid another two failed states in Africa. Time is of the essence.
On the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, and the African Renaissance, Cope noted with interest that a conference with the theme "Young People, Farming and Food: The Future of the Agrifood Sector in Africa" was held in Ghana from 19 to 21 March 2012. This is a crucial debate, one that has a bearing on our country, and we need to pursue its outcomes to involve our own youth.
On South-South relations, Cope is fully supportive of the initiatives of the department with countries of the South to create a convergence of political, economic and social paths. We believe that this task must be pursued with great vigour. While our relations with Brazil have been strengthened, what is the situation with the other South American countries?
In respect of education, members of this House will be interested to know that high school learners in Uruguay are provided with laptop computers. This is a very progressive move in bridging the kind of digital divide that exists in our country. We also note that Paraguay is registering considerable economic growth. What are our relations with these and other South American countries?
On the issue of the Middle East, Mr Annan's six-point peace plan on Syria must have optimal support so that a peaceful political resolution can be found. South Africa, as a trusted nation, should seek to play a meaningful role in this regard. The withdrawal of heavy weapons from urban centres is something we should work towards achieving very urgently. The question of Palestine and Israel must also receive sustained attention. However, it must be done in a nonpartisan manner and with integrity.
With regard to the global system of governance, this will be the last year of South Africa occupying a nonpermanent seat in the UN Security Council, giving us a singular opportunity to make it count.
Another issue that government should emphasise is human trafficking, as this is becoming an area of great concern in South Africa and on the continent.
On sustainable economic development, an international environment conducive to sustainable growth and development, after the economic fallout of 2009, is very important. South Africa should be a major champion in this regard.
What progress has the South African Council on International Relations, which was approved by government in 2011, made in engaging nonstate role- players in the development of international relations and in helping government to be alive to changing developments and intricacies? This is a very important agency and forum, which must be explored by all South Africans.
In conclusion, the standing of our diplomats needs continuous monitoring. Personal misdemeanours have international consequences and therefore we must do everything to ensure that the diplomats serving us are men and women of the highest calibre. Cope supports the Vote and congratulates the Minister and the Department of International Relations and Co-operation on their achievements. [Applause.]
Chairperson, at the outset I would like to say that the IFP supports this Budget Vote. [Applause.] However, in doing so I would like to share the following observations. There are some situational analyses that our own analysts on foreign relations have often chosen to ignore before the Members of Parliament, either out of complacency or simply because they do not want to stretch our imagination to a painful point on issues that may seem to have implications that are remote. Be that as it may, it does not prepare Members of Parliament to handle and manage the fortunes of South Africa in contributing towards a better world.
The world economic order, whether influenced by the Bretton Woods institutions, the Marshall Plan, the International Monetary Fund, IMF, the World Bank, or their socioeconomic doctrines, always expressed itself in strong competition between strong and weak economies. International economic interdependence never economically benefited the weak, the less vigilant and the less aggressive.
First, the African agenda should select and prioritise its strategic objectives in such a manner that the protection of the economic and political sovereignty of the African countries takes precedence. This could be realised through the resilient pursuance of regional economic development and integration, and not the continual pumping of massive aid, as has been the case thus far with the postwar development policies of the rich nations of the world.
We must not allow a backsliding of the African agenda. This agenda must be aggressively pursued and supported by all African nations if this continent is ever going to stand sovereign and independent of both Western and Eastern influences. The recent turmoil on the continent has seen a reversal of the gains made in previous years. The various coups d'tat, the advent of the so-called "Arab Spring" and the prodemocracy uprisings currently sweeping the Middle East and North Africa must be taken heed of as they are geopolitical trends that are sweeping the continent at the moment.
We commend the work done through the African Renaissance Fund, established in 2000 to pursue African foreign policy objectives, as well as Africa's developmental agenda. We all also support the strategic purpose of the new partnership fund in the form of the South African Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa, dedicated to supporting all Africa's ongoing development projects.
For Africa, the international system is becoming increasingly complex and fearful, perhaps reminiscent of the forceful machinations employed by regional and superpowers of yesteryear - only this time the geopolitical, regional and national hegemony is pursued through both the hard power of weapons and the soft power of commerce. Some analysts say the world is now divided into two spheres: the Euro-Atlantic sphere, dominated by the United States, and the Asian sphere, dominated by China. Both spheres are converging uncompromisingly on the African continent. The intelligence of the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, Dirco, should secure critical and vital information for the President, the Minister and government to formulate short-term and long-term responses to this convergence. The assessment of international agreements should be centralised to make sure that they are in accord with the strategic objectives of the African agenda and the South-South relations.
Dirco should adopt a barometer of consistent guidelines to rationalise support, nonalignment or punitive diplomatic interventions. The guidelines should be based on human rights, good governance, the rule of law, peace and stability. We support the Budget Vote. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon Minister and Deputy Ministers, hon members, the UDM supports Vote No 5: International Relations and Co- operation. [Applause.] The good role South Africa has played in exporting the principles of good governance, peace and democracy to the continent of Africa is well documented. Despite these achievements, the groundswell of discontent among the poor about government's poor service delivery record demands that we review the amount of resources we plough into the African renewal project. We cannot go around the continent fighting other people's fires while government's poor service delivery record and its neglect of the poor fans the fire on our shores. It is going to be difficult to justify the amount of money we spend on creating stability on the continent when millions of our people struggle to make ends meet, when millions of our people are poor and unemployed.
There is a tendency for crucial foreign policy positions to be taken up by only the Presidency and the Department of International Relations and Co- operation, without consulting Parliament. It is becoming the norm for us to be expected to rubber-stamp these decisions, whether they caused the country much embarrassment or not. In other democracies, the parliament has to first approve international treaties or peacekeeping missions before they are ratified. This is intended to protect the interests of their citizens. By following in their footsteps, we would prevent the abuse of state resources for personal aggrandisement and corruption. With this in mind, we ask whether the time has not come to review the department's approach to foreign policy.
