Chairperson, the eve of another 16 days of activism for no violence against women and children allows us as parliamentarians to step back and take a sober look at how we, as a nation, are best protecting our children and women and how seriously we take our responsibilities as members of Parliament and the executive.
According to the annual report of SAPS, the number of children murdered in the last financial year increased to 1 410. This is a massive 22,4% increase from the previous year. There were 1 488 attempted murders on children, and that is an increase of 14%. I want you to think about it for a while: 1 410 children murdered in one year. That is nearly one child every six hours in our country.
How are these children being murdered? Obviously we need to know this if we are to understand the causes of this scourge. For the past two years, however, the current Minister - who is talking and not listening - and the previous Ministers of Safety and Security have refused to answer the parliamentary questions I put to them, despite the information being readily available on the SAPS computer system.
Now, if Ministers are not prepared to answer a legitimate question with regard to how children are being murdered, it tells me they are not serious about violence against children. And, given the attention the Minister is giving to the debate today, it is quite clear that he doesn't care about violence against children.
The reason I know the information is available on the SAPS computer system, is that in 2006 the previous Minister actually did answer the question on what weapons were used to murder children. You, sir, have refused to answer that question. The reply sent shivers down my spine.
As expected, firearms and knives are two of the biggest categories with regard to instruments being used to murder children, and were responsible for 54% of all murders. The third biggest category was unknown. The cause of 18% of all child murders was never identified in our country. Surely an autopsy would have determined what was used to kill a child? Does this indicate that simple autopsies are not being conducted on all murdered children?
It is no wonder that the conviction rate for the murder of children is a dismal 12,8%, which means 87% of all murderers actually get away with it. The other means used to murder children highlight the disgusting depths which we as a nation have stooped to. Our children are murdered by being strangled, according to the reply on 2006; 26 children were kicked to death - can you imagine the pain and fear those children went through; stabbed with bottles and screwdrivers; being stoned with bricks; being set alight with matches; six children were murdered with axes; another six were murdered with fists - so they were punched to death basically; three children were murdered by having boiling water poured all over them; and hammers were also used. And so the list goes on.
How sick is our society when a child can be used as a punching bag? What this does indicate is that we are failing to protect our children before they are hurt or murdered. Where are our social services which are supposed to identify vulnerable children and, if necessary, remove them from potentially dangerous situations? Early intervention is critical for all those involved in child protection services, including social services and schools.
It is also important to have accountability when things go wrong, to ensure that questions can be asked about why people did not act quickly enough. We also need to hold the Ministers accountable with regard to the lack of information coming from their departments.
With a 22% increase in child murders in one year, it is startlingly clear that the very agencies that should be protecting our children are simply not working. Another way we have failed our children is by scrapping the independent, specialised Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences units, FCS units, who dealt with over 47 000 cases of rape and grievous bodily harm last year alone. By doing what they did, the ANC have eroded centres of excellence, resulting in a system that is considerably less child-friendly than the previous system.
Children are now expected to go to police stations to report crimes. This is an intimidating environment, and the vast majority of police stations do not have facilities for children, such as playrooms and observation rooms, which many of the FCS units did have. What is needed is less talk and some action from government. Protection services are failing to intervene in thousands of cases across the country. The figures speak for themselves. We are failing our children and no amount of public relations exercises will change that.
The DA is therefore calling on government to establish an independent inquiry into the running of all child protection services in order to determine how best we can harness our current resources and to determine what is needed to resource our agencies better. Clearly, with 1 410 murders a year, the system is not working. We also need to restore the FCS units as independent, specialised units away from police stations and with facilities for children, because we need to put the children first and the system must be developed around children and not around politicians and policemen. I thank you very much. [Applause.]
Chairperson, thank you for this opportunity. I also thank Mr Waters for sponsoring this debate for discussion this afternoon.
Last Saturday I spoke at the funeral of a young lady at Soshanguve. She had gone to the clinic in Soshanguve to pick up her tablets and she actually sent a text message to her older sister on what she was going to be doing after that. The family did not know that two hours later they were going to find her lifeless body.
Now this is not a matter where we can point fingers at anybody. We need to point fingers at ourselves, because this violence knows no colour, no politics, it knows nothing. It is something with regard to which we must all use the might that we have to assist government to fight this. Most of the time the perpetrators are known to the victims and the victims are unsuspecting until they lose their lives.
