Hon Speaker, hon members of this august House, the South African nation is a melting pot of multiple identities based on race, class, gender, age, language, religion, geographic location, etc, brought together along our history of conquest, dispossession, discrimination, segregation and, later, democracy. This is no more evident than in our Constitution, a document which protects and celebrates the differences in our cultures as a right of each person of this country, by acknowledging and compensating for the imbalances of the past. Our diversity, be it linguistic, ethnic, cultural, racial or religious, has always been a feature of our rich history.
In his public lecture, titled The Regeneration of Africa, Pixley ka Isaka Seme called for the rebirth of Africa and the creation of a unique civilisation for Africa and Africans. This unique civilisation would not be based on a racial ideology. After his election as the president-general of the ANC, Chief Albert Luthuli maintained that cultural homogeneity was not a prerequisite for the establishment of an inclusive democratic society. He maintained that the ANC would surprise the world by creating an inclusive democratic society based on human values in a culturally, religiously and linguistically diverse South Africa. In other words, the uniqueness of the new African civilisation envisaged by Seme would be based on the values and principles of Ubuntu. Chief Albert Luthuli was vindicated by the Freedom Charter, a document produced by all the people of South Africa, both black and white, which said in its opening paragraph that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. This provision meant that sections of the oppressed and the oppressors reached out to one another.
Even more importantly, the Freedom Charter recognised the diversity in culture, religions and languages, but consolidated the idea that the people of South Africa, black and white, are one in diversity. This eventually found expression in our Constitution. A period of 18 years on, our young democracy has been challenged by the magnification of our cultural differences. This leads us to lose sight of our common humanity, Ubuntu, and appears to be the underlying catalyst to numerous conflicts.
We have all seen the recent news footage of the violent protests in the Muslim world which was triggered by the making of an anti-Islam film. Here at home, we witnessed the xenophobic violence which was primarily directed against foreigners living in some of the poorest urban areas of the country. We were also transported back to our apartheid era when the intolerance of faith led to the death of Mr Muhammad Fayaz Kazi, who was brutally attacked by two white Afrikaans-speaking men who hurled racial abuse at him before viciously and fatally wounding him. Incidents such as these are not peculiar to South Africa.
In the 2009 Unesco World Report 2: Investing in Cultural Diversity and Intercultural Dialogue, it is argued that-
... globalisation has increased the points of interaction and friction between cultures, giving rise to identity-linked tensions, withdrawals and claims, particularly of a religious nature, which can become potential sources of dispute.
It thus becomes the primary responsibility of our government and this Parliament to manage and build common values within this increasing diversity of a globalised world. Since the dawn of democracy, the ANC in a postapartheid South Africa had, as its ideological aim, equal representation of the people of this country while correcting the racial inequalities of the past. During former President Nelson Mandela's term of office, his presidency became synonymous with building a rainbow nation. This campaign celebrated the numerous cultures, ethnicities and religions of the peoples of South Africa, and reconciliation and nation-building became the cornerstones of Madiba's presidency. Madiba also maintained that our triple heritage of African religion, Islam and Christianity has a role to play in the rebirth, renewal and development of Africa and her people.
Much like Rev Zaccheus Mahabane, the third president-general of the ANC, who maintained that the recovery of the African humanity was a prerequisite for the recovery of the humanity of all the people of South Africa, both black and white, the African Renaissance spoke of overcoming the current challenges confronting the continent and achieving cultural, scientific and economic renewal.
In this term, current President Jacob Zuma has advanced social cohesion and nation-building as a key programme. The recent nation-building and social cohesion summit on 4 and 5 July 2012, which was initiated by President Jacob Zuma in response to the growing levels of intolerance amongst the various groups in the country, served as a platform for a national conversation aimed at strengthening social cohesion and nation-building. The deliberations and outcomes of the summit are encouraging and heartening and consolidated the commitment to build a nonracial, nonsexist and democratic society in which the values of every citizen are measured by our common humanity.
Those who attended the summit committed themselves to: enhance sound family and community values; uphold honesty, integrity and loyalty; ensure harmony in culture, belief and conscience; show respect and concern for all people; strive for justice, fairness and peaceful coexistence; and protect the environment.
At its 116th Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union in May 2007, the gathering recognised that all religions have made valuable contributions to civilisation and that there are common values shared by humankind. It also recognised that interfaith dialogue and understanding, including the awareness of differences and commonalities among peoples and civilisations, contribute to the peaceful resolutions of conflicts and disputes, reduce the potential for animosity, clashes or violence, and enable people to perceive ethnic, cultural and religious diversity as a source of cultural enrichment.
It went further to emphasise that interfaith dialogue should focus on what religions have in common instead of what divides them, and serve to strengthen relations between cultures and civilisations and resolve practical problems while, at the same time, avoiding the entrenchment or even creation of artificial ethnic, cultural or religious identities or faultlines within and between societies. It is thus important to promote cultural or religious groups in a spirit of tolerance, and dialogue is central.