Finally, the UDM would like to join the millions of people, both here and abroad, in congratulating the government on its successful hosting of COP 17 last year. The success of COP 17 could be attributed to, among other things, government's wide consultation with all the relevant stakeholders in the period preceding the conference. The challenge that now remains is how we implement the COP 17 resolutions and ensure that we use them to educate the public about the dangers of climate change. [Applause.]
Chairperson, members of the portfolio committee, ambassadors and high commissioners, ladies and gentlemen, our foreign policy decisions are guided by our principles, foremost among which is the desire for a more just, humane and equitable world. It is in the conduct of our international relations that we attach the utmost importance to the promotion of human rights, democracy, justice and international law - despite what the DA may think. Inspired by our history and ethos, we believe that it is both in our national interest and our moral duty to champion human rights struggles around the world. We remain convinced that our goal should not merely be to condemn human rights violations but to do something concrete to address them. We take pride in following a uniform and principled approach to human rights and conflict resolution that respects the universality of the rights of the victim.
It is more than a year since the first stirrings in Tunisia ushered in the much berated "Arab awakening", spilling over into Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria and further afield. These popular uprisings have fundamentally changed the whole Arab order, giving renewed hope and energy to the people of the region and beyond for liberty, democracy and a better life. South Africa welcomes the positive changes that have been taking place in the Middle East and North Africa, Mena, region. We have availed ourselves to post-uprising states to share our experience of successful political transition as they lay their foundation for their new systems of government.
We commend the good progress being made in the unfolding democratic transition in Tunisia. We have noted with great satisfaction the election of a national constituent assembly in October 2011, including the far- sighted decision to establish a coalition government consisting of three major political parties. South Africa is closely following developments in the transitional process in Egypt. Our country continues to interact with the role-players to identify possible areas of co-operation in the drafting of the new constitution. We welcome the decision by Egypt to give renewed priority to Africa in its foreign relations and remain committed to the deepening of our bilateral relations.
Since 1994, South Africa has chosen to defend those whose rights have been trampled upon, including the right to self-determination. We remain deeply concerned about the state of affairs in Western Sahara, the only outstanding decolonisation issue on the agenda of the African Union. We continue to reiterate the need for a UN resolution to be implemented and the right of self-determination of Western Sahara to be respected in terms of international law. South Africa firmly believes there can be no lasting solution if the international community stands idle while the people of Western Sahara continue to suffer. We continue to emphasise that the United Nations Security Council should add a human rights monitoring component to the mandate of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara, Minurso, a glaring anomaly which creates the impression that some powers do not give priority to the human rights of the people of Western Sahara.
The Arab Spring has demonstrated clearly that people cannot in the end be denied their legitimate rights; that their aspirations cannot be reduced to a security problem to be managed. After six decades of war and agony, Palestinians must be given their due. South Africa remains disappointed that no progress has been made in the latest round of talks, under the auspices of Jordan, because of the Israeli failure to submit proposals on border security, as required by the quartet. Instead, the Israeli government continues its acts of aggression, such as home demolitions, restricting the access and movement of the Palestinian people, the continued siege of Gaza and, above all, the relentless expansion of Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian land, including East Jerusalem.
We call on Israel to end its apartheid policy of repression and accept the hand of peace that has been extended by the Palestinians and the Arab world. An independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, would be an enormous boon to Israel, leading to its full acceptance in the region and providing by far the best assurance of its long-term security and prosperity.
South Africa remains deeply concerned by the situation in Syria. We welcome the news that the advance team of observers has been able to visit key spots, including Homs, and that they have observed a marked decrease in violence - although I know that there have been reports of a spike in the violence yesterday. The deployment of the UN Supervision Mission in Syria will be important to ensure that the six-point proposal of the Joint Special Envoy, Kofi Annan, is implemented, and will likewise play a crucial role towards realising the goal of promoting an all-inclusive process of peaceful dialogue leading to a political outcome that responds to the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people. It is extremely important that all members of the international community give the Annan plan a chance to succeed and uphold and respect the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.
We have urged the Sri Lankan government to grasp the opportunity to finally settle the conflict in Sri Lanka, including through the speedy implementation of the Sri Lankan Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission Report, as well as through the setting up of an impartial, inclusive and transparent mechanism to hold those responsible for human rights violations to account. We stand ready to assist and share with the government and people of Sri Lanka our experiences on reconciliation and nation-building.
South Africa has re-established full bilateral relations with the new governing authority in Libya. We wish to see the new authorities make a success of establishing a successful democratic postconflict state. To this end we have begun a process of assisting Libya in constitution-making, national reconciliation, the integration of the various brigades into a national defence force and economic development.
War and violence severely undermine human rights, ripping apart lives and livelihoods. An important contribution that South Africa has made to the protection of human rights is our investment in peace mediation efforts in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Cte d'Ivoire, Zimbabwe, Libya, Madagascar and elsewhere. We believe strongly that the key to the lasting solution of conflicts is the inclusive processes of dialogue and reconciliation that address the underlying causes of disputes and reconstruct viable polities. Military intervention and regime-change solutions are almost always counterproductive, exacerbating conflict and prolonging the killing.
We are pleased that our approach has been validated in Yemen, where mounting domestic and international pressure finally ended the 33-year rule of President Saleh and led to the formation of an inclusive government under former Vice President Hadi. We are convinced that the patient mediation effort that the international community employed in Yemen is the model for solving other crises in the region - not the aggressive intervention that we witnessed in Libya.
