THE RECENT INCIDENTS OF VIOLENCE AND CRIMINALITY IN THE COUNTRY, INCLUDING THOSE AFFECTING FOREIGN NATIONALS

Hon Deputy Speaker, my apologies. When you get to my age everything slows down.

The apology was submitted, sir. It is okay.

Hon Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members of this House, in the midst of a crisis, leaders must act. We are in a crisis. As our nation grapples with the horror of gender-based violence, a new wave of xenophobic attacks has washed over South Africa. Lives have been lost and property damaged. There has been looting and burning and violence. Families have been left destitute, fearing for their lives. While all this is happening, the world is watching, and we are being judged.

We know that the violence has sprung from our own people's despair and frustration. Yet, the response is wrong. It must be stopped. Knowing this, I went on Sunday to Johannesburg to speak to my fellow South Africans; not to take sides, but to quell the tensions with the voice of truth. I stated very clearly that I was there, not as a politician, but as an elder. I was there for the sake of my country.

Tragically, the night before Sunday's meeting, bottle stores were looted and several angry township and hostel residents arrived still inebriated. They were in no mood to hear a message

of peace or to be reminded of our Constitution. Nevertheless, the truth was spoken, and it had an impact.

Was I right to go? I question. To my mind, it would have been a dereliction of duty not to go. In fact, that is what I said to Minister Cele. I advised him that I was going to Johannesburg and he expressed his gratitude, offering to arrange security. So I am dumb-stuck, hon Minister, by your comment yesterday that you were taken aback by my visit to Johannesburg, as though what I did was political posturing. The insinuation is there that, had I not gone to Johannesburg, the looting and violence that continued on Sunday would not have happened.

Hon Minister, do you know why I went? I was not stealing anyone's thunder or scoring political points. I am too old for political games. I went in good faith, accepting my responsibility to act to quell the violence. There are diplomatic and economic ramifications to what our people are doing.

When I spoke about our brotherhood on the African continent and when I reminded us of the risks and sacrifices many African countries took to support our liberation struggle, I was speaking as someone who is part of that history. When I spoke about the need to resolve undocumented migration, I was speaking as South Africa's first Minister of Home Affairs under democracy, having grappled with these issues for 10 years in the Cabinets of President Mandela and President Mbeki.

When I warned that we are fighting our own family and starting a feud that can only end in tragedy, I was speaking as the traditional Prime Minister to the Zulu Monarch and Nation.

Hon Minister Cele has informed me that those who were looting were seen running into the hostels, suggesting that some of them may be Zulus. I apologised to His Majesty the King on Saturday at the Reed Dance Ceremony, saying that I had to leave to go to Johannesburg.

When I spoke there against withholding justice from foreigners, I was speaking as a Christian. For all these reasons, I had a

responsibility to act. To say now that I was scoring political points or doing something unexpected is simply deceitful. I have been vilified for too long to speak diplomatically. I am sick of the IFP being cast as responsible for violence, either obliquely or directly.

The simple fact is I have the temerity to walk into difficult situations, knowing that I cannot please everyone, and I will be attacked. But that is part of the job of being a leader. I will always be willing walk into danger, either physical or political, for the sake of saving lives. And to me, lives are lives. Our Constitution enshrines the right to freedom from all forms of violence. That right applies to everyone in South Africa, whether citizens or not. Attacks on foreign nationals and their businesses are a violation of human rights and a violation of our Constitution.

I understand the tensions and the valid complaints. Wrongs have been committed by both sides. This violence has not come out of nowhere. But there is a saying in Zulu that you cannot slaughter all the sheep because one sheep has transgressed. We are making

South Africa a swear word, my dear comrades - a swear word on the continent, and a laughing stock in the rest of the world. Because the world knows what we are so quick to forget that Africans are family.

Hon Deputy Speaker, I was humbled when His Majesty the King of Lesotho who privately came to my house to comfort me when my wife died - a head of state because we are one family. I recall when I spoke to him that I met his father when I accompanied the widow of our leader of the ANC, Albert Luthuli, when he received a posthumous award from the organisation for African Unity.

I fear what will happen if we fail to extinguish this fire. There are consequences for our country and for our people in the diaspora. We need to stop this thing in its tracks before serious action is taken against us.

In 1976, hon Deputy Speaker, General Olusegun Obasanjo came to this country as one of the eminent group of the Common Wealth to actually see the situation in this country. He met with Madiba. I was surprised when he sent me a ticket to go to Nigeria on the

day Transkei got independence because he didn't want me to go to the celebration of independence.

Hon Deputy Speaker, this is not the first spate of attacks, but it must be the last. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Thank you very

much, Deputy Speaker. Enkosi [Thank you] Tata. It is fitting that as we have this debate of national importance, we have just started Heritage month, having just concluded women's month. Of course, we did not conclude women's month on a high note, having had several cases of femicide, gender- based violence, as well as incidents of general violence and criminality, including those affecting some foreign nationals.

We wish to restate that these were mostly acts of criminality, irrespective of the nationalities of those involved. In fact, the majority of those who died during this period were South African nationals, thus debunking the myth that foreign nationals were specifically targeted. Of the 12 people who died, two were foreign nationals while 10 were South Africans. Crime

is crime. It does not matter who commits it; be it a South African or a foreign national.

The ANC was founded on the struggles for democracy and freedom, and in that regard adopted the Freedom Charter as a culmination of the struggles of our people. The Freedom Charter's provisions found place in our current Constitution and body politic.

The national democratic society we seek to build is one where the people shall govern. The people are indeed governing, as witnessed by the electoral mandate we have been able to garner over the six parliamentary sessions, including the current Parliament. In that regard, we continue to ensure that it is not only at the national level but also in provinces and at local government.

The national democratic society we envisage is one where there is gender equality and wherein we declared for all to know that, "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people".

It is for this reason that in whatever we do there is an extensive process to involve our people in the policy making and legislative process without fail, and have enshrined that into law. This is the type of national democratic society we are constructing, even 25 years down the line. Therefore, if we look at virtually all the clauses of the Freedom Charter, we find all of them embodied in our country's body politic.

In the light of the recent incidents of violence and criminality in our country, including those affecting foreign nationals, we stand here to vehemently reiterate that there shall be peace and friendship. This is underscored with the provision that South Africa shall be an independent state which respects the rights and sovereignty of all nations. In this regard, we have claimed our rightful place amongst the community of nations. It is by no mistake that we have bilateral relations with all countries on our continent and continue to play an active role in the Southern African Development Community, SADC, region and the AU, of which we will take chairship in 2020, and the UN General Assembly as well as the Security Council we are currently members of, whose chairship we will take up in October 2019.

Our forebears declared that these freedoms we will fight for side by side throughout our lives until we have won our liberty. We have won our liberty and continue to deepen the national democratic society.

On the qualities that bring about nation-building, we must continue to acknowledge that we've made good progress in building social cohesion and promoting a single, national identity. However, more work needs to be done to deepen this, especially as we are having an increasingly younger population in our country.

The question we need to ask is what are the values and principles we need to put out to all South Africans? It is not South African to hate thy neighbour when we have lived side by side, even in the darkest of days at the height of the apartheid regime. What we do need to do is to continue the fight against inequality in our society and commit to working together to implement the National Development Plan.

The reality is that when we took over in 1994 we inherited a divided nation with high levels of poverty and inequitable income distribution. Even as we have removed formal barriers to formal education and access to the formal labour market participation, we still remain with high levels of unemployment.

Our nation-building includes, but is not limited to, forging a common identity, whilst at the same time recognising and respecting a diverse, ethnic, racial and multicultural nation. It is therefore no mistake that our country's coat of arms is underpinned by unity in diversity, which symbolises knowledge, judgement, will power, the ability of reflection and the promise of rebirth.