In his address titled "From liberation to transformation", former President Mandela recognised that our Constitution rightly ensures the separation of religion and state within a secular state, but pointed out that politicians have spiritual responsibilities and religions have political responsibilities. Having acknowledged that some initiatives had been taken, Mandela posed two questions. The first question was whether participation of organised religions in our programmes of reconstruction and development can be strengthened at national or local level through co-operative endeavours with each other and with government and the community. The second question addressed the spiritual health and vitality of our people. He maintained that in its pursuit for political and economic development, the ANC recognises that social transformation cannot be separated from spiritual transformation.
Answering the two questions, Madiba suggested that we ought to be able to co-operate to transform the spiritual life of our country. More specifically, he proposed that a way be devised for the leadership of all religions to come together to analyse the cause of the spiritual degradation and find ways to tackling it. He maintained that for such an initiative to be effective, it would also require religions to come together at local levels in our neighbourhoods to establish a co-operative approach to solutions and set a practical timetable to achieve their goal.
On 5 September 2011, the National Interfaith Council of South Africa, Nicsa, was launched, bringing together the National Religious Leaders Forum and the National Interfaith Leadership Council. The uniting of these two bodies now serves as a home for all the country's religious leaders and institutions. As its collective mission, the Nicsa will help fulfil the South African dream of unity in diversity, working to build social cohesion, working towards eradicating poverty and social ills, and building partnerships with communities, Parliament, government, nongovernmental organisations, NGOs, and the business sector.
Next month from 28 to 30 October 2012, the Interfaith Action for Peace in Africa, Ifapa, together with Nicsa will be hosting the fourth Ifapa Summit under the theme of "Free, fair and democratic elections in Africa". The deliberations based on this theme will ultimately lead to an outcome document entitled "Fundamental commitments for sustainable peace in Africa in our lifetime".
The National launch of Nicsa will take place within the context of the Ifapa summit on 30 October 2012. Ifapa recognises the significance of Nicsa's contributions and will ensure that an enabling environment is created for this pan-African initiative to seek peace in Africa.
Hon Speaker, all spheres of government are required by the Constitution to respect the law of the country. We are disappointed and concerned to hear that Mr A S A de Klerk, the municipal manager of the Midvaal Local Municipality refused Mrs Netsiyanda the right to perform her ancestral ritual which is an integral part of African religion. We have called on the Commission for Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Affairs to intervene because no official or sphere of government can prevent people who have rights under the Constitution from exercising those rights.
Hon Speaker, we also know that the October 2011 report of the IPU committee on United Nations affairs, outlined recommendations with regards to -
... the need: to organise regular debates in parliament on matters relating to multiculturalism, cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue; to establish specific mechanisms to help maintain these issues on the parliamentary agenda and continuing to take follow-up action with a view to implementing the recommendations of the resolution of the 116th Assembly of the IPU; to play an active role in the elaboration and implementation of national strategies for intercultural dialogue; and to join national delegations to the annual Forums of the United Nations Alliance of Civilisations, UNAOC.
In conclusion, hon Speaker, in the Declaration on Cultural Diversity, adopted in 2001, Unesco notes that-
... in our increasingly diverse societies, it is essential to ensure harmonious interaction among people and groups with plural, varied and dynamic cultural identities as well as their willingness to live together. Policies for the inclusion and participation of all citizens are guarantees of social cohesion, the vitality of civil society and peace. Thus defined ...
Kindly conclude, hon Chief Whip.
... cultural pluralism gives policy expression to the reality of our cultural diversity.
I thank you, hon Speaker, for the opportunity to address this august House. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, as we stand on the threshold of another Inter- Parliamentary Union, IPU, conference, it is important for South Africans to take stock of the reality and status quo of citizenship, identity, and linguistic and cultural diversity within our country.
In 1994, Nelson Mandela and most South Africans were determined to embrace a vision for a South Africa united in its diversity. Promoting a democracy, which protected our cultural identity and cultural rights, while complying with our Constitution and international laws to ensure full citizenship for each and every South African, was our dream.
However, the past two administrations have not protected the cultural rights and cultural identity of all South Africans. The full adoption and implementation of related national and international agreements and correct policies to protect these voiceless people - the minority people of South Africa - have ensured the systematic and steady dilution of the individual identities of these people.
Recently, President Zuma hosted a conference on social cohesion at Kliptown. My question to you, however, is this: What is the motive of a conference of this nature when the minority people of South Africa are not even officially acknowledged within our Constitution and policies, and official statistics do not even reflect the presence of indigenous first- nation people in this country?
Daar is twee gebeure wat in die onlangse verlede plaasgevind het wat my, as bruin man, geruk het. Die eerste gaan oor 'n sekere mnr Christo February wat by die Departement van Korrektiewe Dienste werk. Alhoewel hy die beste kandidaat was, is hy nie in 'n sekere pos aangestel nie. Hy moes hom tot die howe wend om 'n billike kans tot volle burgerskap - dit wil s 'n werk - te kry. Ek wag met opgehoue asem en in spanning om te sien wat die gevolge hiervan sal wees.
