Hon House Chairperson, hon Deputy President, hon members, as we mobilise society towards consolidating democracy and freedom, let us take this opportunity to salute our sung and unsung heroes who fell in the struggle for the freedom we are celebrating today. Let us remember our heroes who lie in marked and unmarked graves in the country and abroad and remind ourselves that they have paid the supreme price for our freedom.
We remember that in April, Comrade Chris Hani was killed in cold blood and Solomon Mahlangu was hanged by the apartheid regime. We remember the former president of the ANC, O R Tambo, who led us through the four pillars of our struggle.
Our freedom did not fall from heaven like manna. This year we celebrate 19 years of democracy, freedom and liberation; nineteen years of exercising our rights to choose the party we want to govern; nineteen years of transforming the legislative landscape to ensure transformative and progressive legislation; nineteen years of hard work of reversing a 300 year-long development backlog and to set about ensuring deracialisation, gender equality, reconciliation, nation-building whilst addressing the embedded and pervasive socioeconomic legacy of apartheid colonialism and patriarchy.
Those who argue that 19 years is sufficient time to create a new nation, for that is exactly what was needed given our racialised and inhuman legacy, must be bold enough to admit that the entrenchment of separateness which consumed this land cannot be overturned within 19 years. If we are honest, we must admit that no person can accurately quantify how long it will take to undo, repair, heal, develop and sustain a nation traumatised by the apartheid legacy, which was termed by the United Nations a crime against humanity.
It is easy for those who sit on the sidelines in judgement of the ANC-led government to continuously bemoan that all of us should stop harping on the past and get on with it. When one does not know where one's parent is buried after being killed by the apartheid regime, or whose elderly grandmother lives in a rural area and has not had the luxury of hot water running out of a tap, or whose mother is a domestic worker who takes care of her employer's children but not her own, or whose shack in a densely populated area of shack-dwellers is either prone to annual floods or runaway fires, then one must not demand immediate amnesia and expect those who suffered immensely and still do so to stop harping on the past and get on with it. As Madiba wisely said, "true reconciliation does not consist in merely forgetting the past."
The triple challenges of poverty, inequality and unemployment weigh heavily on our nation largely because the vestiges of inequalities and divisions imposed on society over some three centuries are still persisting almost two decades after the democratisation of South Africa. The impact of this reverberates across the land, and if left unattended, threatens to destabilise our hard fought for democracy.
We can acknowledge that despite these challenges, progress has been made. Perhaps, this progress is not at the pace that most would like it to be. However, given the state of the nation that the democratic ANC-led government inherited in 1994, coupled with the global situation, we can proudly state that few societies can claim to have experienced the depth and breadth of policy, legal and institutional transformation as we have.
As former President Nelson Mandela observed:
It is true that there is much work still to be done to bring true equity, social justice and thus stability to the nation. It is true that change sometimes seems slow. How many decades, indeed, centuries, has it taken European and American democracies to stabilise their governments, their economies and their societies? How many former liberation movements that have become governments in other parts of Africa, in Eastern Europe, in South America can match the South African government's attempts to redress injustice and stimulate economic growth?
The National Planning Commission articulated this progress as follows:
Since 1994, access to primary and secondary education has been expanded to include almost all of the age cohort. A reception year has been introduced. Ten million people have been accommodated in formal housing. Primary healthcare has been expanded. Access to electricity and water has been significantly expanded. Enrolment in higher education has almost doubled and, in terms of its race and gender demographics, is more representative of our nation.
However, while we can take a modicum of pride in acknowledging the gains we have made, we are also realistic enough to understand that deep poverty, high levels of unemployment and vast inequalities can easily trigger major fissures in our society and set us back tenfold, unless we speed up service delivery and substantially improve the lives of all our people. To quote the National Planning Commission's diagnostic overview once more:
Despite these successes, our conclusion is that on a business-as-usual basis, we are likely to fall short in meeting our objectives of a prosperous, united, nonracial and democratic South Africa with opportunity for everyone, irrespective of race or gender.
Further, the ANC has always held that the South African nation is a product of many streams of history and culture. Given this history, the ANC has always called for unity in diversity through the building of a national democratic society with a common value system and national identity.
The ANC has always held that material conditions are essential to social cohesion. When it assumed power in 1994, it undertook a very conscious campaign to intensify a nation-building programme. This programme called for government, public and private institutions along with all the citizens of this diverse society to begin working together to build an inclusive, just and cohesive society in which not just a privileged few, but all members of society live in peace and prosper together. To achieve this, an effective national strategy on social cohesion and nation-building was required.
On the occasion of our centenary celebration last year, the ANC, in its January 8th statement, said:
The process of developing a sense of common nationhood or a common vision of the future has been slow. We continue to have different and differing perspectives on the processes unfolding in our country. Despite the progress we have made, there remain deep fault lines in our society that continue to undermine our vision of a united, nonracial and nonsexist South Africa. These fault lines include the persistence of poverty and unemployment, old and new forms of inequality and the persistence of patriarchal relations that continue to marginalise women.
It would seem that selective amnesia of the untold suffering and disparities which exist, has not only desensitized but also created apartheid fatigue amongst many. It would seem that when one seeks to justify the challenges which impede delivery, one is castigated for dwelling in the past. However, we must perhaps continuously remind ourselves of what we endured so that we appreciate how far we have come.
Let me list these crimes against humanity and in so doing, also marvel at the forgiving nature of the majority of the people who endured these. They are the division of the population along racial, linguistic and cultural lines; the denial of the majority of the population the right to representation in national government; the dispossession of the majority of the people of land; the fragmentation of the country into ethnic enclaves designed to foster ethnicity and tribalism; the reservation of participation in all aspects of national life to a minority of the population; the imposition of an unequal, segregated and indoctrinating educational dispensation on the society; the regulation and prohibition of free intercultural social interaction; the denationalisation of the majority of the population; the criminalisation and brutalisation of the majority of the population; the restriction of the free movement of the majority; the disruption of the family and community life of successive generations; and the denigration of African languages and cultures.
The entrenchment of these has made overturning the laws which enacted these atrocities easier to do when compared to liberating our people from the socioeconomic bondage perpetuated by the apartheid regime.
Political posturing and political dishonesty in certain quarters is consistently ignoring the many achievements scored by this government. Curiously, they have accused us of clinging to the past but today, we are seeing them through a distortion of history and lies, shouting on the podium that "we too fought for freedom."
They have even appropriated former ANC president and the face of our anti- apartheid struggle, Nelson Mandela, by placing his image side by side with that of Suzman on the campaign pamphlet.