In the same regard of nation-building, we have a firmly established national territory, a new Constitution and new national symbols, including a flag, national anthem and coat of arms. All of these have played a key role in the creation of an overarching national identity. Therefore, in a country that values its diversity, these symbols play a stronger role in

forging an overarching national identity than in a country with a single cultural, religious and ethnic identity.

Members will remember that when we established the Moral Regeneration Movement, MRM, we had aimed to provide a positive influence to our communities, starting at family level. This is because we sought to breach the moral gap manifesting through social ills such as violence, the murder of women and children and the abuse of vulnerable people.

Ethics and morals underpin what a country should be, taking into account the provisions of the Bill of Rights and recognising the need for diversity. This is against the background of conflict for resources in our communities. This places a responsibility on us to deepen engagements with our communities so as to encourage morality and the integrity we need to have as a nation. This means that we need to have an integrated approach involving all stakeholders in our communities, especially local authorities as well as religious communities.

There have been many efforts at moral regeneration and programmes. The microcosm of moral regeneration is the family and extends to the immediate community. We need to resuscitate the voice of the MRM so as to make efforts at addressing some of the social ills affecting our communities.

The linkages with morality and integrity are that of ethics and what is expected of us to behave in an ethical manner, even when no-one is looking. Part of moral regeneration is also about how we deal with matters of diversity amongst our people. This also means that there is a need for deepened interaction across race, class and nationality. Part of this would be to further educate our people, not only about national diversity but also transnational diversity and recognising all of humanity, irrespective of their origins. In this regard, we need to target international events as a method of social cohesion. Typically, this would be the observance of Africa Day, even designating Africa month; promoting the country as a destination of choice; and promoting social cohesion at schools and institutions of learning in general, targeting the youth. There is a general need for promoting an active citizenry, and promoting a culture

of tolerance and access to opportunities. This must be done not only in urban areas but also in our rural communities.

Hon Minister, that sounds like a good place to stop.

Thank you very

much Chair. [Applause.] You know, Deputy Speaker ... I'm amazed that you could make such a mockery of such an important debate at a very ...

I'm amazed that you would talk about morals and ethics when you are a human trafficker who brings people into the country illegally. [Interjections.] That is amazing.

No, no, hon ...

... at a very

difficult time. Our people are dying. Our people ... [Inaudible.]

Hon Steenhuisen?

You ... you human trafficker

... [Inaudible.]

On a point of order!

Hon Steenhuisen?

You are a human trafficker! [Interjections.]

[Inaudible.]

On a point of order! [Interjections.]

[Inaudible.] ... jet to fly a family member across the border illegally. [Inaudible.] [Interjections.]

Hon Steenhuisen!

Hon Deputy Speaker, the hon Chief Whip of the DA is out of order. If he has something against the hon Minister he knows the rules. He must submit a substantive motion to the Speaker with regard to what he is talking about. We cannot take that he will attack the Minister on the podium during the time of this debate and the current situation in our country. It shows that some people have their own agendas. [Interjections.] He has a speaker that will participate in the debate. So, if the Minister said something that he doesn't agree with he must come to the podium and respond to it, not attack the hon Minister.

Deputy Speaker?

Hon members, I would like to bring this to a close. Hon Steenhuisen, there are things that you said here that I would like to come back to ... because we must look at Hansard. Also, can we please respect the moment? This is a

critical moment in our institution and country's life to be doing what we are doing now. Hon A G Whitfield?

Deputy Speaker, may I extend my apology to you Sir for that interaction. I'm very happy that you look at Hansard and I'm quite happy to bring a substantive motion about the human trafficking that the Minister did because it's a matter of public record. However, with respect, the hon member's time had expired. You had indicated that to her and she started to attack me from the podium. That also needs to be looked at. [Applause.]

Deputy Speaker, the violence that has erupted across our country requires leadership from this Parliament to unite our nation in a time of crisis. The scapegoating of foreign nationals must be condemned by every single member of this House. However, we must also rise to condemn the outrageous scapegoating of our own citizens by hon Malema and Ace Magashule, who last week questioned why white South Africans are not being targeted in the ongoing violence.

This is the slippery slope from which this country may never recover and members should be very careful of what they say in public. This is the time for members of this House to stand up and condemn those divisive comments and unite our nation behind the founding values of our constitutional democracy.

In this very moment, we are standing at a cross roads. We can choose the path of weak and populist leadership upon which the flames of hatred burn eternal or we can choose the difficult path which is to stand together from our different backgrounds and political parties as South Africans and lead our people and this nation out of this time of violence and turmoil so that we may live together in a prosperous and peaceful country.

We must choose the path of united leadership, for if we are not united on this issue, we will never be able to unite our nation. This is why today I point no fingers, but present solutions to the Minister and this house in an effort to work together to overcome the violence.

Just last week, after writing to the National Police Commissioner, I was pleased to hear that he convened the National Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure on Thursday. This is a positive step towards ensuring a coordinated intelligence approach across the security cluster and demonstrates what is possible when we work together.

In an era of fake news and disinformation, it is now more important than ever before for the security cluster to release daily updates on the violence so that there is a singular source of credible information available to the public. This will go a long way in preventing the spread of fake news which has the potential to incite further conflict.

The most critical concern remains the lack of intelligence, which is a direct contributing factor to the inability of SA Police Service, Saps, to adequately anticipate and contain violent unrest across the country. This failure of crime intelligence needs urgent leadership intervention to restore confidence among our police officers on the ground and the people of the country.

Our police officers are faced with overwhelming numbers of incidents on a daily basis and are simply under resourced to appropriately deal with the scale and frequency of the violence. South Africa remains 64 000 police officers short of meeting the United Nation's, UN, policing ratio of one officer to every 220 citizens.

With Budget cuts looming the accelerated recruitment of police reservists will ensure we have more boots on the ground to improve police visibility and response times. In 2010, South Africa had over 63 000 police reservists and today we are left with only 9 000. This is a cost effective and potentially quick response to bolster the ranks of SAPS and keep our communities safe.

Implementing section 13(7) of the SA Police Service Act, Act 68 of 1995 is an immediate option available to all provincial police commissioners wherein they may cordon off and contain an area for search and seizure operations for no more than 24 hours. This must be implemented in all communities where xenophobic violence has occurred over the last three weeks.

Section 13(7) interventions should be reinforced by credible intelligence so as to not only respond but anticipate violence and contain it before it spreads.

Minister, these are just some practical solutions which can assist us in tackling the crime waves sweeping our country. I would urge you to consider your whole response carefully in this debate, as it will define whether you are in fact serious about working together or whether you will allow politics to trump the people yet again.

To the hon members of this House, this is our moment and we must seize it. We must stand up and we must speak out. We must condemn the scapegoating of foreign nationals and our fellow citizens and remember the wise words of Pastor Niemoller who said and I quote:

First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a socialist. Then, they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a trade unionist. Then, they came for the Jews and I did not speak out,

because I was not a Jew. Then, they came for me and there was no one left to speak for me.

I thank you.

Deputy Speaker, one of the most enduring legacies of the anticolonial liberation struggle across the continent has to be the principled commitment to the unity of the African continent, unity not just of borders, but a principled commitment to a unified people, unified in culture and love for one another.

Our forefathers knew then, as some of us know now, that Africa will never break away from the curse of colonially imposed underdevelopment if the continent does not unite. That is why, at the formation of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, Kwame Nkrumah made this important submission, that only a united Africa functioning under a union government can forcefully mobilise the material and moral resources of our separate countries and apply them efficiently and energetically to bring a rapid change in the conditions of our people.

Here in our own country, at the formation of the South African Native Congress in 1912, overriding objective was to unite the African people, so that there is no longer Xhosa, Zulu, Venda or Tswana, but simply African people united by their past and their future. We are disheartened therefore, that in 2019, we still have a false sense of narrow nationalism creeping over and threatening our aspirations for a united Africa. Nationalism without commitment to Pan Africanism is reactionary.