We have taken note of the withdrawal of US combat troops from Iraq at the end of 2011, but remain concerned at the ongoing terror attacks that continue to kill or injure a significant number of innocent Iraqi civilians.
Hon Deputy Minister, your time has expired.
We continue to hope that the US troop withdrawal will provide the impetus for a peaceful resolution in that country. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon Minister, hon Deputy Ministers, hon Members of Parliament, Your Excellencies, ambassadors and high commissioners and members of the diplomatic corps, guests in the gallery, having emerged from the international isolation of the apartheid era, South Africa has become a leading international actor. In this regard the ANC's 2007 Polokwane conference resolved the following, and I quote:
As part of achieving our strategic goals we must ensure consolidation of the African Agenda by ensuring that we continue to engage with India, Brazil and China as part of consolidating our South-South relations. As part of our economic diplomacy, the ANC must continue to ensure that our consolidation of strategic North-South relations leads to changes in colonial patterns of economic relations and, in doing so, creates equitable and balanced North-South relations.
As a result, South Africa's principal foreign policy objective is to develop good relations with all countries, especially its neighbours in the Southern African Development Community, SADC, and the other members of the African Union. South Africa has played a key role in seeking an end to various conflicts and political problems on the African continent. The ANC's policy on international relations and co-operation could be summarised as saying that the ANC seeks for the government of the Republic of South Africa to seek meaningful bilateral and multilateral relations to ensure a more equitable political share for developing countries in the global arena where decisions are taken which, more often than not, affect these very same developing countries. It is our desire to see a world where all countries have an equal say in how the world is shaped, where especially African countries are allowed to seek their own destiny, with appropriate assistance being given when they ask for it, and to what end.
Being a respected country is not an end in itself. We would never achieve anything if we remained a lone voice in the struggle for the liberation of developing countries from want and poverty. That is why, again, we have to be grateful for South Africa's participation in the India, Brazil, South Africa, Ibsa, trilateral pact, which of course led to our participation in the Brics league of emerging economies. Together, these countries have produced a combined force able to challenge the existing power base, which is way too often dominated by the so-called "superpowers" of developed countries. As a Parliament, we need to thank the Minister and her team in the conclusion of negotiations that led to the Delhi Declaration of the fourth Brics summit, stating that the Brics nations committed themselves to assist South Africa in her sustainable infrastructure development programme - a feat indeed!
The Brics league of nations promises to bring millions of dollars in investment opportunities. Figures released in September 2011 by the World Bank and the IMF World Economic Outlook indicate that Brics countries have a combined population of 2 945,4 million people. The latest figures also indicate that South Africa's trade with Bric countries has increased, particularly from the period 2005 to 2010. Exports increased from US$16,6 billion in 2005 to US$94,7 billion in 2010, while Bric-Africa trade is projected to increase threefold, from US$150 billion in 2010 to US$350 billion in 2015. Brics foreign direct investment is projected to increase from the present US$60 billion to more than US$150 billion by 2015.
Our continued voice of reason in the G20 group of countries has, in the past, ensured that the development of so-called Third World and intermediary countries remained high on the agenda of world powers. The ANC has further given government the mandate to continue interacting with all UN member states to ensure that we break the monopoly of Western countries in the Security Council and that Africa is given permanent membership of the Security Council. These changes can only be effectively achieved by developing countries being taken seriously as active participants in world affairs. Therefore, it is critical that South Africa remains the champion in South-South relations. To this end, our involvement on our continent is of utmost importance. The placement of additional resources on these forums is crucial for the department. The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Comesa, the AU, SADC and the Pan-African Parliament should become the driving force for the department.
If Nepad is to succeed at all, it should be seen here, in Africa, where we should be seen as advancing democracy and adhering to the principles that we agreed to as a continent. President Jacob Zuma was quite correct at the fourth International Trade and Industry Conference hosted by the DTI at Sun City in the North West on 11 April 2012, when he said: "We are standing in an incredibly privileged position today, where we witness Africa's epic comeback."
However, as the ANC has stated over the years, Africa can only claim emancipation if she is allowed to attain sustainable growth and development unfettered, without any interference by the world - especially Northern countries who seek to have a hand in Africa's development, but only to the disadvantage of our continent.
As for North-South relations, South Africa, through the department, garners support from the developed countries of the North in order to deal with priority areas of government. These are education, health, rural development, creation of decent work and fighting crime. This is done through the establishment of relations that at times seem to be disproportionate power relations. This is in view of the fact that countries of the North are in themselves developed, whereas this cannot be said of the Southern countries, in this case South Africa. However, due to the outgoing nature of South African foreign policy, South Africa is able to engage in multilateral talks with countries of the North in the context of promoting the African agenda and the agenda of the South through our participation at summits with the G8 and G20.
In conclusion, it is indeed true that African countries, with the support of our real friends like China, India and Brazil, have the ability to ensure our own sustainable development and growth. The most recent example of this is the signing of a political accord between South Africa and the Republic of Ghana. In fact, Ghana admitted that South Africa would be a more valid, equitable and desired ally in its development programme than the Northern countries. We are looking forward, Minister, to seeing more agreements of this nature between South Africa and other African countries, as well as the renewal of existing bilateral agreements.
In December 2008, the US president-elect, Barack Obama, remarked on something his Chief of Staff said, namely that the current economic meltdown was "too good a crisis to go to waste". Indeed, during these trying times in world affairs, like the economic meltdown in Europe, never have we seen an opportunity of this magnitude to ensure Africa's development as a true force for international reform. South Africa will indeed be right there at the front, leading this continental revolution. The ANC supports this Budget Vote. Phambili Africa! [Forward Africa!] [Applause.]