The DA has all the right to blow its trumpet about the role it played, if any in history. However, it has no right to insult the intelligence of the nation through factual misrepresentation of history, distortion and lies. Whether the choice of Mrs Suzman as the face of "we also fought for freedom" campaign is advisable, is a matter for history to judge. However, to equate the role she played in the anti-apartheid struggle with that of Madiba, by publishing their picture in a friendly embrace as the face of such campaign, is an act of great desperation and political fraudulence.
The policy of Mrs Suzman's progressive party preferred limited voting rights for blacks, which meant only 150 000 out of 15 million black people with standard seven would vote. It is an open secret that the late Suzman dedicated her energies protecting economic interest of apartheid South Africa, which were enjoyed by the white minority by rejecting international call for disinvestment and sanctions against apartheid South Africa.
During her visit to the British House of Commons in 1989, she reiterated to the international media, "I am against disinvestment and sanction. I totally support Mrs Thatcher on this issue". Thatcher, for years an international face of opposition against sanctions and disinvestment against apartheid South Africa, was a friend of the apartheid regime and controversially regarded Mandela and the ANC as terrorists.
The progressive party agreed with the apartheid regime that Mandela must renounce the armed struggle as a condition for his release from Robben Island. As we said when Mrs Suzman sadly passed away in 2009, "we remember and respect the contribution of Mrs Suzman towards the demise of apartheid". Because of the ancient African traditions of Ubuntu that we subscribe to, which teach us never to talk ill of the departed, we would have preferred that she rests in peace, rather than subject her to this kind of scrutiny. It is unfortunate and regrettable that due to reckless and mischievous political posturing of the DA, we are today forced to reflect on this painful and unfortunate part of our history.
Whilst the Constitution and its Chapter 9 Institutions have laid the foundations for an inclusive and just relationship between the citizens and the state at different levels of government, as well as with other public and private agencies, the effective realisation of the full participation of all citizens remains uneven. Increasing economic marginalization of the poor and disadvantaged constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society.
We have witnessed frequent and widespread service delivery protests, xenophobic attacks, barbaric sexual violence against women and children, increase in crime levels, alcohol and drug abuse, teenage pregnancies and corruption. All these challenge our nation building project and pose a real threat to social cohesion.
The preamble of the South African Constitution clearly declares that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.
Hon, Chief Whip, your time has expired. [Interjections.]
This thus lays the foundation for social cohesion. I thank you, hon House Chair. [Applause.]
Chairperson, I certainly have no intention of reacting to the nonsense spoken by the hon Chief Whip. Freedom Day is probably the most important secular public holiday we observe in South Africa. It celebrates the transition we underwent from a racially segregated society to an inclusive and nonracial democracy.
Anybody who was alive on 27 April 1994 will remember the long and patient lines of the people of our land waiting to do something they had been denied the right to do their entire lifetime - to vote for a government of their choice.
On this day, everyone acknowledges the contribution made by thousands of South Africans to secure this right and to affirm that this right could be achieved peacefully, through negotiation. Thousands lost their lives, went into exile, were imprisoned and tortured, but thousands more mobilised communities for this right. During the national elections in 1994, slightly more than 19,5 million South Africans exercised that right.
Although there was no voters' roll in that election, roughly 83% of those over the age of 18 voted. In the 1999 and 2004 national elections, the number of people who casted their votes decreased in absolute terms. And in every election since 1994, the percentage of people voting has declined steadily, from 83% in 1994, to 77% in 2004, and to 73% in 2009. Now, these figures tell us the inconvenient truth that fewer and fewer South Africans are engaging in the political system at a national level, and fewer still are doing so in municipal elections.
Why is it that when so many people have sacrificed so much for the right to vote, relatively few people exercise this precious right? The fact is that many South Africans feel disconnected from the politicians whom they elected to serve their interests. We need to ask why this is. In part, it is because very few people in South Africa know the MP who represents them in Parliament.
One of the reasons that Mrs Suzman - about whom the Chief Whip had so much to say - was re-elected time after time in the dark days of the 1960s and 70s, was that the voters of Houghton knew who she was and supported her views. However, the list system that we are using now to elect MPs and Members of the Provincial Legislatures, MPLs, gives parties, rather than voters, the right to decide who comes to Parliament. Nineteen years after the first Freedom Day, we need to correct that.
The Constitution quite correctly specifies that the results of elections should result, in general, in proportional representation. That would ensure that Parliament is inclusive of all interests and points of view.
However, what we need, in addition to inclusivity, is accountability, and this can best happen when we have a constituency system. It is for that reason that the DA has introduced a private member's legislation to amend the Electoral Act.
Our proposal is that the country be divided into 100 constituencies of substantially the same size, each electing three members by proportional representation. In addition, each party would submit a list of 100 candidates. Once MPs from constituencies have been elected, the MPs on the list would be allocated to parties to ensure that the overall composition of Parliament represents the proportion of votes obtained by parties as closely as possible.
We hope that Parliament will deal with this matter in a nonpartisan way because, if we get the electoral system right, we will make more South Africans want to exercise their right to vote. Therefore, it would fulfil part of the promise of Freedom Day and the sacrifices of those who work for freedom. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon House Chair and His Excellency, the Deputy President - whom I thought was around - and members of the House, Freedom Day marks an opportunity to reflect on our development as a democracy and to celebrate our achievements.
Reflecting on this at the first anniversary of South Africa's nonracial elections, President Mandela said:
As dawn ushered in this day, the 27th of April 1995, few of us could suppress the welling of emotion, as we were reminded of the terrible past from which we come as a nation; the great possibilities that we now have; and the bright future that beckons us ... The ultimate goal of a better life has yet to be realised.
Postapartheid South Africa is faced by a mammoth task to consolidate democracy, to lessen the harsh legacies of segregation and apartheid and to improve the day-to-day lives of the people of South Africa. Large strides have been taken regarding these challenges. The country has gained respect across the world, where before it was a pariah. Major political, social and economic transformations have occurred and the Constitution has proved to be a success and has won wide acclaim. The government has extended the reach of critical services to millions of people previously denied access to them.
However, despite these substantial gains, the country still faces deep economic inequalities and acute problems such as a high rate of unemployment; homelessness; violent crime; slow progress on land reform; a dysfunctional education system; a burgeoning health crisis; and a growing concern about corruption and nepotism.
Today, yet another debate ensues to mark Freedom Day. Unfortunately, rhetoric rather than commitment to action will win the day again. To many people this debate is unknown, and those who do know about it, consider it meaningless in terms of their everyday lives and their struggles on a daily basis.
Freedom is intrinsically linked to democracy. To ensure this, the responsibilities of the government and the people are paramount. The government has the responsibility to ensure that freedom from poverty, violence, disease, corruption and nepotism is reached. It also has the responsibility to provide education, facilitate employment. The people have the freedom to challenge the status quo, if necessary, by having the freedoms of speech, of association, of communication and many others.