Firstly, let us state unequivocally that we believe that the recent upsurge of attacks against our African siblings from other countries was sponsored by the state. The main catalyst of these events was the unfair raiding of foreign owned shops in Johannesburg Central Business District, CBD. We say this was unfair, because these kinds of raids are only presented for African nationals. No one raids China Mall, where most counterfeit products are sold.

Secondly, we must also dismiss the dominant narrative out there, that African nationals are taking ordinary South African's jobs. South Africa's high unemployment has nothing to do with the

presence of African nationals in this country. Even if you were to take all of them out, we will still remain with high unemployment rate. The main reason for unemployment in this country is government incapacity to build a strong developmental state, which will ensure that the country is able to build its manufacturing sector, to create jobs for the people.

Thirdly, South Africa is a haven for hardened criminals from all over the world. It is easy for criminals to conduct their operations with frightening impunity, because the state has failed to do its job properly. There is no capacity to conduct proper investigations, to prosecute successfully, and to keep those in custody disconnected from the outside. This then gives criminals dealing in drugs free range to do as they wish.

There are Nigerian criminals doing drugs, as much as there are South African criminals, and criminals from East European countries. The targeting of Nigerians only as the main cause of the drug problem in this country is merely an expression of hatred from black people in general. Targeting Zimbabweans for joblessness is a complete misreading of the real causes of

unemployment. Even if the allegations were true, there is no excuse for the barbaric killing of murder of people on the streets. We cannot be a country that allows for self-help at this level.

We therefore, urge the police to do their job properly. All those looting, beating, and killing people must be apprehended and prosecuted. All those dealing in drugs, in human trafficking, and in murder must be investigated, arrested, and prosecuted. It does not matter which country they come from, there must be zero tolerance to criminal activity of this kind.

Lastly, as the EFF, we would like to apologise to the rest of the continent for this self-hatred demonstrated by our countrymen and women, and our government tacit encouragement of these criminal acts.

We condemn the attacks of African nationals in this country, and we urge South Africans to cool down, and redirect their anger to the state and those who stole our wealth, white monopoly capital. The decedents of colonial looters are responsible for

our poverty and suffering. In honour of Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Robert Mugabe, Ben Bella, Haile Selasie, and Sakou Toure, we condemn all forms of xenophobia. Thank you, Deputy Speaker. [Time expired.]

Hon Deputy Speaker, the people of South Africa have heard enough words. How many times did we debate from this podium about violence and criminality in South Africa? The people of South Africa are sick and tired of hearing words. They need actions. I want to compare it with the spider's web, where the deadly spider is criminality and violence. If you touch various issues on this web, it will have an effect on the spider.

Let us first start with respect. How many times did I say from this very podium that we need respect in South Africa? We need respect for each other's differences. We must at least be honest with ourselves. How do we solve differences in this House? We solve it by means of violence, because you need people to remove people in a violent way from this House. So, the example set in this House with regard to respect and how you differ from

someone is by means of violence. Then you want to know why we have domestic violence. No, Parliament set the example that if you differ from someone, you use violence.

I want to touch on the other issue - the responsibility of the government of the day. The first thing that government must do is to accept that the government is responsible for ensuring that certain steps have to be taken. It is clear that the government is in a state of denial.

Afrikaans:

Solank die ANC sy verantwoordelikheid op blaam skuif, om wit mense te beskuldig vir alles wat in Suid-Afrika verkeerd gaan, sal hy nie die probleme oplos nie. Die feit dat die Sekretaris- Generaal van die ANC s dat dit eintlik die wit mense se skuld is dat ons xenofobiese aanvalle het, is 'n bewys dat die regering nie sy verantwoordelikheid kan aanvaar nie. Eintlik skep dit polarisasie.

English:

Then the hon Minister of Defence is right - national cohesion. Do statements by the Secretary-General of the ANC promote national cohesion by blaming whites for everything that is going wrong? Accept your responsibility. Look at the problem and solve it.

The other step that must be taken is that we have to ensure that we use our criminal justice system to address the criminals because criminals are getting away with murder in South Africa. One of the things I want to say with my limited time is to the hon Minister of Police. The FF Plus has said it before, start with the criminal justice system by bringing back the specialised units. Bring back the murder and robbery unit. Criminals must know that if they trespass and if they murder, they will pay for their crime. Thank you.

Deputy Speaker, the ACDP once again strongly condemns the senseless and barbaric attacks directed mainly at foreign nationals in our country.

The ACDP is also concerned that our country's security intelligence was reportedly unable to detect any plans by individuals or crime syndicates to trigger violent attacks against foreign nationals.

The spate of xenophobic violence that erupted in May 2008 left

62 people dead, 21 of them were locals. In 2015, there was another spate of attacks across the country in which immigrants were targeted. We expected government to put sufficient measures in place to ensure that we never see a repeat of such violence. That did not happen.

Reports that crime intelligence that should be collecting information on behalf of the police is hampered by instability and infighting in their upper echelons are very concerning. It is totally unacceptable to hear reports that the police have no clear direction on how to tackle the rising crisis, because crime intelligence has left them in a vacuum with no information.

An unnamed provincial police commissioner is reported to have said, and I quote:

There was a lack of directives on who was behind the attacks, and how to handle them. Those who have been arrested are mainly people who just joined the looting of shops, but they were not the masterminds.

We want to know when the masterminds will be arrested.

The ACDP calls on President Ramaphosa to urgently look into what is happening in the crime and security intelligence, and root out all those who are involved in factional infighting in the ANC, rather than focusing on our national security.

It is a known fact that South Africa has a critical skills shortage. We don't have enough doctors, Mathematics and Science teachers and engineers. A number of foreign nationals in our country have filled some of these gaps.

The President and his Ministers should be heard telling the nation, and particularly those calling for foreign nationals to go back to their countries of origin, that many of them are professionals who are making an excellent contribution to service delivery. We need all professionals who are serving our people and contributing to our tax base and GDP.

Government should learn from western nations that always attract the best and brightest minds from around the world, including professionals from Africa.

Conversely, any foreign national who is found taking part in criminal activities in our country such as drug dealing or sex- trafficking must be arrested and face the full might of the law.

Those in the intelligence sector who are napping must wake up and do their work. Government must urgently seek out the masterminds behind the recent spat of xenophobic attacks and torching of trucks, and punish them severely.

If law and order is not restored in our country, and antiforeigner sentiment and attacks on foreign nationals are not strongly condemned and dealt with, President Ramaphosa's efforts to court investment and salvage our stagnant economy will not be realised. Thank you.

Hon Deputy Speaker, we as the UDM strongly condemn all forms of violence perpetrated against our fellow brothers and sisters from the continent by fellow South Africans. These inhumane acts constitute a clear violation of basic human rights and are inconsistent with the values enshrined in our Constitution, which elevate inclusiveness.

As Africans, we believe in the strong philosophy umntu ngumntu ngabantu [you are who you are because of others] and that is exactly what we should be doing and how we should be treating each other, as we build a united Africa.

I want to make an example that happen in 2007. There are socioeconomic issues that are a problem and we cannot deny it. As leaders, we need to address them. I want to give you an

example. It will not help us to deny the fact that ... This was even cited, I should say, by the African Peer Mechanism report in 2007, where they said that the perceived devaluation of labour that happens as a result of migrant workers entering the South African market in unfair competition with South African workers, accentuates conflicts and xenophobia. The government should address this matter through policy and law. And we have not done it.

In 2015, we had another committee that inquired into the effects of xenophobia that took place in 2015. Finding 7.7 of the report states that there is some exploitation of foreign nationals by organised business requiring longer hours for less pay than South Africans, particularly in sectors such tourism, taxi services, gardening, domestic services, car guarding and security services, etc.

Our own report says that this creates resentment among South Africans. This might not be widespread, but it is an issue and perception that exists out there. As South African, we need to

deal with that. We must listen to our people, even if we don't agree with them on some aspects. That is what leadership does.