We hear of these stories in our country over and over again. We should also be mindful of the fact that of the more than 45 million South Africans in our country, we are the chosen ones to represent them. This actually becomes the responsibility of all of us, collectively, to work together and ask, as public representatives, are we doing enough in our constituencies, are we assisting our constituencies, are we bringing awareness to our constituencies? Even if we use a podium like this to debate from and show how bad the situation out there is, we should also match it with what we as individual members of Parliament are doing.
To that end, when we start the 16 Days of Activism on 25 November, I would like to collect all the information from all the places I will be working at during the constituency period and I would like Members of Parliament who'd like to join me in that report that we have to table to the 4th Parliament, to do so - to say that in my area in the Northern Cape I have been to these areas, and this is how I've assisted the police. We have all been called by the police, not now, Minister, during Steve Tshwete's time, to volunteer as Members of Parliament.
One thing we know is that the community knows us, they have elected us. They will trust us. So if we dedicate an hour or two at any police station nearest to you, and say you will be there to assist, you may relieve with reception work - by relieving a policeman or woman from the reception area, you are actually allowing them to do the dedicated functions of a police officer.
We are not saying that you should go and arrest people, but do those things that you could do; like making photocopies, sending e-mails on their behalf - things that will actually free the police officers and get those people to tend to the work that they are supposed to do. I will still write to you, hon members, to find out how many of us did heed that call, the call was given to us almost ten years ago and I don't remember if we have actually done what we were supposed to do.
Sixteen Days of Activism is actually a campaign that says from 25 November to 10 December, we focus on campaigning around the issues that affect women and children, but that doesn't mean that on midnight of 10 December it is freedom for men and that perpetrators can do as they please because the 16 days are over. We are saying that for 365 days, and a quarter in some years, we are going to fight for the protection of women and children, because they happen to be a vulnerable group. I am talking on behalf of everybody here.
This matter is also receiving attention at the UN. You know that Secretary- General Ban Ki-moon added another impetus to the campaign by launching a multiyear campaign to intensify action to end violence against women and girls. This approach seeks to sustain the campaign beyond just the annual 16 Days of Activism. This campaign, which was launched by the UN, will deliberately run from 2008 to 2015, so that it runs alongside the MDGs. We welcome this and would also like to be seen to be part of it. We know that our MDGs are not always so recognisable, but let us continue working hard and make sure that we give this multiyear campaign, as launched by the UN, our support.
Of particular relevance to us as parliamentarians, of the three key areas that were mentioned by the UN, the area that we want to participate in and that we think we can give meaning to, is, to draw from a clause in the UN General Assembly, resolution 61/143, which reads thus, "... to review, where appropriate, revise, amend or abolish all laws, regulations, policies, practices and customs that discriminate against women".
That is a function that we know better than all other functions and that is what we have to look at. We have passed many pieces of legislation, but whether the legislation works for our people is something we have to look at. We must do this through an exercise that evaluates and, where there are gaps, we must tighten the legislation. We also need to have a session where we talk about implementing that legislation. Have we monitored sufficiently whether the laws are being implemented, and whether the laws are even known to people? Do we go back to our constituencies and tell people we know that these five Bills were passed, and whether they know what they imply? If we can use whatever resources we have available, or even say that we don't have enough resources, because we tend to want to give feedback and go back to our communities - I am sure we will find ways of getting money somewhere to assist Members of Parliament to ensure that we see to it that there is implementation.
It means nothing if we are going to be talking about having passed more that 1 200 pieces of legislation by now, but when we go back to our people, they are still faced with the same problems. Our people know who the perpetrators are. They are scared. What is it that we are doing?
Women, in particular, like clothes, Minister: at times we go into the shop to buy them, at times we don't get to the shop to buy them, but we still get the clothes anyway. At times we need those earrings, because I saw this or that Minister wearing them and I will get them, whether I have the money or not and I don't pay or have a receipt for it.
What I usually say is that if you get any goods without getting a receipt for it, you are no less guilty than a person who has a gun; you are the same. For you to have those kinds of things shining on your body, some people have had to lose their lives. Some children have lost their parents for you, because we all like shortcuts. [Applause.] We need to make sure that we cut the market. If people steal cars and there's nobody to buy the cars, they won't steal them. But if we support it and we say, "Oh, I have always wanted ...
... ke bule koloi ela ke tsamaye ke letsa mmino hore ba itlwe hore ke bohlale ... [... to open that car and drive around playing music so that they can see how streetwise I am ...]
... without paying the right price for it." When you read about orphans, and when you read about widows, you must know that you have created that. It is important for us to lead by example. We are the people who are given the opportunity to speak at churches and funerals. Much as we are going to talk about the deceased and whatever campaigns the churches have; let us push the message that people should come out and help the government.