If this government is genuinely sincere about consolidating democracy, then all of us involved in the democratic process should resolve to make consultation, transparency and accountability to the people the central pillars of governance.
True patriots in a democracy understand the necessity to defend the country against the abuse of power from any organ of state. Thus true patriots will declare that: Secrecy and democracy do not mix. They will also declare that tenders for friends and relatives must never occur; they will declare nepotism as an anathema. Irregular and fruitless expenditure must never be tolerated; corruption must never be countenanced; the integrity of the media must not be compromised; expertise must not be subjected to political expediency through political appointments.
When these characterise the governance of society, people withdraw from the election process, as it is seen as nothing more than an empty ritual.
Samuel Adams declared that:
A true patriot ... will, as far as he is able, keep the attention of his fellow citizens awake to their grievances; and not suffer them to be addressed, till the causes of their just complaints are removed.
Speaker, to consolidate democracy the following elements are essential: The rule of law and responsive governance; free and fair elections; socioeconomic needs and delivery protection of human rights; civil and political liberties; the existence of an active civil society; and supremacy of the Constitution. These are some of the fundamental areas that we should always bare in mind.
Do we have such patriots amongst us to ensure the consolidation of democracy? Are we prepared to take on the democratic responsibility that ensures that the undermining of human rights and freedom of the South African people are identified and addressed appropriately? As representatives of the people and members of this House, it is the responsibility of all of us as members of the National Assembly to be aware of the crimes committed under the banner of our South African democracy.
Atrocities like the abuse of women and children; the murder of Andries Tatane; and the massacre at Marikana are stark examples of such crimes that require the moral and political will of all of us. As members of this House, we must ensure that justice is done and such events do not occur.
Freedom Day affords us the opportunity to make a pledge towards fighting against the erosion of the democratic rights of the people of South Africa and renewing our loyalty to the country and commitment to its future.
We must always say that under the new banner of a democratic South Africa, none of the atrocities must ever be perpetrated. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chair, 19 years ago this country emerged into a free, fair and democratic South Africa. We were the rainbow nation, the land of sunshine and opportunity, an example to the rest of the world, a humanity living in harmony. We were a land governed by a supreme Constitution, an independent judiciary and universal suffrage. In a phrase: The world was our oyster. Endless possibilities were before us.
Have we done all that we could have done in these last 19 years? Have we alleviated the suffering of the majority of our citizens? Have we tackled social inequalities, homelessness, substandard education and unemployment? Are we making headway in the battle against poverty? I would submit that we cannot possibly be doing all that we can do when government is beset and plagued by the scourge of corruption.
This government talks about moral regeneration. This government talks about being accountable to the people that have placed their trust in it to deliver them a better life.
Where is that moral fibre? Where is that accountability? Where is that service delivery? This government's own executive has broken rank and spoken out, effectively saying that after 19 years into democracy, some form of responsibility must be taken for nondelivery to the people of this country.
To be fair, the government has accomplished some form of redress in terms of basic services to many South Africans and the IFP would like to acknowledge that, but we cannot continue to deny the true state of the nation.
Our children are forced to use disease-ridden pit toilets in school yards, do not have textbooks and are fed like animals from buckets at our public schools. Rampant unemployment, disastrous housing policies and indirect taxes make this country a far cry from the land of milk and honey which it could and should be.
The government, for the last 19 years, has proclaimed itself to be pro-poor but it has dismally failed. The very poor it feigns to represent seem to be nothing more than voting fodder.
The IFP stands here today as an urge to the conscience of the ruling party, demanding a responsible and accountable government for the benefit of those whom they serve - the people of South Africa. Thank you.
Hon Chairperson, hon Ministers and hon members, Freedom Day commemorations remind us of the heavy price our struggle heroes and heroines, both dead and alive, paid for our freedom. This day provides us with an opportunity to reflect on the challenges facing us today and the progress we have made since the advent of democracy in 1994.
However, before we begin the process of mobilising society towards consolidating democracy and freedom, as today's theme suggests, we should first measure and analyse the performance of our democracy in accordance with key procedural dimensions of democratic quality, such as the rule of law, citizen participation, electoral competition as well as horizontal and vertical accountability.
In doing so, we must, from the outset admit that significant progress has been made with respect to the first three of the five above mentioned procedural dimensions of democratic quality. For instance, we have over the past 19 years worked hard to uphold the principle of the rule of law and to ensure that our laws are fairly and consistently applied to all citizens, even though there were a few incidents in the past where the principle of legal egalitarianism did not apply.
There is adequate competition between our various political parties, albeit under conditions which often tend to favour the governing party.
Citizens' right to political participation is also firmly entrenched, in that, our people have the political rights to vote, organise, assemble, protest and lobby for their interests, among others.
Despite these remarkable strides, political accountability in South Africa remains a major challenge. We have a problem with elected political parties, particularly leaders who get away with either failing or refusing to answer to the electorate for their political decisions. This failure to account and consult the public on political decisions is so widespread in government and it has resulted in the failure of democracy at local government level. These shortcomings have led our people to resort to violent protests to get their voices heard.
We saw this recently when the residents of Zamdela Township near Sasolburg in the Free State burnt tyres, barricaded roads and looted shops trying to voice their anger at the proposed merger of the Metsimaholo Municipality with Ngwathe Municipality in Parys. Other townships across the country also resort to the same violent protests to get their voices heard.
Apart from this vertical example of accountability, horizontal accountability is hopelessly inadequate. Democracy is subverted when, for instance, the executive provides misinformation to this House in order to obtain approval for some of their dubious decisions. I thank you.
Hon Chairperson, if the term society means ANC members and ANC supporters, then the hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party has indeed mobilised them towards consolidating democracy and freedom. However, that is not what society means. Society goes way beyond the ANC and its supporters.
They are also currently experiencing, what I would like to call, the spectacle of the ANC and DA who are both fighting for a better past ...
... oor en weer, oor wie die grootste stryd in die verlede gevoer het. [... back and forth, over who waged the most significant struggle in the past.]
What South Africa needs are proposals, plans and enthusiasm to create a better future.
Hierdie debat gaan oor die mobilisering van die gemeenskap ter konsolidering van demokrasie en vryheid. [This debate is about mobilising the community towards consolidating democracy and freedom.]
The Chief Whip, in his speech this afternoon, said we should stop harping on the past and that we should get on with it.
Ek het sy toespraak so oninspirerend gevind. Waar is die boodskap van hoop wat mense inspireer en saamsnoer wat hy namens die ANC oorgedra het? Suid- Afrika glo en dink ons is die nommer een in Afrika. Maar hou maar dop, Nigeri sal ons verbygaan as ons nie wakker word nie.