The other important issue is that we need to create a legal and normative framework around migration in Africa. We have just dealt with the continental free trade area, which is an agreement to try and stimulate trade, but we have not dealt with migration to establish how to deal with it at a continental level. As we try to work towards building a united Africa, there must be consistency between how member states of the AU actually deal with the question of migration. It is very critical, because we cannot have a situation where, in Ghana, they decide to pass an Act, they protect certain sectors for industries for locals and the expectation is different when you to other countries.

We are saying that this can only be solved through a collective effort, firstly, at a continental level and secondly, at a regional level. Otherwise, in a few years from now, we will come back to condemn, if we don't address the underlying root causes of the problem. I thank you.

Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon Deputy Ministers, hon Ministers and hon members, let me thank the IFP for this debate. Let us take our memory back to our history as a nation, to remind ourselves of the context for crime and violence in South Africa, in order to understand the violent nature of certain crimes.

We come from the era where security forces, especially the police, including the police in the so-called Bantustans were used as an instrument of coercion. Their philosophy was that the maintenance of law and order must be through instilling of fear.

That was the only way they could enforce the unjust laws that were intended to entrench white domination and force the majority to submit to the minority rule.

The idea was to maintain a system that did not only engineer racial inequality, but sought to exclude blacks from the economy.

The system created social disorganisation such as that experienced in KwaZulu-Natal and elsewhere at the height of political violence. This wave of state-sponsored violence destroyed the social fabric and led to the breakdown of institutions, such as family. Many families were affected by this scourge. This has had a destructive psychological impact. The ripples can still be felt. This legacy of brutality has become entrenched within our society.

This is evidence in the violent nature of crimes, where for instance robbery or a sexual crime would more likely happen with the use of a gun or other objects. That underlines the distinctive feature of violent crime in our society.

Hon Deputy Speaker, we are concerned about the incidents of violence and criminality and the recent attacks on the foreign nationals that have gripped the country.

On Wednesday, young women protested outside Parliament against femicide and rape. They marched to Parliament to express their utter disgust and offer solidarity to other women who suffer in

the abuse of men. Throughout the country, they have been protests. We pledge our solidarity with them and commit to review laws on domestic violence and sexual offenses.

The recent brutal attacks directed at women and children have evoked fear of being the victim especially of violent crime.

Despite the laws passed aimed at eradicating the gender-based violence and enhancing the protection afforded to women, South Africa continues to experience unacceptably high incidents of violence against women. They are contact crimes and most of them happen in the private space where no police would even suspect the commission of the crime. We are horrified by this scourge.

Hon Deputy Speaker, South Africa will overcome this if society becomes active in building social cohesion and joining hands in the fight against all forms of violence. The police alone will not help us resolve the problem, hon Whitfield.

Hon Deputy Speaker, I want to deal with employers not complying with the regulatory regime. Businesses have a responsibility to

ensure that they uphold legal and ethical business practices and stop employing foreign nationals, whether they are from Europe, Asia or Africa, who do not have the necessary papers. [Applause.] Even for low-skilled jobs employers decide to employ foreign nationals instead of South Africans, in complete violation of our laws.

We send this message to truck owners in the logistic sector and to the hospitality industry especially restaurant owners and other businesses that have seen it fit to prioritise foreign nationals at the expense of locals, as this creates tension in the labour market. It is no excuse that you did not know that the employees are illegal; the onus is on you to establish the employability including the status of the potential employee. They must not go against the plan of government to create jobs giving priority to the South Africans.

The work of the immigration inspectorate is cut out. South Africans must not take the law into their own hands as if we have weak laws that do not protect them. We have laws that protect consumers and anticompetition practices. Municipal

bylaws regulate trade. Those foreign nationals that do business on our soil must do so within the confines of the law. If they do not respect the law, the police will read them the riot act as it happened the other day. We are a country that observes the rule of law. Those arrested for breaking our laws, it does not matter where they come from, must receive harsher sentences or stiff fines, to send a strong message to a would-be offender.

In the recent past the country witnessed violent riots with mobs attacking foreign nationals, hurling insults at them, damaging their shops and causing a total mayhem.

This savage attack on foreign nationals is infra dig. We condemn these misdirected attacks. They damage the standing of South Africa and dent our image. They undermine our effort to attract direct foreign investments into our economy, to grow our economy and create more job opportunities.

The spread of fake news, video recordings and images purporting to be reports of incidents that have taken place is worrisome. This has sent shockwaves and sparked reprisal attacks within our

borders and elsewhere in the continent. These retaliatory attacks have seen South African owned businesses in the host countries coming under attack and trucks torched and looted, effectively disrupting operations.

These things work against the interests of South Africa on the continent. They run parallel to our efforts to build a better South Africa in a better continent and a better world.

In conclusion, these incidents must not distract us as South Africans from working together in building the kind of South Africa we want. We have a dream! I thank you. [Applause.]

Hon Deputy Speaker, it is not enough to condemn the violence against African nationals as well as the gender- based violence, and then fold our arms. The time has come for us to take responsibility by formulating legislation to deal with these problems permanently.

There is a foreign hand in the African on African violence. The intention is to have South Africa isolated from the rest of the

continent. The situation is made worse by the climate of South Africans being dominated in their own informal sector also known as the micro economy. South Africans must be the dominant players in the economy of their own country.

The micro economy must be the signature of Proudly South African and thus must be ring-fenced for local participation. All foreign nationals must be considered for work in South Africa, SA, on a scarce and critical skills basis. It makes no sense for a person to be a waiter or a driver, whereas there are tons of South Africans who can do that job.

On the gender-based violence, we have had enough summits, marches, pickets, as well as the 16 Days of Activism. It is 21- years-old and the situation is getting worse as we have gender- based violence rate five times higher than the global average.

All medical centres including clinics must be accredited by SA Police Service, SAPS, centres where gender-based violence cases can be reported. Each police station must have officers that are specifically for gender- based violence cases. They must process,

collect evidence and investigate gender-based violence cases. These cases must be prioritised for swift prosecution.

We need to learn from Malawi and Tanzania which had a similar issue, but for them it was for the killing of people living with Albinism. Both countries have a death penalty for such murders as a commitment they have a zero tolerance for those crimes. We need a death penalty for gender-based violence for repeat offenders; these are unrepentant people who have shown they have no regard for human life.

The death penalty must be only for repeat offenders and after a High Court has handed a sentence it must go on automatic review to be heard by the full bench of the Supreme Court of Appeal and a senior counsel be provided by the state.

We can't keep having outrage and issue condolences because of criminals who rape and kill our sisters. If you kill people for a living you must be deemed to have revoked your right to life.

The state must not be soft and be a boyfriend to these animals. For oodadewethu bayaphela! [Our sisters are perishing.] What is more cruel is that the parents of Karabo and Courtney will be paying food, clothes, and security and comfort of these killers. Let us listen to the women who come to Parliament to protest on a yearly basis. Saying enough is enough is not enough. We need tougher laws. Thank you.

Hon Deputy

Speaker, we can never justify the violence and criminality that we have seen in our country in the past few weeks. The only thing we can do is to condemn it. As South Africans we must be honest and frank. We must call a spade a spade.

What happened is shameful. Violence has taken hold of our country. Some of these violence seem to be orchestrated to embarrass us and to distract South Africa from the real task- building a more just and inclusive society.

Violence, be it gender-based violence, gang violence or xenophobic violence must be condemned. Unless good South

Africans stand up and say enough is enough, this violence will continue with us.

As South Africans, we must always remember we are African. We are not an Island. We are part of this continent, and the continent is part of us. We must stop these useless ideological debates and focus on the reality of how to grow the economy and create jobs.

We must leave these outdated ideological debates and focus on the reality. Our people cannot eat ideology. The problems of our people know no political affiliation. When you are poor, homeless and landless; it does not matter what political party you belong to.