The ACDP recognises that a major shift in global economic and social dynamics - a realignment of new economic powers, new media and social networks, new innovations, environmental change and formations of new economic and political groupings - has challenged the established political order. This requires South Africa to adapt and shift focus in line with trends. With South Africa being called upon to play a higher- profile role in world diplomacy, capacity and resources will be necessary. This budget will be expected to facilitate an enormous mandate. Yet the proposed budget has decreased, which is a tremendous challenge.
The ACDP would like to see a greater effort being made by our Minister and the department to engage with and inform the public of current positions being taken by the South African government and interventions being considered with regard to international situations, conflict resolution and peacekeeping efforts. It is important not only because what happens in other parts of the world and our response to what happens impact on South Africa, but also because South Africans should be given the opportunity to decide how best they can help where governments are perceived as abusing human rights and where conflicts are tearing families apart.
From a country perspective, ensuring that foreign relations contribute to sustainable economic growth, development and job creation in South Africa is a major priority, which the ACDP supports. Regionally, efforts to strengthen the political and economic integration of the SADC are not looking too good, as deadlines and targets are not being met. An intra- Africa trade record of 12% is not ideal for economic development in Africa, and more must be done to understand and address the prohibiting factors. The ACDP commends continued diplomatic efforts by government regarding Zimbabwe and Madagascar.
The African agenda is understandably high on any agenda where South Africa has representation, be it Brics, Ibsa or any other platform. It would be interesting to hear the Minister's take on the suggestion made by Professor Daniel Bradlow that South Africa should play a role in global economic governance reform by helping find the next World Bank president. South Africa, he says, is a leading voice in Africa and a respected participant in the institutions of global economic governance and should therefore be consulting key African allies to identify the most suitably qualified African candidate. It must be a person committed to making a complex institution more responsive to the evolving needs of all of its debtor and creditor member countries and their citizens, who are the intended beneficiaries of the bank's operations. It should be a person who will find growth strategies that reduce poverty, inequality and unemployment within the constraints created by climate change and other environmental stresses. This is an interesting thought!
The ACDP supports the candidacy of hon Nkosazana Zuma for the AU Commission. We also welcome the opportunity for South Africa to host the African Union Diaspora Summit in May 2012. We congratulate former Speaker, Ms Baleka Mbete, on her appointment.
The ACDP will support this Budget Vote and wishes the Minister and her department every success in making it stretch to do the impossible.
Chairperson, chair of the portfolio committee, members of the committee, Members of Parliament, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, let me also thank the foreign diplomats who are present, because the Minister ran out of time. As the Minister normally indicates to us, this is home away from home. So, you are welcome here. We thank you so much for being there, giving us support and helping to guide our global perspectives.
Listening to the debate this afternoon, I think one of the key issues that emerges relates to geopolitical realities. Many people have spoken about that. So, what is the focus of Africa's development? We have just heard Members of Parliament speaking about it. Our reading is that the time for Africa's development is now. Therefore intratrade needs to be strengthened. That is a critical focus, and I heard a member of Cope raise this issue. In fact, in the middle of last year there was an interregional trade engagement, led by our President. A deep analysis was made in the context of interregional trade. An opportunity exists of generating at least US$1 trillion year on year just in terms of intratrade. So, I must say no, those discussions were not left hanging. They are in fact of critical importance.
Two issues were raised by an hon member of the DA, one relating to the Ivory Coast and the other to Zimbabwe and Libya. Deputy Minister Ebrahim did touch on the issue of Libya. However, the reality of the Ivory Coast situation is that there were people who were quick to declare that the elections were free and fair and had a particular outcome. However, there is legislation in that country dictating how that should be done. At no stage did South Africa vacillate between views. In fact, we honoured the constitutional responsibilities, as dictated by that particular country, because that is part of our value system. Our value system is that we respect the Constitution. Therefore, the moment there was a quick response after the elections we knew that it was not warranted because there were clear processes and appeal processes towards the election. So, I think it is wrong to put it as fact that we vacillated between views. In fact, based on our value system, South Africa remained loyal to that constitutional imperative. [Applause.]
I will not even touch on the issue of Zimbabwe because the reality is that wherever we go today, be it to the EU, UN or different countries in the world, people and diplomats are saying that the position of South Africa - which is to make sure the road map continues - is the best possible option, however difficult it may be. Any other option would not be relevant in that context.
Yes, at times it is nice to voice a populist perspective, but the reality is that we are trying to dig deep to resolve the matter. That is what we are grappling with. We call on everyone in our nation, particularly the opposition, to find the maturity needed to differ, even sharply, on our domestic issues but to move beyond our differences and adhere as a nation to our foreign policy positions. We often see other countries appreciating our views, but then certain individuals in our own society, especially from the opposition, raise issues at the level of international fora as if they were from a different nation. We must find the maturity at the right time to agree on our international perspectives and differ sharply on our domestic issues, if there is a need to do so. [Applause.]
The President said that the foundations of our domestic priorities and government's commitment are now mirrored by a very strong and formidable foreign policy. That foreign policy is based on our value system, on international peace and stability, democracy and human solidarity. However, it must also start to seek the link between all of the above and the strengthening of our domestic and economic policy perspectives.
So, we do have five priorities in the country. How do we use our international relations to strengthen and better the domestic priorities? Therefore, we cannot agree with hon Holomisa's view that internationally and in Africa we do a, b and c, yet we have problems in the country. We are living in a global environment. It's a systemic response that we are giving. We can give a systematic response. We cannot believe in first sorting out all our service delivery challenges locally, then moving into the international arena. We have to balance the two and find the correct balancing acts.
What we do suggest is that as we reflect on the economic diplomacy process, it is important to look at unemployment, and in particular youth unemployment, in Africa. If Africa is the next most important place in terms of development, then the North-South axis, the infrastructure realities that we face and all those issues are underpinned by questions regarding the skills base. What we have seen in some countries, even in poorer countries, is a lot of investment in the skills base. However, they are not able to get the benefit of that investment because it is followed by a skills flight. So, the question of training is important, but so is the question of skills retention.