Die tweede voorval wat my diep getref het, was gedurende die Carnegie 3- konferensie by die Universiteit van Kaapstad. Daar het 'n jong bruin seun sy lot oor die nuwe Suid-Afrika bekla. Volgens Kyle - want dit is sy naam - van Manenberg, is hy en sy vriende vergeet in die nuwe Suid-Afrika. Hulle kry glad nie erkenning nie, en voel totaal gemarginaliseer. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[There are two incidents in the recent past that shocked me as a coloured man. The first concerns a certain Mr Christo February who works at the Department of Correctional Services. Although he was the best candidate, he was not appointed in a certain position. He had to turn to the courts to get a fair chance to full citizenship - in other words, to get a job. I am waiting with bated breath and in anticipation to see what the consequences of this will be.
The second incident that struck me quite deeply, took place during the Carnegie 3 conference at the University of Cape Town. At this conference a young coloured boy bemoaned his lot in the new South Africa. According to Kyle - because this is his name - of Manenberg, he and his friends were forgotten in the new South Africa. They receive no acknowledgement, and feel totally marginalised.]
Kyle says, "We are a nobody people, just thrown away and forgotten."
Mense soos Kyle voel uitgesluit uit die ekonomiese, sowel as die kulturele geleenthede van hierdie land. Bruin mense en mense soos Kyle wil ook met 'n lied in hul hart vir die nuwe Suid-Afrika rondloop, maar hoe kan hulle as hulle so behandel word?
Afrikaans is ons taal, maar daar word nou daarna verwys as die taal van die onderdrukker. Ek het Afrikaans aan my moedersknie geleer. Is my moeder dus 'n onderdrukker? My Afrikaanse onderwyser, mnr August Mitchell, is vandag oorlede - vanoggend, verstaan ek. Aan sy familie wil ek ons diepste medelye oordra, want dit is ook 'n man wat deel gehad het in my opleiding in Afrikaans, en in die uitbrei en uitbou van ons taal. [Tussenwerpsels.]
Geen mens, of hy nou wit, bruin, swart of Indir is, hoef vir iemand asseblief te vra, of te smeek om sy of haar grondwetlike regte uit te leef nie. Die gebruik van jou taal, die beskerming van jou kultuurregte, die voorliefde vir jou geskiedenis, is alles regte en nie voorregte nie. Niemand se regte mag van hom af weggeneem word nie.
Daar is kulturele ikone in elke kultuurgroep in Suid-Afrika en elkeen verdien erkenning. Hugh Masekela en Miriam Makeba se invloed op Suid- Afrikaanse musiek is onmeetbaar groot.
AGB LEDE: Hoor! Hoor!
So ook is mense soos Adam Small en P J Philander se invloed op die digkuns, en di van mense soos Danny Williams, Lionel Petersen, Richard John Smith en Jonathan Butler op musiek. Dan moet ons ook nie vergeet van mense soos Mimi Coertse, G Korsten en Carike Keuzenkamp nie. Ons moet hulle almal eer en onthou - ja, Steve Hofmeyr ook! (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[People like Kyle feel excluded from the economical, as well as cultural opportunities of this country. Coloured people and people like Kyle also want to walk around with a song in their heart for the new South Africa, but how can they when they are treated in this way?
Afrikaans is our language, but now it is referred to as the language of the oppressor. I learnt Afrikaans at my mother's knee. Is my mother an oppressor? My Afrikaans teacher, Mr August Mitchell, died today - this morning, I believe. To his family I want to extend our deepest condolences, because this is also a man who played a role in my education in Afrikaans, and in the spread and development of our language. [Interjections.]
Nobody, whether white, coloured, black or Indian, needs to request from someone, please, or beg to live out his or her constitutional rights. The use of your language, the protection of your cultural rights, the preference for your history, are all rights and not privileges. Nobody's rights may be taken away from them.
There are cultural icons in every cultural group in South Africa and every one deserves acknowledgement. Hugh Masekela's and Miriam Makeba's influence on South African music is immeasurable. HON MEMBERS: Hear! Hear!
So too is the influence of people such as Adam Small and P J Philander on poetry, and that of people such as Danny Williams, Lionel Petersen, Richard John Smith and Jonathan Butler on music. Then we must also not forget people such as Mimi Coertse, G Korsten and Carike Keuzenkamp. We must honour and remember all of them - yes, Steve Hofmeyer, too!]
To quote Stuart Hall:
When we constitute an identity which leaves some voices more marginal and leaves some voices out, that which is excluded almost always picks itself off the floor, gets itself together, and walks around to the back door, breaks a window and comes back in. It comes back in to trouble the fixed, settled, well-ordered structure of who-is-in and who-is-out.
Be careful that, in that moment of constituting the us, we don't forget to hear the them. Who is the them left out? Who is in the margin? Who is excluded? The excluded aren't going to be excluded all the time. They are going to come back and trouble the way in which we are trying to organise and classify the world.
As South Africa takes stock of the reality and status quo of citizenship, identity, and linguistic and cultural diversity within our country, let us be mindful of the statement made by President Zuma on 13 September 2012 when answering questions in this Parliament, when he stressed that, in a democracy, the majority have more rights than the minority. [Interjections.] If that is so, according to the President of South Africa, full citizenship, which includes cultural rights, will happen at the whim of the majority.
According to the IPU - and let us listen to what the world says - governments and Parliaments have a primary responsibility for managing and building common values amidst the increasing diversity of a globalised world. Indeed, their task is increasingly to protect diversity as a global value, and within the context of President Zuma's recent statements, I wish to ask the House what our contribution at the IPU will be.