The solution is to create more opportunities for all our people and create an enabling environment for the private sector also to create jobs. Only then, when the people can see opportunities, see government is enforcing its laws and creating a level playing field that these useless violence stop.

At the same time, we also saw that South Africa has signed Africa Free Trade with Africa and in future, it will not only be goods and services that will be moving but also people will be moving across our borders.

South Africans must be empowered with the right tools, right attitude and right approach to take advantage of the open trade with Africa. We must welcome our brothers and sisters and create jobs for all of us and welcome our brothers and sisters to our country. I thank you.

Hon Deputy Speaker, the NFP condemns the violent acts taking place within our country. As we speak right now, many South Africans and foreigners lay victim to violence. Many innocent citizens and noncitizens are being attacked or caught in the violent crossfire. The violent encounters between citizens and noncitizens are not new; the frictions between the two have been brewing in our informal settlements.

The increase of femicide, xenophobic attacks and protest action tells us that we are in a crisis and as leaders we need to take

action to protect each South African citizen as well as foreigners seeking a better future. We know that there are approximately 2,5 million migrants in the country seeking protection and jobs; two factors that we are unable to provide. We know the figures: a 29% unemployment rate, that is more than 6,6 million people without jobs; 30% of South Africans have no access to running water; 13% live in informal dwellings. These are millions of people who do not have access to decent living. The fear and paranoia amongst citizens is increasing due to uncertainty of their future.

Hon Deputy Speaker, as the NFP, we will not ignore the complaints listed by South Africans. We are constantly hearing about foreign nationals selling drugs to our kids, importation of fake goods and the idea that foreigners occupy jobs meant for citizens. Informal settlements are dominated by foreign-owned businesses, evidently making it difficult for citizens to infiltrate the market.

The need for mechanisms to assist in social cohesion should be the focus in combating violence between foreign nationals and

citizens. Social cohesion influences economic and social development, and nurturing a more cohesive society is an important policy goal in itself for our country.

Hon Deputy Speaker, the reality is that South African women feel unsafe in their own country. Walking in your area of residence without fear of being mugged or attacked by a criminal is a basic freedom that everyone should enjoy. Gender-based violence has reached undeniably alarming levels in South Africa. In order to ensure alleged offenders are brought to justice, the government must also ensure that gender-based violence is taken seriously at every level of the justice system, including by challenging discriminatory stereotypes about victims and survivors.

A woman is murdered every three hours in South Africa, and more than 40 000 rapes are reported every year - police data shows. [Time expired.] Thank you.

The recent incidents of violence and criminality in the country, including those affecting foreign nationals are a cause for concern.

In the wake of reported cases of xenophobia in 2008, we were outraged as a nation by the spread of violence targeted at foreign nationals. However, our outrage had a short span as everything went back to normality. Eleven years later, we are reeling from the events of 2008 without any cure. This debate, therefore, must be context-based.

The violence against foreign nationals must be condemned. Part of this condemnation must include pressurising this government to leverage the socioeconomic conditions of our people. We have taken note that this government has introduced the Border Management Authority Bill but this Bill, hon members, deals with peripheral matters such as the handling of filing applications, risk systems and proper pricing of imported goods. True to form, the Bill is not interested in the movement of persons in and out the country.

The Khampepe Commission of Inquiry made damning findings against the electoral environment under which the elections in Zimbabwe in 2002 were held. Our government, for more than 12 years, kept the report under wraps. We are seeing, in part, the manifestation of all these indecisions today.

The AU is partly to blame as well, because it has allowed despots to govern without accountability. It was only in 2002 that the AU Constitutive Act introduced the non-indifference clause, allowing nations to interfere in other states rocked by war crimes, abuse of human rights and so on.

Africa has to improve the conditions of her people to curb unwarranted migration. The scarce resources the continent has must be to the benefit of her people. Africa, unite against corrupt lumpen politicians. It can't be correct; hon Deputy Speaker that the leaders here will have their slices of bread buttered both sides while the people are starving to death. [Time expired.]

Deputy Speaker, it's important that we must say this afternoon to each other; nation states are not an accident of history. Nation states were adopted by the international community in order to regulate the relations between different people and countries. Shortly after the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, was formed, it also adopted a position on these nation states. It said that we will not change the boundaries inherited from the colonial period because to try and change those boundaries would have unleashed fresh conflicts around the world in fact in our continent.

So, we are a nation state whether we like it or not. South Africa is a nation state, and the citizens of this country are the principal, the very first responsibility of the government of this country. Therefore, it cannot be that we can run the affairs of our nation without managing relations between us and other countries.

Citizens of this country have documents, if they leave this country, we give them passports, they can identify themselves when they get there, they can say why they are there if the

countries to which they go do not need them, they say to them, please, we have enough labour, you can go back to your country.

We also have that right in relation to other countries. But, our government cannot allow for people to come from anywhere and everywhere and come into this country without documentation, without indicating why they are here, without indicating where they are going to live, without saying how much money they have to spend for that period. We cannot do that because we are also not allowed to do that in other countries. So, that is the first problem. If our country is not going to look after this country and manage entrance at the boarders and so forth, we will be in difficulties.

Now, today I had thought before we have this debate, we would ask the government to tell us how many people come from this country who are here without documents, how many people come from that country without proper registration, how many are here as refugees, in other words running from conflict and how many are here because they have come to sell drugs? This government

must know all those things because if we don't have that we will say everything that's happening is xenophobia.

MOTLATSA MMUSAKGOTLA: Rre Lekota, nako ya gago e hedile. Dula mo fatshe, e fedile nako ya gago.

Deputy Speaker, Comrade Deputy President, let me start of by quoting section 10h of the PAC disciplinary quote that reads:

We should develop and show a true respect for African womanhood and demonstrate it in practice the theory of sexual equality with respect to men and women.

I mention this to reflect that PAC saw this social challenges way back since its inceptions in the 50s and I stand before you to amplify this clarion call for African men and women to go back to their roots, cultural values and morals.

Talking to the topic in hand, the PAC is of the believe that for as long as we want to resolve the symptoms of the violence we

see perpetuated by men and women against each other, the children and the thuggery we see with the looting of shops disguised as xenophobia, we will never get to the root cause of this problem.

These murderers, rapists and thieves are a reflection of the deep rooted societal challenges we harbour as people. These are not aliens from somewhere outside our societal boundaries instead these are our kids, sisters, brothers, neighbours and this means we are part of the problem.

PAC would like to take this opportunity and appeal to the conscious of all Africans from all walks of life. Be it media, governments, governmental or non-governmental organisations, faced based organisations to take a pause and relook at ourselves with the intention to answer this difficult question before us.

The curriculum in our schools seems not to be talking to our African moral values that are the foundation of the spirit of humanity. As African people we know who and what is being an

African. Hence, we pronounce here today that no African can be a foreigner in Africa. A crime is a crime; it has no surname, nationality, race or citizenship. Our law enforcement especially the intelligence services, to play its part in dealing with the influx of drugs and guns from other countries. Be it from Russia, Columbia, Kenya or Nigeria the same goes with local dealers and those who take the law into their own hands in claiming to be fixing our problems.

The PAC calls for more africanised curriculum in our schools so that we can teach young girls and boys to core exist together with respect and in peace.

We call for government to go harsh on elements of criminality among our fellow African brothers and sisters and that perpetuated by international drug cartels. I thank you.

Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Deputy President, we all know Masechaba who is a presenter and host on the drive show on SAfm. It is her birthday today and yesterday she remembered

the hospitality of Zambia and today she is taking the day off to celebrate that hospitality.

She left South Africa as a 14 year old with her mother to Zambia who was an Umkhonto weSizwe, MK, operative. She remembers her time in Zambia and how she was treated as a daughter by the neighbourhood and was certainly not referred to as a foreign national.