The Minister specifically raised the question of Madagascar. In August last year, South Africa became the chair of the Troika and had to deal with that particular matter. Two years before that there was a road map and different variations of that map, but they were not signed. There are about 11 political parties, or mouvances, and they could not reach any agreement. Since September last year, the process is being driven by the collective of the Troika and then SADC itself, with support from the international community. We must thank the international community because this is an example of where we have been able to find a balance between what we have to do and making sure that information flows among the various international bodies and, in particular, among the countries that have an interest in that part of the world.
This is where we are now: The road map has been signed and there is an interim government of unity. However, that government must hold elections at the right time and certain conditions have to be met before the citizens can go to those elections. We currently have a prime minister from the opposition in office there, and two weeks ago the interim government passed an amnesty law. Those who know the details would know that people did not want to sign the amnesty law - we had problems from both sides. The process is fragile and difficult.
The current process is to call on the two chief protagonists and say that we have to find a resolution between the two of them through some form of negotiation. That is the next step. The electoral institution legislation has been passed and there is the Snat, to which all the political parties have agreed. So, that is the progress that has been made. However, there are some serious challenges, and over the next few days and weeks we will be calling on people to help and give support.
The second last point is around the SA Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa. It is important for us to make sure that this agency becomes a great success. In principle, the successful establishment of this structure will see our country being counted among countries that contribute to the development of other nations. We are already doing that. We are putting forward a draft Bill for establishing the Partnership Fund, and a business case for creating Sadpa has already been put in place. We believe that we now need to create the models and instruments to ensure that Sadpa will be operationalised. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Chairperson, Minister and Deputy Ministers and other Ministers who have joined us here, I rise on behalf of the ANC to support Budget Vote No 5 of the Department of International Relations and Co- operation, Dirco. I must start off by congratulating the ANC on its centenary celebration. It is indeed, as all of us know, the oldest liberation movement on the continent, maybe even beyond.
As the ANC, we have committed ourselves, since our 1994 election manifesto, to create a safe and secure environment for all South Africans. It is just about two months from now that South Africa will be celebrating the 57th anniversary of the adoption of the Freedom Charter, signed in Kliptown, which coincidentally is also my constituency.
In celebrating this anniversary of the Freedom Charter, I think it is fitting to pay tribute to all those brave and unsung heroes and heroines who made it possible. We are fortunate to have some of them among us: Comrade Nelson Mandela, Comrade Andrew Mlangeni and Comrade Ben Turok, among others. A large number of our colleagues had not even been born yet, including me and I think the hon Davidson on my left as well. [Laughter.] If it hadn't been for those men and women, led of course by the volunteer in chief, our former President, Comrade Nelson Mandela, South Africa would not be where it is today. We salute them for their brave vision and foresight, which guide us today and hopefully will continue to guide us for generations to come.
I wish to quote from the speech delivered on 24 May 1994 by our first President in a democratic South Africa, Comrade Nelson Mandela:
The time will come when our nation will honour the memory of all the sons, the daughters, the mothers, the fathers, the youth and the children who, by their thoughts and deeds, gave us the right to assert with pride that we are South Africans, that we are Africans and that we are citizens of the world. I won't even mention the famous "I am an African" speech by former President Thabo Mbeki. The Freedom Charter declares the following, among other things, and I quote: "There shall be peace and friendship. South Africa belongs to all who live in it." My humble contribution to this debate will therefore focus on these themes.
As we are aware, there can be no peace, friendship and stability in an insecure political, social and economic environment, both locally, in the region and on the continent, and beyond. South Africa's efforts are therefore directed at creating a peaceful and stable environment so that we, the region and the continent, can achieve our full potential. I therefore want to draw the attention of the House to the important role played by Dirco in the promotion of peace, stability and democracy, both here at home, on the continent and indeed in the world.
I quote our President, Comrade Jacob Zuma, in his state of the nation address in February 2012:
The year 2012 is also special because it marks the 16th anniversary of the Constitution of the Republic, which gives full expression to our democratic ideals. The Constitution is South Africa's fundamental vision statement, which guides our policies and actions. We reaffirm our commitment to advance the ideals of our country's Constitution at all times.
The government, as the chief custodian of our Constitution, has the responsibility of ensuring that the people of South Africa can live in peace and friendship and that their security, including human security, is not threatened or compromised in any way.
This responsibility also stretches beyond the borders of the Republic of South Africa. We should therefore commend Dirco for placing the debate on poverty and underdevelopment at the centre of the debate on peace and stability. There can be no peace and stability if sections of our population and the continent live in conditions of poverty and squalor. To this end, I want to quote from the ANC Today of 17 September 2004, with reference to the people of Africa:
They know the reality of civil wars, genocide and the conflicts that brought untold suffering to the innocent, the economic decay, social disintegration and cultural alienation that have defined the lives of many Africans. They know what others have done, which imposed on them the curse of poverty, hunger, famine, disease and underdevelopment.
Conflict and war breed poverty, and poverty creates the necessary conditions for instability and conflict. Chair, I want you to protect me as this is my maiden speech since 2009. [Laughter.]
Again, I am quoting from the ANC Today, 18-24 June 2004: The national vision of building a united nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous society is also relevant to our vision for Africa. Coupled with this is the understanding that socioeconomic development cannot take place without political peace and stability. South Africa's efforts are therefore directed at creating an environment in which all states on the continent will achieve their full potential.