I remember one time - I think hon Twala was with me - when we spoke at a funeral and said there must be somebody who knows who killed this child and that that person may even be here with us, listening to what is going to happen, but have a conscience. They will kill somebody else's child today and when they run short of victims, they'll be coming for you. For you to stop other people from becoming victims, you should talk. That very evening, a report was received by the police saying, "I am scared. I am the mother of so-and-so, but I know I am seeing things that my child has not worked for."
We need to bring back "lobo ubunthu" because that is how we used to deal with each other. [Applause.] I mean, if you go into the suburbs or townships of Tshwane - those are the areas that I live in and those are my constituencies - in black and white areas we have the same perpetrators. The perpetrators don't have a colour. Nobody can say this is done by either black people or white people, because it will be irresponsible to say so. Otherwise we wouldn't be finding it everywhere.
There is also the other point that we have to look at and that is how we socialise our children, how we bring up that little boy to think he's a big man; how we bring up that little Thabo to know that he doesn't have to wash the dishes, he doesn't have to pick up his socks, because there is a girl who will come and do that for him. When Thabo grows up to be a man or a father and he does that to his wife and children, we are surprised.
We are the first port of call. What is it that we are doing? We are benefiting from being where most South Africans would love to be. We are here occupying these seats, hon members, let us make a change. Thank you.
Chairperson, the IFP strongly believes that the question of gender has not yet been properly addressed. Even though we are said to be supposedly enjoying our freedom, most women are still oppressed and suffering under patriarchy, whether in the workplace or in our communities. Some males still cannot accept women in senior positions as their leaders.
The 16 Days of Activism for No Violence against Women and Children campaign is just a tool, but is not enough to address such issues. The agencies for bringing about change are not properly resourced and lack the capacity or power to implement and educate society. Policies are endorsed, but not implemented.
Agencies must start to identify the causes of violence against women and children. The IFP, however, also believes that the abuse of alcohol and drugs plays a crucial role with regard to woman and child abuse. Hence we feel that if the agencies of change can try to resolve these issues of alcohol and drug abuse, violence against women and children can be reduced.
It is a basic human right for women and children to be thoroughly educated on issues pertaining to abusive behaviour in order for them to be able to understand at which point the behaviour of their men can be seen as abuse. Agencies must instil in women's minds in particular that they must stop justifying male behaviour in terms of who provoked whom.
The government should entrust agencies who are dealing with issues of violence against women and children with more powers to exercise and should furnish them with all the tools needed. The government must also ensure that an enabling environment is created for women and children.
Lastly, the agencies should try to create a common understanding of gender by working with women and men separately, as well as jointly, so as to deal with attitudinal beliefs which strongly influence practices at both professional and personal levels.
Sihlalo namalungu ahloniphekileyo, mandibhotise. Oko kwathi kwasekwa eli phulo, ubani ushiyeka enengqondo yokuba ngokwenene sisisizwe siyasiguqula isithethe sokuthula xa kukho izenzo zodushe ezijolise ekunyhashweni kwamalungelo abasethyini nabantwana.
Isininzi semibutho yabucala namagorha ayidlalile indima yawo kule mpumelelo. Kwaye kufuneka siyiphawule nento yokuba abezopolitiko nemibutho yezopolitiko nayo ibe nalo igalelo elinamandla nelibonakalayo ekuncediseni ekuqhawuleni umqokozo.
Kananjalo, masazi ukuba ukuguqulwa kwesithethe sokuthula akuthethi ukuba kuza kuguqulwa isimbo sodushe ngophanyazo. Nangaphandle kwamathandabuzo, kufuneka sithathe amanyathelo angqongqo ukuqinisekisa ukuba lo mgama sele siwuhambile siyawandisa, singabuyeli mva. Intsingiselo yoko kukuba amaqumrhu amiselwe ukulwa obu bugebenga ayaphanda kwaye atshutshise ngempumelelo abenzi bobugwenxa.
Ukuba siyoyiswa kukuqinisekisa ukuba abo bangabenzi bobu bugebenga bayazeka futhi bayatshutshiswa ukuze bafumane isohlwayo esibafaneleyo, abo bancedisa ekupopoleni nasekulweni esi simbo baya kuthyafa bangaphinde benze nto. Ngoko ke isithethe sikacwaka siya kubuya ngamandla.
Kubaluleke kakhulu kunangaphambili ukuba iinkonzo zamapolisa neenkundla zabelwe izixa-mali ezibonakalayo kwaye zixhotyiswe ngcono ukuze zikwazi ukuphumeza umsebenzi wazo kuba kaloku okwangoku ziyasilela kakhulu.