Die ANC glo sosiale kohesie en nasiebou moet en kan net op die ANC se model, op die ANC se siening van die geskiedenis en op die ANC se visie vir die toekoms, geskied. Dan is die ANC verbaas dat miljoene nie-ANC ondersteuners nie eintlik daardeur genspireer word nie.
Na 19 jaar van ANC-regering is die staat soos 'n siek hond wat so gepak is met bosluise en vlooie dat hy beswaarlik langer kan aangaan.
Ons kort iemand in die regering wat die kragdadigheid van onverantwoordelike vakbonde, wat almal hul skuiling binne die ANC en Cosatu se mag vind, kan breek. Ons sit met 'n aandrang op salarisverhogings van 18% terwyl die inflasiekoers 6% is. In sekere sektore van die openbare sektor word daar salarisse betaal wat tussen 30% en 40% hor as in die privaatsektor is.
Ons sit met die een staking na die ander. Gisteraand verneem ons van een van Eskom se base dat ons onsself in die winter vir "blackouts" [verdonkerings] gereed moet maak, maar intussen gaan die een staking na die ander voort by die nuwe kragstasies wat gebou moet word.
Mre gaan die onderwysers staak, onder leiding van die Suid-Afrikaanse Demokratiese Onderwysersunie, Sadou, wat deel van die regerende koalisie is. Ons dink aan die mynwerkerstaking van verlede jaar, ander stakings in die arbeidsektor, die staking van die busbestuurders en die vragmotorbestuurders. Die een sektor na die ander word lamgel.
Ware demokrasie beteken baie meer as verkiesings waar elkeen stem, maar die meerderheid daarna domineer. Ware demokrasie, en wat hierdie land nodig het in gevolge die Grondwet, sal eers gevestig wees wanneer geen enkele politieke party meer as 50% van die steun kry nie en wanneer daar 'n verpligte koalisie is, en natuurlik, verkieslik, as die ANC nie deel van so 'n koalisie sal wees nie. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[I found his speech so uninspiring. Where is the message of hope that inspires people and makes them join forces that he delivered on behalf of the ANC? South Africa believes and thinks we are the number one in Africa. But watch out, Nigeria will pass us by if we do not wake up.
The ANC believes social cohesion and nation-building should happen and are only possible according to the ANC's model, the ANC's point of view regarding history, and the ANC's vision of the future. Then the ANC is surprised that millions who are not ANC supporters are not really inspired by that.
After 19 years of ANC government the state is like a sick dog covered with ticks and fleas to the extent that it is hardly possible to continue for much longer.
We need someone in the government who would be able to break the forcefulness of irresponsible unions, who are all finding refuge within the power of the ANC and Cosatu. We have to deal with salary increase demands of 18% while the inflation rate is 6%. In certain sectors of the public sector salaries paid are between 30% and 40% higher than those in the private sector.
We are faced with one strike after the other. Last night we heard from one of Eskom's bosses that we have to prepare for blackouts during winter, but in the meantime the strikes continue one after the other at the new power stations that need to be built.
Tomorrow the teachers are going on strike, organised by the South African Democratic Teachers' Union, Sadtu, who is part of the governing coalition. We recall the mineworkers' strike of last year, other strikes in the labour sector, the strike of the bus drivers, and that of the truck drivers. One sector after the other is brought to a halt.
True democracy means much more than elections where everyone votes, but the majority dominates afterward. True democracy, and what this country needs in terms of the Constitution, will only be established when no single political party gets more than 50% of the support, and when there is an obligatory coalition, and of course, preferably, when the ANC will no longer be part of such a coalition. I thank you.]
Hon Chairperson, we meet every year this time to reflect on the progress we have made as a nation and to evaluate to what extent the attainment of our freedom has transformed the lives of the poor and the marginalised in our society. It is also time to reflect on the sacrifices that have been made by those who walked before us, in order for us to enjoy the freedoms that only some of us would celebrate on Freedom Day this year. It is time to ask: Is our nation free?
When we spend in excess of R200 million on a Presidential compound whilst millions of poor South Africans don't have decent homes, we have to ask: Is our nation free? [Interjections.]
When the security forces in our country butchered protesters in Marikana, only because they were standing up for a better life, we have to ask: Is our nation free?
When former President Nelson Mandela said that South Africa belongs to all who live in it and yet President Zuma claims that the majority has more rights than minorities, we have to ask: Is our nation free? [Interjections.] When the rich get richer and the poor still get poorer; when millions of young South Africans remain unemployed with little hope of finding jobs to feed themselves; when the future of young people depends not on what they want to make of their lives but rather on political connections that they can develop; and when the only opportunities that are created for young people are for those who have political connections with the ruling party, we have to ask: When will our nation be free? [Interjections.]
How do we ask the millions of poor South Africans to celebrate Freedom day this year, when the only freedom that many of them can celebrate is the freedom to walk the streets looking for a job to feed themselves and their families. [Interjections.] How do we ask the millions of white and black South Africans to stand together and celebrate Freedom Day, when all we get from the ruling party is racial rhetoric that divides our nation and destroys the Mandela legacy of: One nation with one future. [Interjections.]
How do we ask the millions of South Africans to celebrate Freedom Day, when their futures are more dependent on a government grant, instead of an opportunity to realise their dreams through self-determination. I recognise that we have made many advances since 1994.
Almost 20 years after attaining freedom in South Africa, for those millions of South Africans who don't have jobs, who don't have homes and have little hope for the future; for them the long walk to freedom has only just begun. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, hon members, listening to all the speakers before me, I ask myself: Where is the message of support? It feels like a mockery of the Freedom Day.
On 27 April, South Africans will celebrate Freedom Day, a significant milestone of the struggle for the liberation of the people of South Africa. Freedom Day is about taking stock of gains made 19 years into democracy. This kind of an audit is guided by commitments made by South Africa based on the Constitution and Bill of Rights, the Freedom Charter of the people of South Africa and last but not least the Women's Charter for Effective Equality.
Nineteen years into democracy, we are proud to observe the level of change that has impacted on the lives of South Africans in a very remarkable way. The change that was and is so inevitable in South Africa is painful, and has as a result not been embraced equally by all sectors of the South African society, even if all sectors have benefited from it in one way or another.
With time, we need to bridge the gap as South Africans to make us a truly one nation. We have experienced high levels of economic growth that has, to a large extent, been disturbed by the economic meltdown and is now in the process of recovering. The infrastructure has also improved, especially in highly industrialised areas to cater for the basic needs of South Africans.