The importance of the role of South Africa in the promotion of peace, stability and democracy in Africa and the world is therefore re-emphasised. Looking at peace in the region and on the continent, it is significant that we have this debate on the budget of Dirco when we celebrate Africa and its rebirth. The New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, and the African Union, AU, have placed added capacity demands on Dirco due to our prominent role in these and other international bodies. Our understanding, as the ANC, has always been that there can never be peace and stability if there is hunger, famine, poverty and inequality - that fact can also not be overemphasised.
Regarding the peaceful resolution of conflicts, as the ANC we have always believed in the peaceful resolution of conflicts - in other words, that might is not always right. When you want to obtain sustainable peace and stability, you have to utilise what is called soft power - the power of negotiation and dialogue - instead of the power of might to obtain lasting and sustainable peace, stability and development.
The achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, MDGs, also hinges on the achievement of political peace and stability on the continent. It is in this vein that I want to commend Dirco, again, on its efforts in the promotion of negotiations and dialogue as a means of obtaining peace in the troubled and war-torn areas of our continent - which the two Deputy Ministers, and including the Minister, have spoken about.
Following on this, one cannot ignore and undermine the role of women in the maintenance of lasting peace and stability. In this regard I have to recognise and commend the role played by the President and, by extension, Dirco. As a South African woman, I had the privilege of interacting with women on the continent on matters relating to, among other things, conflict resolution, democratisation and power-sharing. I personally have had the privilege of being party to some of these conventions. Not only have we as South African women imparted some of our South African experiences, but we have also learnt a lot from our fellow African mothers and sisters.
The forging of partnerships for peace and stability can never be overemphasised. I think it is even more significant in the year that we celebrate the 57th anniversary of the Freedom Charter, in which the majority of South Africans declared that there shall be peace and friendship and that South Africa shall belong to all who live in it. It is therefore the duty and responsibility of each and every South African to build a safe and secure South Africa and continent for all who live in it.
To conclude, I want to borrow from the words of one of the founding members of the ANC, the late Comrade Pixley ka Seme, who as early as 1906 said:
The brighter day is rising upon Africa, already. I seem to see her chains dissolved, her desert plain red with harvest, her Abyssinia and her Zululand the seats of science and religion, reflecting the glory of the rising son from the spires of their churches and universities, her Congo and her Gambia whitened with commerce, her crowded cities sending forth the hum of business, and all her sons employed in advancing the victories of peace - greater and more abiding than the spoils of war.
This is an illustration of our consistent history as the ANC of peaceful resolution of conflict in our struggle to achieve a better life for all, free from poverty and want. The Congress of the People - and I'm not talking about you, hon member Ngonyama - echoed these words in 1955 at Kliptown, when they declared, and I quote, "There shall be peace and friendship and South Africa belongs to all who live in it". Let us all strive for peace on the continent and indeed the world. We shall, Minister, be led by Dirco, and once again, the ANC supports Budget Vote No 5. [Applause.]
Chair, colleagues and guests, this is the first time that I deliver a speech in Parliament. [Applause.] It is an honour and a privilege and I hope that I can contribute to the success of this institution while I am a member.
The Department of International Relations formulates and executes South Africa's foreign policy. It enters into international agreements on our behalf and manages our diplomatic missions. This department is the marketing and public relations department of our country and our interface with global decision-making forums. The question is, then: Do we have the right strategy, vision, personnel and international representatives to sell our beautiful country to foreign investors and strengthen our trade relations?
The DA worries about whether our image in the international arena is conducive to investment, economic growth and job creation - or do we demand too much from investors when investing in our economy? I remember former President Nelson Mandela putting his arm out in one of his first speeches and inviting the world to come and invest in South Africa. It was South Africa's honeymoon period for foreign direct investment. Have we been as successful in maintaining strong relationships as we were in courting the world during that golden period? As a member of Brics, we are running with the big boys. However, it is not clear whether we will be able to keep up with the pace. The Brics nations are characterised by large populations, high gross domestic product growth and strong government-business co-operation. We are still finding the best ways to leverage our relationships in Brics. Also, it has yet to be proven if the economic benefits of our Brics membership justify the dilution of our normative character, which has resulted from it. We have picked the wrong friends on the playground. We picked the ones who bully their own people, the ones who pick fights with everybody who is successful. So, gradually, we are perceived as being part of that group.
Much of our credibility in the international arena lies in our status as being an important spokesperson on African issues. Our failure to be elected as chair of the African Union Commission shows that we ourselves may well be perceived as a bully by some of our African neighbours.
African countries should be our biggest export market and we should be strengthening African economies through imports and investment. We should be importing oil from African countries. We should be exporting manufactured goods to these seven African countries: Nigeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Zambia, Tanzania, Congo and Ghana. These countries have been identified by economists as among the top 10 fastest-growing economies in the world.
In his book, Martin Luther King Junior said: "It is indeed possible to be too late in history with the right answers." Our economic activities, our choice of international partners, our advocacy on African issues and the alignment of our political and economic diplomacy should be aimed at helping us to regain respect on the continent and in the rest of the world, before an African Renaissance occurs without meaningful participation by South Africa.
Dirco has 4 500 approved posts. Spending on management salaries continues to rise. The department spends about R825 million per year on membership of international organisations and maintains 124 foreign missions, with a total budget of R2,3 billion. All this is in an attempt to maintain our international profile. The question is: Are we getting value for our money?
Dirco has to start reporting not only on the good intentions with regard to our diplomatic missions and presence in international forums but on the return on our investment through tangible benefits to the average South African.
We have to get clarity on the organogram of the department. We need assurance from the Minister that the responsibilities of every post have been identified and are managed accordingly. We look forward to the promised audit to determine which posts to retain or abolish. We have to know how the performance of our various diplomatic and consular missions is managed. Are we getting good results? Who has oversight over their performance?
We do not want to be too late in history with the right answers. The Department of International Relations and Co-operation has to be run with the right answers in mind. We have to ensure that where these answers are not yet forthcoming, we understand what remains to be done in order to reach them.