Ndiyabulela ngokubaza kwenu iindlebe. Enkosi. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Ms S N SIGCAU: Chairperson and hon members, I greet you. Ever since this initiative has been established, one does realise that we as a nation have shifted from the norm of turning a blind eye when acts of violence are perpetrated against women and children.
The majority of NGOs and some heroes have played a major role towards achieving this victory. We should also acknowledge that politicians and political organisations have played a significant role in breaking the chain of silence.
Be that as it may, breaking the silence does not necessarily mean that the act of violence will miraculously disappear. We have to put in place measures to ensure, without any doubt, that we add on to what we have already achieved, and never turn back. The purpose is thus to ensure that organisations, formed specifically to deal with this crime, do investigate and successfully prosecute these perpetrators.
Organisations that assist in fighting gender-based violence against women and children will be demoralised if we fail to ensure that perpetrators are reported, prosecuted and suitably punished. This will therefore result in the reinstatement of the norm of silence.
It is more important than ever before that the SAPS and the courts are allocated substantial budgets and are capacitated to ensure that necessary services are rendered much more effectively. So far, they fall short in their role.
I thank you for listening. Thank you.]
Thank you, Chair. Human trafficking is modern-day slave- trading. It entails transporting people away from their communities across continents, countries or regions by threat, the use of violence or deception and enticement, with the intention of taking advantage of them. This trafficking of persons involves adults and children, who are trafficked for sex or for labour.
Globally, trafficking in human beings is the third largest area of organised crime after drugs and arms smuggling. The UN estimates that some 80% of people trafficked are trafficked for sexual exploitation. The global sex industry is an enormous profit-making venture, based on the exploitation of women and children. Unlike drugs, women and children can be sold numerous times over for profit, with the criminals receiving less punishment and shorter sentences than they would for dealing in drugs.
I bring this up specifically at the start of this year's 16 Days of Activism for No Violence against Women and Children campaign because, according to the UN Agency for International Development, crime syndicates of slave traders are increasing their operations in South Africa. The province hardest hit by this scourge is the Eastern Cape, followed by KwaZulu-Natal, the North West, Limpopo and the Northern Cape.
Organisations involved in investigating cases and providing therapy for victims are extremely concerned at the increased incidence of human trafficking in South Africa and human rights activists are warning that things could get far worse as the 2010 Soccer World Cup draws near and the demand for sex workers increases. A forceful statement needs to be made that South Africans will not allow slave-trading to take place in South Africa. A clear message must go out to foreigners and locals as South Africa gears up for 2010 that we are not prepared to turn a blind eye or, even worse, facilitate the abuse of people through prostitution at any time, including during the 2010 Soccer World Cup.
The ACDP calls on government to follow the example of the Republic of China, as they removed all sex workers from the cities where Olympic events were being held and stepped up vigilance to block individuals and vice rings from operating. This will send a signal to those preparing now, that their efforts will be in vain.
The ANC struck a cruel blow to women and children when it disbanded the Scorpions and strengthened the grip of crime syndicates in South Africa. Nevertheless, we urge government to intensify antitrafficking activities, to ensure that dedicated police units are trained to eradicate human traffic operations, and that these units are trained to work closely with NGOs and state social services to adequately assist victims of trafficking.
The ACDP has called on the Minister of Education to urgently facilitate programmes within institutions of learning which will prepare young people to avoid the dangers of being lured by seemingly valid promises of work or reward, only to find themselves abducted and held captive by modern-day slave-traders.
The ACDP calls on government and all politicians to set an example which nations around the world can follow. We must stop modern-day slave-trading in this country. Thank you.
Women and children are invariably the most vulnerable people when it comes to violence. It may be violence in the family or in society. South Africa is a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms Discrimination against Women. Therefore, it is expected that South Africans should conform to the protocol adopted in the convention. Men who hold the view that women are lesser beings who were made out of the dust or crumbs of clay that fell off the master's table when he made a super gender, man, should be reminded what the Inter-Parliamentary Union had to say about women in 1994, and I quote:
The combination of efforts on the part of all of society's components is indispensable to tackle and resolve the problems facing society. Emphasis should thus be placed on two complementary concepts: the concept of parity which reflects the fact that persons of one or the other sex are different but nonetheless equal; and the concept of partnership, which shows that a creative synergy can be created between men and women so as to tackle and resolve the community's problems effectively.