Want elke Suid-Afrikaner verdien om 100% Suid-Afrikaner te wees. Die dae van tweede-en derdeklas burgers is verby. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Because every South African deserves to be 100% South African. The days of being second class and third class citizens are over. [Interjections.] I thank you. [Applause.]]
Chairperson, diversity of our societies and civilisations is a prominent feature of an ever more globalised and interconnected world. [Interjections.]
Hon members, take your seats, please.
Not one experience is common to all. A series of man- made firewalls protect national cultures. Societies belonging to racial, religious, linguistic and ethnic minorities are particularly vulnerable to political, economic and social alienation and discrimination socially. What these societies are to their communities, so is the globalised world to its citizens.
Racial profiling, gender discrimination and cultural exclusions are but some of the global challenges. A failure to take account of the role of these sequential firewalls has commonly led to exaggerated assessments of the risks to national diversity.
Cope would like to begin by looking at the foundation of our Constitution, indulging, as we do, with an approach and a view of looking at the world outside ourselves, with an attitude that begs the question: What does the Constitution of our country say about culture and diversity? What does it say about a common nationhood or respect for others?
Governments and parliaments have a primary responsibility to manage and build common values and balance diversity with social cohesion within the framework provided by international law and standards. This is the key to advancing social justice, co-operation and peaceful relations at the national, regional and international levels.
Debates about the supposed peril arising from cultural imperialism, Coca- colonisation or McDonaldisation, have raged for almost half a century. South Africa comes from a deeply fractured society. The subsequent change brought about by our new Constitution in 1996, revealed that apartheid in South Africa committed massive cultural and linguistic genocide. Other languages were marginalised and suppressed and one dominates - Afrikaans, for example. Once again, thanks to an esteemed South African Constitution, all cultures and languages are recognised. Equally, that famous speech by our former President Mbeki "I am an African", crowned it all.
What lesson of global significance do we learn from the Marikana saga, the Arab Spring, the Libyan or Sudan conflict? Unfortunately, populist movements of minority views are gaining more seats in parliaments around the globe, reflecting a lack of universal confidence in the political establishment.
It is Cope's belief that citizenship is an act of belonging to a community, which revolves around politics and rights. Citizenship always has a political dimension, because citizens have the capacity to determine the law, oversee the respect for universal justice, human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law. Citizenship stresses the notion of equal respect and dignity even where there is unequal power.
The European Commission of Human Rights, European Union, EU, in its constitutional preamble also says the twin pillars of political values are an effective political democracy on the one hand, and a common understanding and observance of human rights on other.
Finally, reconciliation, the legacy of first democratic President Nelson Mandela and the work of Bishop Desmond Tutu, calls upon us to have a global sense of recognition and a realisation of a common nationhood. Events of torture against foreigners, acts of xenophobia and increasing arrests of innocent asylumseekers and refugees is a sign that we still have a mountain to climb in our quest for internationalism.
In conclusion, our Constitution does not disregard the spirit of internationalism. It values the human rights across the globe and human standpoints as we guide across the country.
Chairperson, this topic will be discussed next month by all parliaments of the world in the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, in Canada. The question to be debated is: What becomes of one's language, identity and culture in a globalised world? Are we losing or retaining them? There is evidence of massive disappearance of languages. When American Indians arrived in North America some 30 000 years ago, approximately 600 languages were spoken. The indigenous people of Australia, the Aborigines and the others had been there for 50 000 years when the whites arrived in 1788. They were speaking about 250 languages. What has become of them?
The diversity of our planet is breathtaking. There are currently about seven billion people on earth and 193 nations are represented at the United Nations. In respect of religion, there are at least 38 000 Christian denominations and many, many other faiths.
In Africa alone there are one billion people speaking 3 000 languages. The crucial question is: What becomes of your and my mother tongue, our culture and our identities in this globalised world? It appears that we have two choices: Either retain our identities, languages and cultures, or trade them in for new ones so that the world eventually becomes as close as possible to one huge homogeneous place. I personally choose to retain my mother tongue, Afrikaans. I also speak English, reasonable French and some Portuguese. Gape ke a leka go bua Sesotho, [I also try to speak Sesotho,] and ngiyazama ukukhuluma IsiZulu futhi. [I also try to speak IsiZulu.] But the critical question remains: Are these languages also going to disappear in some distant future?
To summarise, I believe that even in a globalised world all nations, ethnic groups and language groups are entitled to retain their mother languages, cultural diversity, identities, their religions and their citizenships in a globalised world. Thank you.
Hon Chairperson and hon members, globalisation, immigration and their causes raise serious questions about the conceptions of citizenship. Worldwide there seems to be difficulties in integrating new immigrants into receiving countries.
Evils such as xenophobia and human rights abuses continue to rear their ugly heads, even as immigrants later decide to take up citizenship in the destination countries.
Nevertheless, there are numerous benefits to the relative ease with which people move and settle in a country or region to which they are not natives. Chief among the plethora of benefits is that the free movement of the people create new forms of multinational diversity through an export of national cultures from country of origin to domiciles of choice.