There is a fast economic growth and a high number of migrants that benefit from the state institutions. We have also experienced high volumes of vehicles on the roads, etc, which actually have been addressed by the infrastructure development.
South Africa is much alert to the triple challenges - poverty, unemployment and inequality. Much has been done in this regard in the form of free houses, grants, water, electricity, etc, across the entire nation. With unemployment being one of the biggest challenges, it has become very difficult for a large number of South Africans to sustain themselves away from these safety net measures that the country has introduced. We are hopeful that the business sector will continue to understand that South Africans depend on them and not only on government to create jobs. That is the easiest way of allowing South Africans to share the wealth of the country.
The celebration of Freedom Day is about honouring the sung and unsung heroes and heroines of our struggle under the leadership of the previous presidents of the ANC, John Langalibalele Dube, Sefako Makgatho, Zaccheus Mahabane, Josiah Gumede, Pixley ka Seme, Alfred Xuma, James Moroka, Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and our leader, the President of today and former commander of uMkhonto we Sizwe, President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma.[Applause.] Let us all honour them by becoming a society which reflects the ideals of what they represented, fought and died for.
There is a narrative which is fast gaining momentum in the South African political discourse. It is a narrative which suggests that the imperative of unity and reconciliation is undermined when the past events of apartheid are invoking debates on the present day South Africa.
Our much celebrated icon, Tata Rolihlahla Mandela, once observed that we must preserve the memory of the past in order to guard against repeating its evils. It is all about forgiving and not forgetting. It is important that unity and reconciliation should not be built on forgetfulness. As South Africans, we should instead, within the diversity on which peaceful transformation is based, join hands to tackle the evil legacy of apartheid that continues at times to rear its head.
As we celebrate Freedom Day that signifies the attainment of various forms of liberties by South Africans, we should also continue to celebrate the liberation of women who were also oppressed by apartheid laws. Women need to maintain the momentum of our agenda and activities that promote their liberation to avoid losing the gains made towards the realisation of their political, social and economic freedom. We hail, today, in this regard women such as the late Charlotte Maxeke, who were instrumental in the promotion of the recognition of women by the ANC, which was effected at the 1943 National Conference of the ANC.
Putting it simply; through all their efforts, women like all other South Africans today have what some regarded as something not very important because women were denied it for years, the right to vote - the right to vote that actually makes it possible for them to participate in political processes of the country.
We continue to remember our mothers who fought tirelessly to create a better life for women such as Lillian Ngoyi, Amina Cachalia, Helen Joseph, Sophia de Bruyn, Albertina Sisulu, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and the list goes on. We continue to urge all political parties to consider fair and equal participation of women in their structures, and of course the Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill clearly articulates this.
We should not allow our freedom to be undermined by senseless crime and corruption. Corruption in inverted commas because, to a large extent, in some cases, baseless allegations around crime are sometimes actually utilised, which actually confuses the debate on corruption and dealing with corruption in South Africa.
As South Africans, we should volunteer ourselves to work for good causes in our communities, fight against the scourge of violence against women and children and fight the culture of entitlement and dependency that delays development of South Africans. At times, we should even find it necessary to engage in acts that are meant to destroy South African communities.
We should continue to fight areas of complacency in the civil service that are meant to frustrate the delivery of services that are based on the good legislative framework which we have as a country, and that comes from the same Parliament we are talking from. As we celebrate Freedom Day, let us all commit to being patriotic and goodwill ambassadors for our country so as to be judged positively by nations, thus promoting chances of increasing interests in investing in our country.
In its 1992 policy document entitled Ready to Govern, the ANC expounds these fundamental principles where it asserts that our task is to rally all South African patriots around the principles which we have always stood for, namely equality, mutual respect, dignity and the promotion of basic human rights. All of these should happen in the backdrop of the promotion of reconciliation, healing and unity amongst the people of South Africa and not what we are actually hearing this afternoon.
I wish to share in this regard an extract from President Mandela's 1994 election victory speech, which reads as follows:
I hold out a hand of friendship to the leaders of all parties and their members and ask all of them to join us in working together to tackle the problems we face as a nation. An ANC government will serve all the people of South Africa, not just the ANC members. We are looking forward to working together in the government of national unity. It is a clear mandate for action to implement a plan to create jobs, promote peace and reconciliation, and guarantee freedom for all South Africans.
This afternoon, I wish to actually remind all of us about the kind of commitment we agreed on in 1994. We have come a long way; let us not spoil it as South Africans. What we are doing today, is to remind ourselves about the difficult past. Of course some of us are ashamed to be associated with it.
In Tata Mandela's words, we should say, never and never again should we allow our country to experience such atrocities of the past. That is why we regard Freedom Day as a special day, a day that needs to be celebrated by all South Africans as we remember where we come from, and as we carve our way forward towards a better, prosperous South Africa. We call upon all the citizens of our country and the world to join us as we celebrate this day, April 27, Freedom Day of South Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Chair, in order to mobilise people we need strong and principled leadership and a clear vision. To mobilise people towards consolidating democracy and freedom, we firstly need to embrace these concepts ourselves and live in such a way that we lead by example.
In 1994, we looked forward to a life of freedom and of exercising the rights protected in the Constitution. Unfortunately, over the last few years especially, we have seen an erosion of the solid base started under the Mandela presidency.
Critical elements of a constitutional democracy are respect for the rule of law and the separation of powers. These serve as vital checks and balances and are meant to guard against the abuse of power, and enable peoples' rights and freedom to be protected. Yet these critical elements are being eroded more and more under the current government.
We have heard already that we have a President who thinks that democracy means that the majority has more rights than the minorities. We have a President who has made a career of appointing pliable cadres to vital positions in the Criminal Justice System, and our concerns in this regard have been well documented. Surely by now he should have learned his lesson, but reports in the media over the weekend speculating on his choice of the new National Director of Public Prosecutions, NDPP, indicate that he has not. And then, if this appointment is challenged, he will again play the role of a hurt victim of these terrible politicians who would just not allow him to appoint someone who is there to protect him from prosecution.
The benefits to himself of such appointments can perhaps most clearly be seen in the spy tapes case, where the National Prosecuting Authority, NPA, allowed the President's own lawyer to decide whether the tapes should be given to the DA or not, instead of taking the decision themselves as per the court order. Unsurprisingly, they decided not to, and we are going back to court again.
But the benefits for other friends and members of the ANC can be seen in other matters. In August 2011, we laid charges against Bheki Cele, Gwen Mahlangu-Nkabinde and Roux Shabangu. To date, no arrests have been made, and all we have been told is that the investigation is continuing. We laid charges against the ANC Youth League last year for their role in the death of an innocent truck driver. We have heard nothing further. The message is quite clear: If you are a crony of the dominant faction of the ANC, you will have the freedom to do as you wish. This is not the freedom we envisaged in 1994.