Last week I attended the book launch by Professor Kwesi Kwaa Prah and Dr Guma. The book launch was about people like Masechaba who was well treated in several African countries they fled to during the anti-apartheid struggle.

The book tells how they were all called brothers, hon sisters, hon daughters; every page of the 300 pages tells a story of hospitality across so many countries. I was very touched when the sister talked about the revolutionary ideas of President Nkrumah. Now is the time to reflect on the bearer of African affairs and call for a United States of Africa.

Hirsch in London as early as 1940, I don't have anyone around. While Robert Sobukwe was a member of the ANC, gave leadership when you argued that Africa is doomed even while it is getting Uhuru at small states and they will be swallowed up. The struggle is to have a United States of Africa.

We don't hear about united South Africa today and we are thrown so many values of ubuntu in the waste paper basket. It's a shame that we call people like Masechaba, if she's from another country a foreign national and not a beloved daughter, mother and sister.

The ideas of Nkrumah are ideas that I was hoping to hear today and I did hear from the sister about some of those ideas. I don't want the Sixth Parliament to be the last outpost of colonialism in South Africa. There needs to be a new narrative which I don't hear from those that count in this particular House. We don't hear it loudly. What we are hearing is a plot against those of us who enjoy our freedom because of hospitality given to our comrades and their daughters like Masechaba. Nkrumah hon members in this House we must give leadership.

Hon Deputy Speaker, at the outset, maybe one must pay tribute to Jabu Baloyi who in Pretoria was killed for stopping the sale of drugs because we must deal with the root cause because we must not run away from the fact that there are borders, you know, because we can't pretend as though there are no borders. The borders are there. Borders need to be managed and people need to be documented.

The response to shortcomings at home affairs, with the defence force and the police, should not trigger our people into violence. The government must take responsibility for the shortcomings in the system which has bred this particular reality and so the plea is, let us not kill people no matter how wrong things are but we cannot - South Africans - kill people. Now, you've got people then who are saying Sunday's gathering was a rally. It was never a rally, if it was, as an IFP member in good standing; I would have been there if it was an IFP rally ... [Inaudible.] a political rally but it was a necessary discussion that South Africa needs to have to raise the consciousness of our people about the dangers of the action that they are pursuing because we will end up thinking that, through

the violence, we have fixed the problem and would not have actually done so.

What we need to admit in this House is that there are shortcomings at home affairs. What we need to admit in this House is that there is a failure to maintain and secure our borders. What we need to admit in this House is that the police have lost the war on drugs. They have lost the war on criminality and people - rightly or wrongly - are now taking the law into their own hands because the system is failing them. It will be easy for us to scratch the surface but it can not be that human trafficking is normalised because we have not secured our borders. You got to places like Ingwavuma and so on, you literally just jump over the fence and there is nobody there and so we must not misplace the idea that we all Africans with lawlessness. Nobody is saying Africans should not be in South Africa but what we are saying is that we need to be responsible about the movement of people so that consequence management can become part and parcel of law enforcement. That has not happened. We need to know who the refugees are, who the asylum seekers are so that when a crime happens, we know where to track

them. Now, in the current situation, we are unable to do so, that is the call to leadership but for us to deal with these hard truths, let's create a conducive and enabling environment which is peaceful and interact with African governments on the best possible way to make sure that Africans who are in South Africa are properly registered.

That is the vacuum because if we do not deal with that year in and year out, we are going to have this particular challenge. So, we condemn violence. None of us supports the violence but our condemnation of the violence should not be us negating our fundamental responsibility of making sure that we do the right things in this country. So, I challenge the government to step up to the plate and not run away from its responsibilities.

IsiZulu:

Kodwa, uma sekufikwa ezindabeni zodlame impela siyakhuza ukuthi, kungabi khona umuntu obulala omunye umuntu ngoba ezitshela ukuthi lokho kuyisixazululo. Asikho isixazululo ekubulaleni abantu kodwa isixazululo sisekutheni uHulumeni makenze umsebenzi wakhe ngaphandle kokunyanyalata.

English:

I thank you. [Applause.]

Deputy Speaker, between 28 and 37% of adult men reported having raped a woman. Most men who rape do so for the first time as teenagers. Fifty-five rape complaints against police officers were investigated between April to September 2018. Out of every 1 000 suspected rape perpetrators referred for prosecution; 370 have at least one prior felony conviction; 520 will be released either because they posted bail or for other reasons while awaiting trial, and 70 of the released perpetrators will be arrested for committing another or similar sexual assault crime.

I am starting off with these stats to highlight that gender- based violence is more prevalent in societies where there is a culture of violence and where male superiority is treated as the norm. These men have no identifying marks. They are somebody's son, brother, husband, father and leader. These men are like Mark Zinde, Oscar Pistorius, Sandile Mantsoe and Mortimer Saunders. They show that gender-based violence is not limited to

one race, religion or cultural group. These acts of violence are conducted by men and it should be condemned by men. [Applause.] Societies free of gender-based violence do not exist, and South Africa is no exception. The recent violence against women in our country is the most dehumanising gender oppression.

Women are paying the ultimate price in our country. In 2018-19,

2 930 women were murdered in South Africa, meaning every 3 hours a woman is murdered. Hundred and ten rapes are reported daily. South Africa's femicide rate is five times higher than the global average. One in every five woman experiences violence at the hands of a partner.

When a child rapist is released due to lack of evidence, a daughter dies in a post office, a fighting legend dies with a restraining order in hand, a mother is murdered in front of her child and a grandmother is gruesomely murdered on her farm, questions need to be asked, to what extent is law enforcement able to ignore the steps they need to take to prevent and prosecute these crimes.

Mr President, it is concerning to note that the National Gender- Based Violence and Femicide Strategic Plan has not been finalised and that there is no budget allocation to address gender-based violence in the Ministry of Women, Youth and People Living with Disabilities.

We should put our money where our mouths are and have the political will to address the scourge of gender-based violence. It is the time that we as leaders in this House exercise our power by addressing the gaps in legislation dealing with sexual offences against our most vulnerable.

It is us in this House that should not falter in our oversight mandate to ensure that never again will police stations be without rape kits and it is us that should ensure our education, health and justice systems are capacitated to deal with gender- based violence.

Mr President, your interventions mentioned are noble in dealing with gender- based violence, however, we have heard this story

before. A plan without action remains just that, a plan. Enough is enough! Time for action is now.

Backlashes against movements such as Am I next? And Men are Trash ought to be expected and should not act as a deterrent. We are tired of being undervalued and disregarded. Women will not be silenced. We are paving the way for the next generation to never experience the level of horrific violence we do.

Uyinene, Leighandre, Angelique, Jess, Reeva, Karabo and Kwezi, the echoing of your voices will not be silenced.

IsiZulu:

Wathinta abafazi, wathinta imbokodo! [Ihlombe.]

Deputy Speaker, hon members, this debate perhaps offers an opportunity to reflect on who we are, where we come from, and where we are going. Our point of departure is to affirm that the ANC has been and will always be a Pan-African organisation committed to the unity of Africa, the renaissance of our continent and the solidarity among the people of Africa.

In 1906, six years before the formation of the then SA Native Congress, which was later known as the ANC, Dr Pixley Ka Isaka Seme rose to give a lecture at the Columbian University, calling for the regeneration of Africa. In his words, Dr Seme envisioned an Africa of hope; an Africa of prosperity; and an Africa at peace with itself.

The word of Dr Seme became an umbilical cord through which the ANC has been tied to the continent of Africa for all the years of its existence. The ANC has been advancing the struggle against colonialism and apartheid to ensure that the African children direct their energies to advancing the victories of peace, greater and more abiding than the spoils of war.

In response to the establishment of the Union of Africa by the British Parliament, Dr Seme made a clarion call to all Africans to unite. He made this call by firstly addressing what would be an obstacle to that unity of Africa. Among other things, he said: "We are one people."