It is natural that people with varying experiences and perspectives in life would be able to generate unique ideas and solutions to the problems.
When a country is a multicultural zebra, made up of people with diverse background and experiences, it is likely to surprise the world with its creative and innovative ideas. But the failure to properly manage diversity, whether in cultural, religious or ethno linguistic terms, could pose a serious challenge to social cohesion.
Therefore, the political leadership has an important role to play in building a common set of values that bind our diverse nations together in a globalised world.
In conclusion, as a small and developing country operating in a globalised world, we need to preserve and protect our cultural and linguistic diversity rather than build regional and international relations that seek to assimilate and conform to the hegemony of western culture. Thank you, hon Chairperson.
Agb Voorsitter, ek weet nie of die kollegas vanmiddag opgelet het nie, maar hier is 'n interessante tendens aan die ontwikkel. Dit gaan, wat my betref, oor 'n strategie van die DA. U sal opgelet het dat die agb kollega Lee vanmiddag begin het deur aan ons te verduidelik hoe goed dinge rondom die tyd van mnr Mandela was. Dit is nie 'n nuwe ding nie. Mev Zille het Maandag presies dieselfde gedoen.
U moet in gedagte hou dat die DA van mnr Mandela 'n "good guy DA person" gaan maak, met die oog op die verkiesing. Hou dop, u sal dit sien. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Dr C P MULDER: Hon Chairperson, I don't know if the colleagues were paying attention this afternoon, but there is an interesting trend developing here. As far as I'm concerned, this is about a strategy of the DA. You would have noticed that the hon colleague Lee started this afternoon by explaining to us how great things were at the time of Mr Mandela. This is not something new. On Monday Mrs Zille did exactly the same thing.
One should keep in mind that the DA is going to turn Mr Mandela into a good guy DA person, in view of the election. Watch it, and you will see this.]
Citizenship, identity, linguistic and cultural diversity in a globalised world.
Die vraag is: Waarom is dit vandag ter sake? [The question is: Why has that come up today?]
Why is that debated?
Na die Tweede Wreldoorlog, as gevolg van die vergrype in terme van individuele regte, het die klem op "human rights" geval - "the protection of human rights". Dit is waarop die klem was na die Tweede Wreldoorlog, maar in die moderne tyd waarin ons vandag leef, het die klem verskuif, verder weg. "Individual human rights" alleen is nie meer goed genoeg nie. Dit gaan nou verder. Die vraag ontstaan: Hoe word na die verskillende indentiteite van mense, gemeenskappe, en "linguistic and cultural diversity" gekyk en hoe word dit geakkommodeer as die ware toets in 'n samelewing?
Die probleem in Suid-Afrika is dat die ANC as 'n politieke party in terme van 'n meerderheid dink. Hulle dink nie in terme van hierdie verskeidenheid nie, ten spyte van die woorde wat ons hoor. Ons het dit vanmiddag gesien met die agb Minister van Arbeid, toe sy na die Association of Mineworker and Construction Unions, Amcu, verwys het. Die Amcu word nie in die onderhandelinge by Marikana gehoor nie ... (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[After the Second World War, because of the transgressions in terms of individual rights, the emphasis was on human rights - the protection of human rights. This is where the emphasis lay after the Second World War, but in the modern time in which we are living today, the emphasis has moved further away. Individual human rights alone will no longer suffice. It goes further now. The question arises: How are the various identities of people, communities, and linguistic and cultural diversity viewed and how is that accommodated as the true test in a society?
The problem in South Africa is that, as a political party, the ANC is thinking in terms of a majority. They do not think in terms of this diversity, in spite of the words that we are hearing. We saw that this afternoon, with the hon Minister of Labour, when she referred to the Association of Mineworker and Construction Unions, Amcu. The Amcu is not heard in the negotiations at Marikana ...]
... because they represent a minority. They do not have a majority. Ons het verlede Woensdag hier in die Parlement tydens vraetyd dieselfde van die agb President gehoor, toe hy duidelik ges het dat die meerderheid meer regte het en dat minderheidsregte nie regtig tel nie. Ons het dieselfde van die Minister van Binnelandse Sake by die Kohesieberaad op 4 Julie in Soweto, gehoor toe sy ges het, "Word deel van die meerderheid".
Dit is 'n tipiese uitganspunt van meerderhede. Hulle kan hulself nooit indink oor hoe die minderheid en verskillende diverse gemeenskappe hul posisioneer en akkommodeer nie.
Die toets vir 'n werklike moderne staat is: Hoe akkommodeer mens daardie verskeidenheid? Suid-Afrika het 'n baie goeie Grondwet, maar hy raak agter, omdat ons nie meer daardie verskeidenheid akkommodeer nie. Ons sal dit moet doen, en dan is ons weer op die spoor. Dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[We heard the same from the hon President during question time here at Parliament last Wednesday, when he clearly stated that the majority has more rights and that minority rights really do not count. We heard the same from the Minister of Home Affairs at the Cohesion Conference in Soweto on 4 July, when she said, "Become part of the majority".
That is a typical point of departure of majorities. They can never appreciate just how the minority and various diverse communities position and accommodate themselves.