The promised constitutional right of equality has been subverted by the governing party into the Orwellian maxim that "some... are more equal than others". The democratic imperative of compliance with the rule of law has been subverted by a President who thinks he is the law. And the fact that the ANC has re-elected him to lead the country means that they endorse that view.
We have a number of freedoms protected in the Constitution but, when these remain in a document and are not enjoyed in practice, they mean nothing. One such right is the freedom of expression. Tell First National Bank, FNB, that they have freedom of expression, or perhaps artist Brett Murray.
And then we have Avis who dared to oppose the Gauteng e-tolls and who are being threatened by the ANC in government that if they do not show remorse for exercising their right to freedom of expression, they will lose government business. According to correspondence from none other than the Deputy President's office -
They must publicly distance themselves from Opposition to Urban Tolling Alliance, OUTA, then we will be in business again. The presidency has already moved its multimillion-rand car-hire contract from Avis to a competitor.
When a government is in a position to use such bullying tactics to suppress legitimate dissent and to remain certain that they will not face any consequences as they control all the levers of power, that is the end of freedom. And we are getting closer and closer to that point. In short then, the only way we are going to be able to mobilise society towards democracy and freedom is to elect a leadership that embrace and promotes them, as the current leadership does not. Next year is an opportunity to do so.
Hon House Chair, democracy, we know, can mean different things to different people. Just as freedom, being both physical and emotional, can be experienced in varying degrees, at different times, under different circumstances in some areas of our lives... [Interjections.]
Order, please, order ... let's listen.
... while not in others. South Africa, like many countries, is a violent country and the violence has been part of all of South African culture. Columnist Paul Berkowitz refers to the anger and violence in our society as toxic. At Parliament we have spent many hours discussing the broad prevalence of rape, for example, and its effect on women. And one thing is certain; we are not going to diminish the problem without a paradigm shift in our thinking. A shift is needed in terms of giving value and respect, not only to women, but also to human life: valuing babies, children and men. Rape, you see, does not only affect women but it also affects babies, children and men too.
Our culture, like many others, celebrates violence. Even our heroes are violent. One observation is that, in general men, more than women, are ill- equipped for either effective communication or conflict resolution. Statistics show most violence is committed by men. However, one thing that is almost completely unacknowledged is the existence of male rape, the rape of men. The importance for male victims of this violent crime to also be considered and the effects on them taken seriously has been almost completely overlooked, and probably will while we all talk away today.
No matter the character of the man, I am told, rape can be extremely traumatic and difficult to work through. As a group, male rape victims often get minimal services and support and legal systems are often ill- equipped to deal with this type of crime. Diane Stevens, a journalist and prison counsellor says:
Rape is a physically and psychologically damaging evil act that causes similar incalculable damage and lifelong psychological disturbance whether it is forced on males or females.
A major problem facing male victims is a sense of vulnerability, damaged self-image and loss of manhood. Male survivors are disturbed by the notion that they could not protect themselves and were somehow conquered, even if there were many attackers. Stevens, who has written more than most on this subject, says that, despite indications that male rape is widespread, she has not found any reports of males charged or convicted of raping males. Rapes on males are underreported compared to rape and sexual assault on females, as male survivors are less likely to report the crime and seek help.
Stevens says that boys are often not taught their rights nor are they taught how to respect the rights of others. They are not taught how to say no to abuse by clergy, scoutmasters, coaches and other potential perpetrators.
In mobilising society towards consolidating democracy and freedom, the ACDP calls on the church, the community and traditional leaders to take the initiative in guiding and ensuring young boys and men become role models for the next generation.
The ACDP also calls ... [Time expired.]
Chairperson, we humans are such a complicated species. We are gathered here today debating Freedom Day, some self-affirming and claiming heroism in the attainment of freedom, some throwing stones, some intellectualising it, some measuring whether we have progressed or have, in fact, regressed in our collective quest for freedom and democracy.
How have we as humanity arrived at this point? Of course, some would rather have others hastily forget how we got here, whilst some would rather have truckloads of guilt delivered on others' doorsteps. In the end, the pointing of fingers as well as attack or defence will yield no result at all.
Freedom is the natural state of every human. It is logical and instinctive. Its basic definition for me is self-possession, self-ownership. And who doesn't want that? Who deprives others of what they want for themselves?
In the words of Bernard Malamud:
The purpose of freedom is to create for others.
It is therefore fitting that, as we debate and commemorate days like this, we must also measure how free we are.
Freedom has many expressions. An opportunity to speak is an expression of freedom. Do we promote such expression when there are attempts to subjugate the media through legislation? Freedom should ideally lead to enhanced expressions of creativity and original thought, increased productivity, and an overall high quality of life. How have we created this for others when millions still don't have jobs, no decent houses, poor quality education, disgraceful health care?
It may perhaps be easy for us gathered here to take it for granted that we are all free, quoting pieces of legislation and abolishment of apartheid as policy.
A strong sense of the past is a good value upon which we must build, but, even more importantly, we need a strong sense of the future. What do we want our children to understand as meaning of freedom and democracy? For how long shall we always have to link expressions of freedom to apartheid? Do we continue to do that because it's much convenient instead of taking stock of our own strides?
This does not suggest in any way that apartheid is not to blame for the many ills we still see in our societies. Now is an opportune time to measure our own progress as people. If each of us as privileged individuals here believes ourselves to be free, how are we ensuring that others are also free? Thank you.
Chairperson, it was with great respect that the world's community recognised Madiba's values and determination in his service to humanity. Madiba's contribution to the culture of peace and freedom humbled many with his great humility. Madiba called Gandhi the sacred warrior and remembered him thus. India and South Africa's relationship is a long and very, very powerful one. India led the change in the United Nations in the 1940s, was one of the first countries to impose sanctions, and was at the forefront of the international fight against apartheid. The Lord blessed Madiba to walk the path of suffering, and he turned it into peace and freedom. There are those who want to pretend that they were Madiba's great supporters, but the question is, where were they during his struggle days? [Interjections.] This is a cheap effort, and amazingly, they even want to claim the Freedom Charter. The launch in Kliptown declared that they are part of the Freedom Charter. [Interjections.] Then they must support the Freedom Charter and ultimately, support the land issues. [Interjections.] The land must be shared amongst the people ... [Interjections.] ... but they won't because they are hypocritical. [Interjections.]
The MF takes note of the DA's activity at Solomon Mahlangu's statue, but they must be mindful of who supported the hanging of freedom fighters. [Interjections.] [Applause.] It was former DA leader, Tony Leon's father, who sentenced Andrew Zondo to death. [Interjections.]