It was on the basis of the appreciation of oneness of the African people that the ANC was formed to fight against colonialism. In 1912, when the ANC was formed, it made sure that it encouraged other countries. We know that Lesotho, Swaziland, Botswana, Zambia, and other African countries, were invited and represented by their kings and chiefs. Therefore, from its formation, the ANC was never formed for South Africans only; it was formed for all Africans in the Southern Africa.

Some years after the formation, the ANC made sure that it also helped other organisations, the Zambian African National Congress that was led by Comrade Kenneth Kaunda. It also made sure that it gave support to the then Rhodesian African National Congress that was led by the late Zimbabwean, Mugabe.

I reiterate that, as the ANC, we are a Pan-African organisation committed to the unity and prosperity of Africa and its people. In Addis Ababa in 1963, the leaders of independent African states met and formed the Organisation of African Unity, OAU. As part of the founding resolutions of the summit, independent African states agreed to coordinate and intensify their efforts

to put an end to the then South African government's criminal policies. Therefore, they even decided in those meetings they would make sure that South Africans who would come to exile would be granted scholarships, educational facilities and possibilities of employment; and that happened.

It is common cause that countries such as Tanzania, Zambia, Angola, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique, Nigeria, and many other African countries heeded this call by the OAU to coordinate and intensify their efforts to end apartheid. These countries played host to many of our liberation fighters and offered them support. The important matter is to emphasise that South Africans were accepted in these other countries and they were actually abiding by the rules of those countries.

Sesotho:

Le rona re a kopa hore batho ba etetseng naheng ya rona ba re hlomphe. Ba ye dikantorong mme ba batle ditokomane tsa bona tsa molao hobane le rona ha re kena naheng tsa bona, re kena ka hlomphe. Ebile, ba tlileng pele mme ba kile ba dula moo, ba ne ba ba hlompha.

English:

We all know that these efforts of African states culminated in the demise of apartheid, and we really appreciate that as South Africans. In 1994, the ANC made sure that we have a foreign policy. Our foreign policy moves from the premise that first and foremost, South Africa is an African country.

It is our firm belief that the development of South Africa is tied to the development of Africa. Our commitment to the renaissance of Africa is beyond doubt. Our commitment to the agenda of the integration of Africa, as championed by the African Union, is without question.

This debate calls on us to engage on a very painful matter relating to the incidents of criminality and violence which have been happening in our country. These acts of criminality and violence must be condemned. We however have a responsibility to correctly diagnose what is the root cause of these acts of criminality and violence before we can define what we are dealing with. We have laws and they should be adhered to in this country.

Sesotho:

Mapolesa a rona le ba sebetsang Lefapheng la Ditaba tsa Lehae, mmoho le Matona a rona, re kopa le re thuse hore batho ha ba etsa mosebetsi wa bona, ba o etse ka boitelo le tlhompho. Ba tsebe hore batho ba tshwanetse ho fumana ditokomane tsa bona ka tsela e nepahetseng. Ba di hlokang ha jwale, re kopa hore le rona re ba tshwere kamoo ba neng ba re tshwere. Ba ye dikantorong mme ba di fumane.

English:

There are some among us who judge South Africans as being xenophobic and at worst, Afrophobic. The accusations are false and will continue to be proven false. For many decades, South Africans welcomed the African compatriots without hostilities towards one another. Marriages among Africans across artificial borders have been part of our lives for many years.

Setswana:

Ga re kitla re bua thata ka gonne kwa lelapeng la ga Mandela re na le ngwetsi go tswa kwa Mozambique, kwa lelapeng la ga

Ramaphosa re na le ngwetsi go tswa kwa Uganda mme kwa lelapeng la ga Dlamini-Zuma re na le mokgwenyane go tswa kwa Zimbabwe.

English:

We have been marrying cross-culturally. We have Africans among us who are engaged in businesses such as salons and nail bars, and we support them. We hope that from now on, before you do anything with them, ask them if they are documented. But we also condemn those business dealings that are done with undocumented people by the people who are renting properties to them.

The Africans are now engaged in the agenda set by the African Union. The agenda seeks to reorientate the economic outlook of African countries to look inward within the continent, with the intention of stimulating economic activities among African states. This will ensure that African countries will raise productivity and address policy, unemployment, inequality and poverty. In terms of the number of participating countries, this will be the world's largest trade ever formed.

We are affirming our commitment to the unity and prosperity of Africa. South African companies must take advantage of this Free Trade Agreement. In conclusion, the ANC condemns the criminality, violence and all the things that are happening, and have been done in our country including drugs. We must say no to illegality regardless of who commits it and where they come from. South Africans are urged to respect the laws of any country they visit in Africa and elsewhere in the world. In the same vein, we urge our guests to live freely among us in our country and respect the laws of our land. Our President ...

Sesotho:

... o buile a re, marumo fatshe. Ke a leboha. [Mahofi.]

Deputy Speaker, the hon member, the leadership of Shallman, its MaSetshaba's mother who left at 14 years, not Setshaba. Setshaba was born in Zambia as the Lekalake, the mother is Sbongile Khumalo.

UNIDENTIFIED MEMBER: What is your point?

My point is that you don't come here and lie. [Applause.] Chairperson, the Deputy Speaker, ...

Hon Cele, you do not say members lie, it's unparliamentarily. Just withdraw that.

I withdraw. You don't come here and tell a semi truth. Deputy Speaker, we had a terrible week.

Point of order.

Yes, hon member.

Can the Minister please sit.

You are not a Chair. [Laughter.] I cannot be told by you that. [Laughter.] There is a presiding officer here. I will listen to the presiding officer, not you.

The member didn't withdraw unconditionally. He made a remark after that ... [Interjections.]

Yes.

It is withdrawn. Deputy Speaker, we had a terrible week, especially with our young women, starting from Uyinene. There is another young woman who was killed at the University of the Western Cape and the other one who lost her life last night after she has been brought heavily drugged from wherever she was taken. There are others that we are told in one of the University of Technology here were raped for four weeks eight of them. I will take an advice from Mr Whitfield that on these matters will have definitely to work together. We can't come here and talk politics on these matters. By the way, not only you, all other members and all other South Africans want to deal and really fight this scourge so that maybe one day the dream of a young woman walking alone without fear in the middle of the night is achieved in the Republic of South Africa. [Applause.]

To the parents, sisters, friends and colleagues of all those people who have been killed, we are amazed by their resilience and South Africans must really support them. This is an issue

which cannot be a once off thing. It is an issue that we need to put on our shoulders and work on it together.

Somebody came here and gave some statistics about the women raped, not tried and all that kind of stuff. One statistic that was not given is that in South Africa as we speak, we have 4 728 people that are doing a life sentence for the sexual offences.

Four thousand and twenty eight are doing life sentences. They are not just in prison. [Interjections.] Yes, it might not be enough, but something is being done. That is why we are inviting everybody to be part of this. Hon Groenewald spoke about special units. This is one special unit that we have brought back the Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offence Family Child Unit, FCS, to deal with the family and the abuse of women matters. We shall forever accept those suggestions that make sense.

The problem that started on 2 September at Jeppe where South African Police, I repeat, were dealing with criminality. You will pardon South African Police. We don't deal with xenophobia

or South Africans and all that. We deal with criminality. We deal with criminals. We arrest them and only know them when we begin to follow the procedure, then we know what nationality one is. We don't look at them and say they look like Zimbabweans so we are arresting you. No, we don't do that. We look at the criminal, arrest him and then it happens to be either a foreign national or a South African national. So, for us it has nothing to do with xenophobia. It has all to do with criminality.