The test for a truly modern state is: How does one accommodate that diversity? South Africa has a very good Constitution, but it is lagging behind because we are no longer accommodating that diversity. We will have to do that, and then we will be back on track. Thank you.]
Ke a leboha Modulasetulo. Ke rata ho qala ka ho dumedisa Maloko a Palamente ena. La pele, ha nke ke tshohle seo se builweng ke Mohlompehi Lee, eo e leng leloko la DA. [Thank you, Chairperson. I would like to greet Members of Parliament. Firstly, let me analyse what has been mentioned by hon Lee, who is a member of the DA.]
I think it is incorrect to say that our Constitution does not provide the support and protection for people of minority groups, because that is what you said. The Constitution is very clear in that it protects all South Africans and gives rights to all people of the country; the citizens. It is not correct to stand here and misguide the public by saying that the Constitution does not protect the rights of the minorities.
The other issue that I want to raise, which is very sharp and about which I am passionate, is that when you deal with the issues of Afrikaans, you have to understand where this country comes from. I grew up in Soweto as a black child. I understand the impact of Afrikaans being forced upon us as young people who wanted to be educated and being forced to learn a foreign language.
As much as we want the Afrikaans language to be recognised and be given the status that the Constitution protects, you have got to appreciate the past. You have to appreciate the impact of it on ordinary people, including ourselves. So, you have to listen, hon Lee, while I speak so that you can understand and appreciate where many of us grew up as young people wanting education. We were forced to learn up to a level that we did not understand, and which created a sense of inferiority within our society. You should not come here and underplay the impact of what Afrikaans did to us as black children who grew up in townships, especially being a child growing up in Soweto. [Applause.]
My focus area is specifically on the work that I do in the Inter- Parliamentary Union, IPU, being a rapporteur of the third Standing Committee of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, which is focused on the use of media, including social media, to enhance public engagement and democracy. This is linked to the main topic that we have to understand. Therefore, as we look into this, we look at the role that the media has to play and that it is currently playing in terms of providing and enhancing the role of public engagement and democracy.
The Hansard Society highlights two barriers to political and parliamentary engagements. These are a lack of knowledge about and interest in politics, and low participation and satisfaction levels. The Hansard Society submits that these barriers indicate that there is a lot that needs to be done by parliaments to improve levels of public knowledge about the institution. As such, continued improvement in the public engagement area is fundamental in the long term if the reputation of Parliament with the public is to be repaired and fostered in the future.
The rapid growth of information and communication technology, ICT, has changed the environment within which parliaments operate, particularly in the developed countries. However, due to the high cost associated with the use of ICT, traditional news sources, such as newspapers, radio and television, remain popular and influential information providers and points of connection between the public and parliaments. For instance, the IPU notes that radio broadcasting is the principle source of information in many parts of the world and many parliaments are effectively using it, particularly in Africa, the Pacific Islands and parts of Central Asia. Furthermore, according to the IPU, radio is often the only medium available to the vast majority living in rural areas where literacy levels are often low.
The traditional media can play a positive role in a political system if there is an environment that enables them to do so. Journalists need to be equipped with the appropriate skills for the level of in-depth reporting that a new democracy can benefit from. There should also be mechanisms in place to ensure that the media and journalists can be held accountable to the public through the explicit enforcement of ethical and professional standards. The independence of the media is essential and can be guaranteed if media organisations are financially viable, free from intervention, and operate in a competitive environment. The media should also be accessible to as many people in society as possible.
In addition, the media has been accused of sensationalism and superficiality, particularly because of the selection of stories that are covered and the way the information is presented to the general public. Despite this, the idea that the media can be a watchdog, a guardian of public interest, and a channel of communication between leaders and the people they govern remains firmly entrenched in many places across the globe. The concern still remains that traditional media can, for example write a front-page story which is factually not correct, and then later retract it in a small apology in the back of the newspaper. These are some of the things which we are still concerned about.
The media can assist us, especially in Parliament ...
... hore haholoholo re kgone ho bona mosebetsi oo re o etsang re le Maloko a Palamente. Hangata ha o sheba seo batho ba se buang kwana ka ntle o fumana hore batho ba bua hore Maloko a Palamente ntho eo ba e etsang ke ho fofela Kapa mona ba tlisa ho robala feela.
Menahano e jwalo ke eo e leng hore e etswa ke boqolotsi ... (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)
[... so that we, as Members of Parliament, can see the work that we are doing. In most cases what the people are saying out there is that all that Members of Parliament do is fly to Cape Town to come and sleep.
Such ideas are the ones made by the media ...]
... because most of the time, when you look at our work, it is not covered by the media. The fact that, most of the time, ordinary Members of Parliament arrive at eight o'clock in the morning and finish at eight o'clock in the evening is not covered. The majority of the work that is done in committees is not covered either, and that's why we have an entrenched perception that the majority of Members of Parliament come to Cape Town just to sleep.
This is why we are appealing to our media to assist us in ensuring that what we do as parliamentarians, committees, and the entire Parliament is accessible to all members of the public, so that they can be able to understand what we do.
The majority of the concerning issues that we need to raise is, for example, that you'll find the IFP marching to the SABC ...