Madiba's leadership took us forward from the brink of war to a negotiated settlement ... [Interjections.] ... and put together a Constitution that we all cherish. Indeed, even the former leader of the MF, Mr Amichand Rajbansi, supported it. We are all equal before the law and this must be cherished. [Interjections.] There are challenges all over the world. We also have our own challenges. [Interjections.] These challenges are sometimes difficult but we have to join hands in tackling them ... [Interjections.] ... be it unemployment, poverty or inequality. [Interjections.]
However, we are still an example of a multicultural society that is united in retaining peace. The consistent attempts by President Jacob Zuma to build social cohesion are commendable, as he never fails to unite our people. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
Part of our freedom, integrity and self-esteem is derived from our Constitution. We must address the gap between the rich and the poor. The poor cannot afford to compete with the bourgeoisie of South Africa ... [Interjections.] ... who have control over the tendering processes. By the virtue of that fact, the poor people will never be able to compete as entrepreneurs in our country.
Freedom Day must be meaningful, and not be celebrated only when political parties have rallies. Let's be reminded of Madiba's beautiful words;
The lasting peace our movement fought for had to be underpinned by a visible change in the conditions in which people live and work.
Thank you. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Hon House Chair and hon members, 19 years after the first democratic elections in South Africa ...
Order! Order, please!
... there are indications that some of the gains made may be under threat. Somehow, 27 April 1994 marked the demobilization of South African civil society, with society literally outsourcing its role to politicians. South Africans experienced a shocking increase in cases of abuse of women, children and other vulnerable persons. There is a need to mobilise society, to take a stand against women and child abuse, and to call upon civil society to be part of the struggle instead of only being part of the complaining brigade.
We have unfortunately also witnessed an increase in reports of corruption and the plundering of state resources. We said before that freedom did not come on a silver platter. It is a result of a heroic struggle, and some paid the supreme price so that we can be where we are. Our people must unite against corruption and nepotism. They must do so without resorting to vigilantism and the destruction of property, without the burning down of schools and libraries, and without the necklacing of suspects.
There have been reports on how, despite policies like the Employment Equity Act and affirmative action, top positions in the workplace continue to be dominated by those who were in charge before 1994. One just has to check the ownership at the stock exchange, and one will realise that power relations have not changed. The government basically continues to preside over a system that continues to oppress women and black people. Society must therefore be mobilised to oppose any course for the scrapping of laws that were enacted to redress the imbalances of the past. As we talk about ending affirmative action, our people are asking when it is going to start because they have not seen its results.
In talking about those who fought for freedom, our congratulations are extended to Utata Mosibudi Mangena, who this morning received an honorary doctorate from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, and who will also be receiving the Order of Luthuli during the National Orders. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Thank you, Chairperson. Mr Bhoola, I am sure the ANC has been listening to your grovelling, and I'm sure you are going to get a job soon. [Interjections.] [Laughter.] Political freedom without economic freedom is useless freedom. Economic freedom is the engine that drives prosperity in the world, and is the difference between why some countries thrive while others do not. [Interjections.] South Africa is one of the most unequal societies in the world ...
Hon member, please take your seat. Hon members, let's please listen to the speaker. [Interjections.]
Chairperson, they don't want to listen to the truth ... [Interjections.] ... and the truth is that the DA believes in an open opportunity society in which individuals have equal opportunities to attain their dreams and fulfil their desired goals in life ... [Interjections.] ... regardless of whether they have political connections or not. In an open opportunity society, a child of a domestic worker can become a medical doctor or an engineer ... [Interjections.] ... if conditions are created for individuals to attain their life-long dreams.
Yet in South Africa today, economic freedom means having access to government tenders through corruption with provincial governments. [Interjections.] It seems as if corruption is endemic in this country. It seems ... [Interjections.] ... to mean a Minister's lover manipulating key appointments in the state-funded entities, and having to enrich family members and friends. That is not economic freedom. [Interjections.]
Economic freedom does not mean paying R40 million for a provincial website ... [Interjections.] ... that should have cost only R400. Economic freedom is not spending R200 million of taxpayers' money on one man's house. [Interjections.] Economic freedom does not mean having to donate money to the ANC so that your business can thrive. [Interjections.] That is not economic freedom. {Applause.] Economic freedom does not mean opening mining interests in the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, and the Central African Republic ... [Interjections.] ... and having our soldiers sent there to guard those economic interests. [Interjections.]
Economic freedom is the emancipation of the people from the scourge of poverty ... [interjections.] ... unemployment, hunger, disease and other forms of suffering. [Interjections.] Until we can fight your corruption ... [Interjections.] ... and punish those who divert public funds for personal enrichment, economic freedom will not be enjoyed by the majority of the people. [Interjections.] Political freedom without economic freedom is a hollow freedom. [Interjections.]
Order, order please!
Stop corruption! [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson and hon members:
On 27 April, for the first time in our history, all of us will stand tall and proud as equal citizens in our common home.
South Africa's first democratic elections are about our common yearning for freedom, peace and a better life for all. They are about a past of oppression and despair and a future of hope and democracy.
There are those who would like us to believe that the past doesn't exist: that the decades of apartheid rule have suddenly disappeared. But the economic and social devastation of apartheid remains. Our country is in a mess.
These were the opening words of the ANC's 1994 National Election Manifesto in which President Nelson Mandela led the ANC into our first democratic elections, the images of which captured the imagination of the world.
We said that to build a better life for all required clear goals and a workable plan. Any solution to the crisis of apartheid needs an approach which rises above narrow interests and harnesses all our country's resources. That plan was the Reconstruction and Development Programme! That is how we got our country out of the mess that it was in, on the road to a democratic society based on equality, nonracialism and nonsexism.
In that manifesto, we said that we needed a government of the people. We said that we needed a Constitution and a Bill of Rights which guarantees human rights for all, including the right to a minimum standard of life. Do we have such a Constitution? And, do we have cause to celebrate that Constitution? We said that we needed an open society that encouraged vigorous debates and people must be free to express their views without fear, including criticising the government of the day. Do we have such a society? Is that something that we can celebrate?
We said that we needed a new style of government. Government administration exists to serve the people, we said. We said that it must be answerable to them. We said the ANC would encourage private citizens to use the independent Public Protector to investigate corruption, dishonesty or violation of rules of conduct on the part of government officials. Those found guilty would be dealt with. Are people using the Public Protector? Yes, they are! Are those who are found guilty being dealt with? Yes, they are!
We said that in government, the ANC would continue the tradition of peoples' forums - meetings in which ordinary people can voice their opinions. Do we have ward committees? Yes! Do we have school governing bodies? Yes! Do we have community policing fora? Yes! Did we open this Parliament to public participation? Yes!