Mme modulasetulo, letona le batlatsi ba hae ba babedi, baeti le baemedi ba matjhabatjhaba, ke a leboha. [Chairperson, Minister and your two Deputies, guests and international representatives, I thank you.]
We have guests here from the Department for International Development, which is assisting us in working towards achieving the very best in regard to the South African Development Partnership Agency, Sadpa, as we have already heard. I would also like to greet you, hon members ...
... Ditho tsa Palamente tse hlomphehileng. Ke romilwe mona ke Mokgatlo wa ANC hore ke tle ke bue ka mokgwa ona, ha ke qala ke tla qotsa puo yaka ka sekgowa. [... hon Members of Parliament, I have been sent here by the ANC to talk on this manner. When I start, I will make my speech in English.]
The situation in the world has changed radically over recent years. More and more people than ever before live in democratic societies. In many of the African countries the guns are silent, mechanisms towards the peaceful resolution of conflicts are in place and peace is being realised. This situation gives us confidence and hope that we are on the right path towards a possible "just world and a better Africa" for humankind. We can today proclaim that a "just world and a better Africa" is a possibility.
These sentiments were expressed by delegates at the ANC's 52nd national conference in 2007 at Polokwane. In the Department of International Relations and Co-operation's Strategic Plan 2010 - 2013, it is indicated that Africa participates in the global system of governance to enhance the developmental objectives of the developing world, including the attainment of an equitable global order. The change in the politics of the world provides the necessary space for all emerging nations to progress through the formation of bilateral and multilateral relations.
The vision of the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, Dirco, as indicated in the strategic plan already mentioned, is of an African continent that is prosperous, peaceful, democratic, nonracial, nonsexist and united; one that contributes to a world that is just and equitable.
Maloko a hlomphehang le baeti ... [Hon members and guests ...] ... the notion of a unified African continent is derived from the ANC's conference resolutions, as the ANC's strategic orientation regarding foreign position is driven by the collective vision of all South Africans to live in a peaceful and friendly world, based on respect for human rights and peaceful coexistence. It is in order to achieve this progressive internationalism that we seek to deepen bilateral cooperation with African continents by engaging in sustainable partnerships for development. The mandate of Dirco, for which it is allocated this budget, is to work for the realisation of South Africa's foreign policy objectives. In the department's budget, this mandate falls under Programme 2, which is International Relations and Co-operation.
The department does this by co-ordinating and aligning South Africa's international relations abroad; monitoring developments in the international environment and advising government on foreign policy and on related domestic matters; communicating government's policy positions; contributing towards the formulation of international law; promoting multilateralism; and providing consular services to South Africans abroad. Hon Eloff does not understand how we do oversight in the department. All these things are the responsibility of a particular member, who attends the committees and takes the department to task on how everything we are doing abroad will impact on domestic policy. [Interjections.]
The department has these strategic priorities, among others: strengthening South-South relations, strengthening relations with the strategic formations of the North and forming partnerships in the global system of governance. Indeed, those of us who are always in the committee - I cannot speak for the hon Eloff - agree 100% with these priorities, particularly because we cannot put enough resources towards furthering the interests of the African continent. This is in view of the history and the extent of poverty and inequality that the continent is still subjected to
We are convinced that the status quo ante requires that the mandate of, for example, the World Bank and the International Monatory Fund, IMF, be redefined to focus on fighting poverty and assisting in building the economies of developing countries like China and Brazil, of which we are partners and allies. That was directed at you, hon Eloff.
Bilateral and multilateral political and economic relations with Africa and the world are the vehicle by which South African foreign policy expands co- operation in the political, security, social and, most importantly, economic sphere with other nations. Hence we agree that they are what constitute the core of foreign policy because without these agreements one cannot profess to have established legal and binding relations. The budget allocated will enable the department to meet this commitment. It should be noted that from 2008-09 the department had aligned 59 bilateral agreements. In 2010, this stood at 73.
South Africa occupies a nonpermanent seat in the UN Security Council, which it should use to demonstrate its commitment to multilateralism as a tactic to deal with international peace and security. Equally, as indicated by President Jacob Zuma in his address to the 66th UN General Assembly, South Africa should also use its membership to defend the independence and impartiality of the UN and to promote the principles of the Charter of the UN during conflicts and crisis. This necessitates reforms to the composition of the UN Security Council or all the UN bodies.
The headmaster from the DA, the hon Ian Davidson, came here with a list. [Interjections.] You are a headmaster and you think you still are. He came here with a list, starting with the Myanmar story. I want to tell you, hon headmaster, that the Myanmar story is no longer news. It has reached its sell-by date. To listen to what I want to say, you will have to keep quiet. It is this: The reason we are advocating for the total reform of the UN Security Council is that there are other bodies, like the Human Rights Council, where issues of human rights have to be discussed and resolved - not at the UN Security Council. We have explained this so many times. I'm not sure how many times we need to explain this before you will understand it. Anyway, we still support the department on the work it is doing in the UN, regardless of comments from you. [Interjections.] [Applause.] The UN must be representative and transparent, hon headmaster. This also relates to members who have veto powers. You know them - they are mostly your friends, I believe. [Laughter.]
The inequality in membership is evident in the fact that the power relations of the member states are somehow not adequately addressed. Therefore, we want to encourage and support the South African government to continue advocating for a representative, transparent and equal UN, especially its Security Council. Through its foreign policy and in discussions, South Africa has made it clear that the membership in the UN still needs a lot of change. Minister, with your team, we plead that you continue to advocate for that.