... bathi akuvezwa lokhu okuthize kwe-IFP. Uma ubheka ezinye izinto okufanele siziphakamise... [... saying that certain things about the IFP are not broadcast. The other concern to be raised ...]
... is that, even while covering a sitting of the House, most of the time ...
... baba uMpontshane uthola ukuthi uma ubheka ngenkathi inkulumompikiswano iqeda ukuphela usuthi ubheka izindaba ebusuku awutholi lutho okushiwoyo ngamaLungu eqembu elibusayo. Konke okuvezwayo kumayelana namaqembu aphikisayo. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
[... hon Mpontshane, you find that after the debate has been concluded and you are watching the evening news, nothing is being reported about the members of the ruling party. All they broadcast about is the opposition parties.]
It is about opposition parties. These are some of the concerns that we have. We have to look at these issues. What is the role of the media in terms of promoting participation and in terms of enhancing democracy?
At times you find the media taking a stand against the ruling party. That is not what the media is supposed to be doing. When we enhance democracy, the media is supposed to be objective and balanced in terms of their reporting, not to contest elections against the ANC. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
The term social media, as well, broadly refers to internet-based tools and services that allow users to engage with each other, generate content, distribute, as well as search for information online.
In recent years, there has been significant growth in the uptake and engagement with some of these platforms by African citizens due to improvements in infrastructure, the arrival of wireless access technologies, as well as lower tariffs. For example, the social network site Facebook has been widely adopted as a communicative tool across the African continent, with approximately 40 million registered users as of 31 March 2012. However, this number is low when compared with Europe, which stands at more than 200 million registered users, and Asia with more than 100 million users.
Blogging, including the micro-blog service Twitter launched in 2006, has also been embraced by African citizens. A study conducted by social media monitor Semiocast found that, as of July 2012, more than 300 million people used Twitter.
In many countries the various social media platforms outlined above play a key role in facilitating the interactive relationship between citizens and political representatives, as they allow citizens to engage with their political leaders at local and national levels.
There are a number of challenges that impede the usage of social platforms in facilitating political participation. These include distrust, socioeconomic conditions and institutional arrangements. In recent years there has been a growing distrust of these platforms by various autocratic regimes. Such regimes have blocked, censored and/or threatened to block or intercept the use of these platforms.
Online and mobile social media remain largely the tools of the metropolitan social elite and middle class population. The economically wealthy are usually the ones who enjoy access to these networks and have the skills to use them. For instance, when it comes to Internet usage, Africa has approximately 130 million users and a population of more than 1 billion, compared to more than 500 million users in Europe with a population of more than 800 million. So this is clearly visible in terms of how we can use the impact of social media.
In addition, what we need to be concerned about is that social media platforms are not regulated by any code of ethics, making it difficult for parliaments and members to identify and address attacks that are published via these platforms. Further, it can be difficult to prosecute individuals for making defamatory statements online, since many people use false identities on these platforms.
What is of greater concern is that there is no mechanism to restrict what is published.
Mme, o felletswe ke nako! [Madam, your time has expired!]
I still have 13 seconds, hon House Chairperson.
In conclusion, it is important that all media houses assist the country in building a society that we can all be proud of. More efforts need to be taken by Parliament to engage with citizens through media and social media.
House Chairperson, may I address you on a point of order? When the presiding officer gives a ruling, the speaker at the podium should adhere to that!
I am looking at the time!
She has concluded, Madam.
I was looking at the time!
Thank you, hon member!
Yes, just to say lastly that Parliament should look at mechanism to regulate social media. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon member, your time has expired. Do not do that. Your time has expired!
Hon House Chairperson, may we place on record that the decorum of this House has degenerated because the opposition benches are howling at all times when the members of the majority party are debating. Is this how we are going to run Parliament as we proceed?
House Chairperson, this one-minute contribution feels like a drop in the ocean, but hopefully it will add something to the conversation. Building a nation of people from many nations and kingdoms is a creative, daring and amazing thing - well, it is in my book, at least. Citizenship, it is said, requires a sense of belonging, because without it, individuals are unlikely to be able to contribute or achieve full responsible citizenship. With all our differences, one thing we do have in common is our need to belong or to have a sense of belonging. That is important to keep in mind, I think.
South Africa's recent participation in the Olympics gave us another opportunity to get to experience that sense of belonging. The successes of our athletes were an added bonus, bolstering a collective national esteem and pride in being South African. A magnificent picture of unity in diversity!
Unity is something the ACDP highly values and we are committed to a shared future for all people living in South Africa. We also value diversity and are committed to protecting our freedoms, including religion and culture. Thank you. [Time expired.]
Chairperson, I didn't want to disturb the speaker at the podium, but may I address you on the statement made by the hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party? He has made a blanket statement that the opposition parties are disturbing the decorum of the House. I think that is too general because, as far as we are concerned, the IFP was not involved in that.
Hon member, that is noted.
House Chairperson, I want to agree with the IFP and withdraw, because the IFP behaves very well.
Hon member, that is not a ...
It is the DA who doesn't behave well. [Laughter.]
Hon members, I think if you want to raise points of order, you should go back and look at the Rules about what points of order are. [Interjections.] You don't make these kinds of statements all the time. Your points of order are either on procedure or conduct, not on the substance that is there. These are debates.