Then it happened that the shops were burnt around the precinct of the Glenville Station. We moved into that street where all the shops without exception were burnt there. Clearly, there were South African shops like Shoprite, Jet and U Save that were burnt. They were all first looted and then burnt. When you go to Germiston KFC was burnt, although it is not a South African shop. So, this told us that we are dealing with criminality and it is not true that those shops were selected to be burnt. Every shop that was there was burnt. It led us arresting those people, who committed that crime and up to this point people who we have arrested are 639, including yesterday where 15 were arrested in Thokoza for continuing burning the shops.

However, going back to Mr Whitfield, I would like us to have some discussions because there are things that are not very much factual. One thing about the Intelligence is this myth that exists. That the Intelligence is not working - that is a myth. There are so many things that were stopped before they happened here in South Africa because of the Intelligence. Otherwise, there could have been a lot of trouble. So, even now the places that were attacked are less than the places where there was prevention.

We got the information that there were going to be attacks' in Soshanguve, Norkem Park, Primerose, Eden Park, Kagiso, Dawn Park, Midrand, Spruitview, and Alberton. All the attacks' were stopped before they could happen. That is the work of the Intelligence. {Applause.] It is not very much correct to say the Intelligence is not functioning.

I will emphasise the question of working together. However, the question of fake news somebody spoke about that. Maybe for me, it will be an opportune to say ... I want to stand here and thank the SAPS men and women in blue. [Applause.] It is

unfortunate that people would not see their work - day and night, long hours, stopping, preventing and protecting South Africans. We are saying South African Police did a good job. Many of them are good men and women. Few of them are rotten apples like all other communities where we have some rotten apples. However, here in South Africa we have good police' who are overworked sometimes but working very well. [Applause.] So, I stand here, as a Minister of Police, with many members saying bravo to the men and women in blue. [Applause. Chairperson, maybe just to respond a little bit to Shenge ...

IsiZulu:

...Sokwalisa ngicabanga ukuthi kwaba nenkingana endleleni uma silungisela lo mcimbi obe uzoba eGoli, ehostela. Inkinga ebekhona ukuthi uma sithola umbiko wokuthi kunomonakalo. Saya khona siyozama ukulungisa izinto esasithole ukuthi okunye abantu ababentshontshile babaleka bangena ehostela. Kwanomsindo ke wokuthi abantu ababentshontshile abahlala emahostela nabantu abawuhlanga oluthile. Sasingayanga ngalokho. Sasiye ukuyolungisa.Sibheke ukuthi sikwazi ukubuyisana nokuthi

lungabhebhetheki udlame maduze nezindawo lapho kwakwenzeke khona.

Uma sifika ngolwesiBili saba neqoqo lekomidi elalizolungisela ukuthi kube nomcimbi owawuzoba khona ngeSonto. Umcimbi owawubizwa ngeMbizo la sizoxoxa khona, owawungazukuba umcimbi kaNgqongqoshe wezamaPhoyisa. Abantu esasilungisa nabo ikakhulu beholwa yiziNduna. INduna eyayihola phambili ngubaba uMhlongo neNduna uMvelase noZwane, abathi bazocela kube khona eminye iMinyango kahulumeni ukuze baphakamise izinto ezizoxoxwa nohulumeni. Bayibala iMinyango, uMnyango wamaPhoyisa, uMnyango weZokuthuthukiswa Komphakathi, uMnyango Wezasekhaya, uMnyango Wezobulungiswa noMnyango kaHulumeni Wokubambisana kanye Nezindaba Zezendabuko, kwalungiswa ke, watshelwa noNdunankulu nathi sonke.

Kwathi ngoLweSine ebusuku ngathola ucingo oluvela kungangeZwelakhe uBhejane ephuma esiqiwini ethi: Akathandanga indlela ekulungiselwe ngayo ngokuthi yena angathinthwa, kusetshenzwe neziNduna. Ngakho ke saxoxisana kakhulu

noNgangezwelakhe savumelana ukuthi kuyofanele uhoxiswe lo mcimbi ukuze uphindwe ulungiselelwe ngendlela okuyiyona.

Umuntu engakhuluma naye eqenjini le Nkatha okungubaba uGwala ngamtshela lolu daba ukuthi alusaqhubeki. Savumelana ukuthi asisezukuwuqhuba umcimbi njengohulumeni sesizobuye ziwulungiselele. Ngithuka lapho ke uma ngivuka ngeSonto ekuseni, sengitshelwa engisebenza nabo ukuthi ngiyazi yini ukuthi umcimbi uyaqhubeka na. Ngithi mina angazi, ngiseThekwini. Ngigcine umcimbi ungaqhubeki.

Kwasekuthiwa uMntwana kaPhindangene uyaya ukuyokhuluma kulomcimbi, okungasewona okahulumeni ngoba ngehora lesibili ngoLwesiHlanu ngakhipha incwadi eya kubona bonke abantu ababe zoya kulowomcimbi ukuthi siwuhoxisile siyobuye siwulungisele. Kungokwazi kwethu ke ukuthi lowo mcimbi kwakungasewona okahulumeni. Ukuthi ke wawusungene kanjani, wawusuze kanjani yilokho ke engithi kukona mina angiwazi ngoba ngokukahulumeni wahoxiswa lowo mcimbi. Isimo ke sinjalo kuze kube ukuthi yilokho okwenzeke izolo. Umcimbi ngiyaphinda benkungasewona okahulumeni. Wonke umuntu wazile.

Angivamisile ukuxoxa noShenge, ngiyaye ngixoxe nobaba uGwala kube uyena oxhumana noShenge. UShenge wayebhalile incwadi encane, ngayithola laphaya. Ngathi mina emcimbini kahulumeni bonke abaholi bangeza. Lokhu kwakungaphambi kokuthi ngithole umyalezo ovela eMbubeni ukuthi izocela ukuthi kubuye kuthi ukulungiselelwa kancane lokho. Uhlehle kanjalo ke. Ngiyaphinda futhi ngiyasho ukuthi umcimbi owaqhubeka ngeSonto kwangungasewona umcimbi ulungiselelwe uhulumeni. Kwakungasewona umcimbi ongathi uCele emi la athi uyawazi. Kwakungumcimbi engangitshele wonke umuntu owayewazi ukuthi uyahlehla. Leyo ndaba ngifuna icace kanjalo. Akusikho ukuthi yingoba kunokudelelana okukhona, yingoba iqiniso linjalo. Kwahamba kanjalo. Lokho engikushoyo ngizokusho noma yikuphi. Lokhu engikushoyo yiloku engakukhuluma neMbube, ngakukhuluma nomholi we-IFP. Ngakukhuluma nabaholi bakahulumeni ababekhona sawuhlehlisa kanjalo umcimbi. Ngiyabonga kakhulu. [Ihlombe.]

Kungekona ukuthi ngiqophisana noNgqongqoshe ngoba angikhuliswanga kanjalo. Iqiniso ukuthi emva kokuthi uNgqongqoshe eseshilo ukuthi umhlangano wakhe awusekho. Ngamtshela ukuthi ngizokuya ukuyokhuluma nabantu emva kokuthi

ethe kukhona abantu abasehostela ababonakale begijima nezimpahla zokwebiwa bengena laphaya. UNgqongqoshe waze wathi uzongilungiselela kahle ukuthi ngiphephe kungabikho lutho olwenzekayo olubi.

Ekuseni ngakusasa abaholi bangitshela nezinduna ukuthi uMhlonishwa uMazibuko i-MEC uthe uzoba khona. Kuthe emva kwesikhathi base bethi: hhayi usexolisile ngoba ukuthi usenqatshelwe uNdunankulu uMakhura uthi angezi. Angithandi ke Magayi ukuthi ngiqophisane nawe njengoNgqongqoshe. Ngifuna ukuthi ngikuchaze lokho ngoba akufuneki ukuba kuqoshwe amanga kwi-Hansard. Angeke ngikuvume ukuthi ngife kuqoshwe amanga kwi- Hansard.

USIHLALO WENDLU (Umnu M L D Ntombela): Kuzwakele Shenge. Siyabonga baba uShenge.