In addition to the changes in the UN, there should be changes in the World Trade Organisation. The world trade system must favour the developing countries, not the status quo. In the Delhi Declaration the Brics leaders indicated that:
We envision a future marked by global peace, economic and social progress and enlightened scientific temper. We stand ready to work with others, developed and developing countries together, on the basis of universally recognised norms of international law and multilateral decision-making, to deal with the challenges and the opportunities before the world today.
In his address to the Nuclear Summit in Seoul, President Jacob Zuma indicated that South Africa was positive about the potential to further consolidate the upward trend and expand the quantity and quality of trade between South Africa and China. He further noted that government's massive infrastructure build will further add impetus to such relations.
South Africa has recently been criticised in the media for its relations with China. We have nothing to be apologetic about. We are going to work with the Chinese. Also, to respond to the hon Eloff, the infrastructure investment announced this year is specifically intended to close the gaps that are there in Africa. I'm not sure whether you've been to countries in Africa, but it is very difficult to move from South Africa to any other destination on the continent because of a lack of infrastructure. So, if we can address such challenges, we will achieve our objective.
South Africa's world view is oriented by the struggle against inequality, injustice, oppression and crimes against humanity. As such we envisage a new world order based on the principles of equality, justice, freedom, peace, democracy and human rights.
In conclusion, South Africa's foreign policy is based on building relations, but such relations are anchored by principles. We will never move away from our principles, which have been aligned ever since the inception of the ANC. These principles include a commitment to the promotion of human rights, which are not limited to political rights but include economic, social and environmental rights; constitutional democracy; equitable power relations; and a commitment to the interests of Africa. South Africa's membership of the UN Security Council is a resounding endorsement of the positive role that our young democracy has played since re-entering the international community in 1994.
May we champion on for an African continent that is prosperous, peaceful, democratic, nonracial, nonsexist and united; one that contributes to a world that is just and equitable. We will work with all partners whom we believe will assist us in reaching our objective. [Applause.]
Chairperson, due to time constraints I will not be able to respond to each an every contribution made by members. Let me take this opportunity once again to thank each an every member, starting with the chairperson of our portfolio committee, members from the ruling party - the oldest political movement on African soil - and the majority of the members in the opposition benches for your constructive contributions. Those members who would like to come back home, you are also welcome. They began to sound as if they were about to return. When others were referring to such and such a document, they were saying things like, "I contributed to that draft." Please, come back home. Maybe it's time. [Laughter.] We listened to all the comments, including how we should find a way as a government to further resource our public diplomacy. We will adhere to these calls. I just want to highlight the important points that the hon Davidson and other hon members were beginning to allude to and say that we have never reneged on the core values that underpin this ANC-led government.
To the hon Eloff, South Africa did not become "fashionable" in international affairs in 1994. As other members from the ruling party have said, the ANC championed internationalism from the time it was formed in 1912. So, 1994 was not the "entry" of the real and true South Africa into international affairs. Apartheid South Africa was chased out of the League of Nations in 1945 because of their wrong policies. There was no fashion that came with Mandela in 1994. I will take the opportunity to spend a bit more time with the committee when I'm home to share with it as much information as possible, seeing as you declared that you were a new member of this committee. I think hon Sulliman and hon Jacobus were already beginning to contribute by giving more information to the new hon member of our committee.
It is the policy of the ANC-led government to diversify crude oil suppliers to our country. At one stage during the apartheid era we were depending on one country for almost 90% of our crude oil supply to this country. You were around then, sir, although maybe you did not vote that way. It was post-1994 when we started with diversification. We also started looking at building refineries that could access the soot oil that is much sought after by many countries, so that that could also come to our shores.
South Africa, and Dirco in particular, respond to Outcome 11 of the International Co-operation, Trade and Security, ICTS, Cluster. We are not championing our foreign policy implementation alone but with other ICTS Cluster members.
There were responses from members on the way we are dealing with areas of conflict and how we continue to champion peace-building, peace-making and postconflict reconstruction in many of the countries on our continent and even beyond, which the hon Deputy Minister alluded to. There were also responses on how we were being called upon to assist in Sri Lanka.
We have been clarifying the song about Libya and we will continue to do so. South Africa voted positively for Resolution 1973 and we are not apologising for doing that. The reason we voted for Resolution 1973 is that it's very much in line with and responds to the responsibility to protect. But there is no "responsibility to protect" that implies we can replace bombs from Libya to Libyans by bombs from the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Nato. That we never agreed to, and we have never apologised either. I know of one head of state who went back into Libya at the height of the war, during the bombardment, to say, "Let this stop because it is going to destabilise our continent." That is a fact of history that we will continue to defend. We will continue to champion all the core values that we have alluded to. We will stick to that.
Hon Dudley, we will consider your advice on fielding the next candidate anywhere in the reform of Bretton Woods institutions or the UN Security Council. I can see the ambassador of the United States nodding to say we should do exactly that. [Laughter.]
Let me conclude by saying yes, South Africa will continue championing and implementing our foreign policy, informed by the core values that we have referred to, by ubuntu - I am because you are - and by human rights. I also agree with hon members, as you support our Budget Vote, that we will continue to champion that through pragmatism. To us, ubuntu means humility - but humility is not equal to timidity. They are two different terms. We will keep our eye on the ball. We will never be arrogant. That's why at the end of March, when in terms of rotation the time came for us to vacate the seat in the AU Peace and Security Council, we did exactly that.
On the issue referred to by hon Davidson of us shying away from contributing to the building of a better Africa by not fielding candidates this is not stipulated in any constitutive Act of the African Union, AU. It does not exist. [Interjections.]
[Inaudible.]
Well, we are not Nigerians, and Nigerians have not said that to us. We haven't heard that and we will continue our partnership with Nigeria positively.
With your support, hon members of the ANC and of all other parties, we will continue to champion a better South Africa, Africa and world. Ke a leboga. [Thank you.] [Applause.]
Debate concluded.