Hon House Chairperson and hon members, diversity is a norm in the ever more globalised and interconnected world. South Africa is one such country where there is a plethora of linguistic, ethnic, cultural, racial and religious differences. However, we are able to live and let live.
It is unfortunate that, in spite of the prevailing tolerance of one another, linguistic and ethnic minorities are particularly vulnerable to political, economic, and social alienation and discrimination.
The one issue that threatens to polarise our country at present is the Traditional Courts Bill, which women feel is loaded against them. One remains astounded at how it was passed by Cabinet in the first place.
We look forward to balancing these diversities with social cohesion within the framework provided by law in the country and internationally. The UCDP believes that if particular care is paid to the vulnerability of women in society, there can be mutual respect and understanding. We look forward to the enhancement of political participation and representation of minorities - with an emphasis on minorities - and indigenous people in all spheres of life.
We believe that the multiparty Parliament should promote democracy by ensuring that all are heard and not called upon to decorate seats. A social cohesion platform ... Ngiyabonga. [Thank you.] [Time expired.]
Chairperson and hon members, the topics that will be discussed at this year's Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, Assembly in Quebec, Canada, are the overall theme which we are debating now, which is, "Citizenship, identity, linguistic and cultural diversity in a globalised world".
The theme of the first Standing Committee on Peace and International Security is "Enforcing the responsibility to protect: The role of Parliament in safeguarding civilians' lives". The theme of the second committee is, "Fair trade and innovative financing mechanisms for sustainable development". That of the third committee is, "The use of media, including social media, to enhance citizen engagement and democracy". The hon Kubayi will be presenting a paper in the third standing committee and the hon Ramatlakane will be presenting a paper in the first standing committee. I would like to wish them well in their work at the IPU as they represent our Parliament.
The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa states in section 3(2):
All citizens are equally entitled to the rights, privileges and benefits of citizenship.
I think we need to ask ourselves, as members here in this House, whether we are doing sufficient work, both as Parliament and as Members of Parliament to ensure the realisation of what the Constitution says in section 3(2).
A further question we need to ask ourselves is whether the citizens of our country fully understand their rights, benefits and privileges, as well as what their duties and responsibilities are. I would want to submit that we need to do a lot more work in engaging with the citizens of our country.
During the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup, we saw a level of unity and national pride on a score not often witnessed in our short history as a new democracy. Not only did the country unite behind our soccer team, but what was of particular significance was the display of and identify with our national flag. As a country, we have made progress in creating a national identity.
However, what does concern me at times is the possible lack of identity with some of our national days. Political parties are being invited to attend and often participate in many of the celebrations of our national days. However, I would submit that we, as a Parliament and members in our constituencies, need to do a lot more work in mobilising communities and informing them about what these national days signify.
Section 6 of our Constitution recognises 11 official languages. Again, we need to ask ourselves whether, here, as a Parliament, we are doing sufficient work to promote the use of the 11 languages. Committee meetings and the business of this House are generally in English. Perhaps we should be doing more to promote the use of our official languages in our work, here in Parliament, in committees and in the House. I also think that we, as Members of Parliament, need to lead by example. We also need to be sure that we are able to speak more than one language.
Sections 30 and 31 of the Constitution state:
Everyone has the right to use the language and to participate in the cultural life of their choice, but no one exercising these rights may do so in a manner inconsistent with any provision of the Bill of Rights.
It further states:
Persons belonging to a cultural, religious or linguistic community may not be denied the right, with other members of that community - a) to enjoy their culture, practise their religion and use their language; and b) to form, join and maintain cultural, religious and linguistic associations, and other organs of civil society.
As a country, we are diverse and extremely rich in culture, religion and language. I think that we should be taking a lot more time to learn and gain more understanding about each other's culture, religion and language. As we take time to learn about each other, we will find that many of the suspicions and mistrust which we have about each other will start to diminish.
During the recent National Summit on Social Cohesion, President Jacob Zuma stated:
Today's summit is an important gathering of our new nation. This summit confirms that the promotion of social cohesion, nation-building, and national identity are on the list of priorities for our country. As we proceed along this journey, we will have to ask and answer difficult questions.
We will also have to confront complex and uncomfortable realities. However, as South Africans, we have on many occasions proven to ourselves to be a nation that thrives and finds solutions to difficult problems through dialogue, discussions and reaching out to one another. It was through dialogue and reaching out to one another that we were able to produce what is now fondly referred to as the South African miracle.
As a country, I think we all need to admit that we have made progress, but we must also ensure that we continue along the road of unity in diversity.
Parliaments, including our own Parliament at the IPU, need to ensure that their respective governments, amongst others, promote intercultural dialogue to bridge cultural differences; preserve cultural identity; nurture the diversity of cultural expressions; promote mutual interaction; support and empower individuals, communities and organisations involved in initiatives aimed at promoting acceptance and respect of cultural diversity; and to combat the spread of cultural illiteracy, which often refers to a lack of the ability to accept cultural difference and to welcome them without being unsettled by them.
As I conclude, together as Members of Parliament in this Parliament, let us increase our efforts in promoting unity, reconciliation, nation-building and cohesion. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.