We said that we needed to open the doors of learning. We said that an ANC government would make education a priority from a society in which many were denied the right to education on the basis of race and gender. We have said that we would introduce one education system that provided 10 years of free and compulsory education for all children. Have we done that?
HON MEMBERS: Yes!
We said that we would double the number of free text books. Have we done that?
HON MEMBERS: Yes!
We said that we would provide a national bursary and loan scheme. Have we done that?
HON MEMBERS: Yes! [Interjections.]
Are you telling the truth?
In less than 20 years, we have almost achieved universal enrolment in education and gender parity. In 2002, 39,3% of five-year olds were in Early Childhood Development, ECD, programmes. By 2011, that figure had risen to 84,4%.
We said in that manifesto, housing and services for all! We said a roof over one's head and reasonable living conditions were not a privilege but a basic right for every human being. We said that within five years, the new government could build one million houses! Did we do that?
HON MEMBERS: Yes! [Interjections.]
No, we didn't do that! We did more because by 2002, 1,4 million houses had been built. [Applause.] By last year, 3,38 million houses had been built. [Applause.] We said we would provide running water and flush-toilets to over a million families. Did we do that?
HON MEMBERS: Yes!
In fact, we did more because in 1994, 11 million households had access to water. Last year, 13,3 million, i.e. 95% households had access to water. In 2003, 8,1 million households had access to sanitation; and in 2011 to 2012, 11,47 million had access to sanitation.
We said in that manifesto, that we would electrify 2,5 million rural and urban homes. By last year, 76% of households were electrified. We said health care for all the people. We said the aim of the ANC's health plan was primary and affordable health care to ensure that all South Africans were guaranteed basic treatment.
We said that we would promote safe motherhood and play a major role in caring for the nation's children through programmes like immunisation, nutrition and free health care for children under five years of age. Did we do that? [Interjections.] We did! In fact, we did more because in 2000, immunisation stood at 75%; and by 2011 that stood at 90,8%. Life expectancy has risen from 55,7 years in 2001 to 57 years in 2012. The infant and child mortality rate was at 52 deaths per 1 000 infants in 2001; and 33 deaths per 1 000 occurred in 2012.
On welfare and pensions, we said in that manifesto, that pensions and grants due to people would be assured and allocated through post offices, banks, building societies and other outlets which are easy for rural people to use. A total of 6,47 million people received pensions and social assistance in 2003 to 2004; and that number had risen to 15,52 million by 2011 to 2012. Did we do what we said we would do? [Interjections.]
We said that we would eliminate discrimination and implement affirmative action so that opportunities could be opened to all who were discriminated against as Africans, Coloureds, Indians, women, the disabled and people staying in rural areas. We said that South Africa as a whole would benefit if all levels of society represented the broad spectrum of its people. So, have we started to do that?
Let us start here in Parliament. Before 1994, how many women were in this Parliament? Six - maybe? In 1994 there were 27% of women in this Parliament. By 2009, that number had risen to 43,3%. In Cabinet, we have virtual gender parity.
In the private sector, the number of top managers who are black increased from 12,7% in 2000 to 32% in 2012. The number of women in top management increased from 12,4% to 19,5% over the same period. We know that, that is still woefully inadequate and there is even more inadequacy in certain provinces but we know that we need to continue working on that.
We said in that manifesto, peace and security for all! Since 1990, we have experienced a murder rate that stood at 36 000 which has now gone to half of that. But, it is still half-too-much! However, the overall levels of crime are decreasing. We are very concerned at the persistence of high level of sexual and gender-based violence. We have indicated that at the level of the police we are reintroducing special units.
We have also indicated that at the level of justice we are introducing dedicated courts for sexual offences. All of the security forces will be reformed to reflect the national and gender character of our country. There will be nonpartisan professionals that uphold the Constitution and respect human rights.
Today, unlike in the past, when our security forces - the vast majority of whom respect the law and the Constitution - go astray, what is the response of government? The President of the Republic, attending an international Summit of Heads of State of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, cuts that summit short, returns to the country, addresses the nation and institutes a judicial commission of inquiry.
When our television screens are disgraced with police officers dragging a taxi driver and eventually killing him, what do we do? We investigate. Those police officers are charged and put on trial. But, as I stressed, the vast majority respect the Constitution and the law.
We said that there should be equality before the law. I wish I had more time because I would reflect on the position of the judiciary. Before 1994, out of 165 judges, 160 were white men. [Interjections.] Yes, you heard right, 160 of the 165 judges were white men! There were three black male judges and two white female judges. That is where we come from.
Today, out of 241 judges: 100 are black males; 49 are black females; 71 white males; and 21 white females. That does not mean, as some have suggested ... [Interjections.] You are not familiar with the generic concept of black. You bypassed the black consciousness era [Laughter.] [Applause.] We will assign a political educator. [Laughter.]
We said in that manifesto, jobs and better incomes! Today, there are 3 million more people working than there were in 1994. We know that is still woefully inadequate. We know that despite all of these successes, South Africa still remains a highly unequal society: where the fewest people work; where the quality of education for many black learners is poor; where the apartheid's spatial divide continues to dominate the landscape; that a large proportion of young people feels that the odds are stacked against them; and that the legacy of apartheid continues to determine the life opportunities for many people. These immense challenges can only be addressed through a step change in the country's performance. That is why we have adopted a National Development Plan.
The people know that when the ANC was formed in 1912, with the aim of liberating South Africa from apartheid and colonialism, it could be trusted to do so, and it did. We know that there were those that did not do so.
The people know that when the ANC said that it was time to engage in the defiance of apartheid laws, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. And, we know that there were those who did not do so.
We know that when the ANC said that it was time to take up armed struggle, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. And, we know that there were those who did not do so.
The people know that when the ANC said it was time to negotiate with the apartheid regime and its puppets, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. The people know that when the ANC said that it was ready to govern, it could be trusted to do so, and it did so. [Applause.]
We know that when we reach 2030, we would once again have earned the trust of the people because we would have spared no effort to implement the objectives of our National Development Plan. But, we also know that when we reach 2030, there will be those who say, but, what about the challenges that remain? We could have done it better.
Then, there will be ANC leaders who will turn around and extend to them the same rejected invitation that was extended to the United Party and the Liberal Party, to attend the ANC's Congress of the People in 1955 to draw up the Freedom Charter.
There will be leaders who will extend the same hand that President Mandela extended to F.W. de Klerk on the eve of the 1994 National Elections. They will say come together as South Africans, men and women of all colours, young and old, urban and rural. We have the power to build the better life for all. Together, let us change South Africa so that once and for all, our country can know peace and security; and so that we can join the rest of the humankind as proud and united people, working together for a better world. I thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.