This goes to prove that there is no master or super gender and by extension no super or master human being. Women and children should be treated with love and respect. While there is merit in calling for state-of-the-art buildings and deluxe vehicles for law enforcement agencies, it is also important that these agencies should be resourced with the best human resources, people who care, empathise and sympathise, who are resourceful and compassionate. We do not need officers who have hearts of stone when dealing with women and children. The UCDP envisages a period in our lives when activism against women abuse will be a way of life. I thank you.
Hon members, the national theme of "Don't look away, act against abuse" for this year's 16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children Campaign, is a rallying call to all South Africans, men and women, young and old, across all cultural divides, to speak out against the scourge of violence against the vulnerable in our society. It is a call not to hide or deny the existence of such violence. It is a call to acknowledge when help is needed and to help. It is a call to declare a permanent truce in this epidemic.
Fourteen years since the advent of democracy and a constitution with the strongest provisions on gender equality in the world, gender-based violence continues to undermine the human rights of South Africans, especially women and children.
Violence against women and children is a human rights issue, but more specifically, it is an equality issue. It is widely acknowledged that violence grows and takes hold of environments where relationships are characterised by inequity, where a power imbalance - imagined or real- exists between men and women, boys and girls and adults and children. Violence is an expression of domination of power. It is exerted by the powerful over the disempowered.
In 2006 South Africa made a ground-breaking move to develop a 365- days' action plan to end violence against women and children. The plan was a product of a multistakeholder conference driven by the ANC-led government in partnership with the civil society organisations that are committed to the struggle of ending violence against women and children. This effort culminated in the launch of the action plan by the then Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka on 8 March 2007 in celebration of International Women's Day.
Other countries in the region like Zimbabwe, Namibia, Botswana, Mauritius, Lesotho, Zambia and Swaziland engaged in similar initiatives to develop action plans to end violence against women. Almost all the action plans are framed in terms of the SADC addendum on the prevention and eradication of violence against women and children that outlines five key areas in which measures must be adopted to address this scourge in the region. The key areas include the legal, social, economic, cultural and political spheres; services; education, training and awareness; and integrated approaches to budget allocation.
By launching the national action plan to end gender violence, South Africa is one of the first countries to heed the call of the UN Secretary-General last year for all countries to develop comprehensive multisector action plans for ending gender violence. This national action plan is a multisector framework approach for ending gender violence.
This plan recognises that no single sector, government ministry, department or civil society organisation is by itself responsible for or has a singular ability to address this challenge. It is envisaged that all South African government departments and civil society organisations will, as stakeholders, use this national action plan as the basis to develop their own strategic and operational plans to ensure unity of purpose and cohesion of efforts to achieve maximum impact in the process of eradicating this scourge.
In order to address and find solutions to this scourge, the ANC-led government has put in place various measures that include ensuring that our courts toughen actions on gender violence, and passing legislation that will help intensify our efforts to fight sexual crimes against all persons but in particular against women, children and people who are mentally disabled.
This plan also includes integrated approaches to end the violence such as ensuring that treatment and care receive greater attention, that the media becomes more a part of the solution instead of being part of the problem and, more important, creating a space that allows real men to find their voice in assisting in dealing with this matter.
More importantly, part of this plan is a Victims' Charter. The ANC government has committed itself to implementing measures aimed at continuous reform of the criminal justice system to promote and protect the rights of victims of crime. This commitment is in the spirit of the South African Constitution and in compliance with the international human rights instruments. The implementation of the Victims' Charter is one of the measures aimed at balancing the rights of victims of crime and accused persons.
In 2007 a stakeholder summit was held in KwaZulu-Natal on implementation of the Victims' Charter and minimum standards. Also a national workshop on challenges of training on Victims' Charter was held. Public as well as provincial consultation on implementation was held and a five-year national implementation plan outlining the commitments made by the Departments of Justice, Social Development, Health and Correctional Services and the NPA and SAPS, has been developed.
Despite these efforts and measures, it is important for us to note that if we in our neighbourhoods, our communities, schools, workplaces and families continue to turn a blind eye when faced with gender violence, we will be doing ourselves as a society a grave injustice. We need to break down those structures that support and perpetuate the silence surrounding victims of violence. This starts with us in our homes when we raise those young people who become abusers. Thank you very much. [Time expired.]
Chairperson, on Monday 17 November 2008, two burglars entered the Ahmed-household in Laudium, Pretoria. Rashida Ahmed, 49-years- old, was beaten for over an hour with a spade and baton, while her attackers dragged her from room to room as they ransacked her home. Police have described her killing as Pretoria's worst murder yet. Our deepest condolences are extended to the Ahmed family on this most tragic event. The Ahmeds are victims, as many other South African families have been, to violence, crime and terror.
Annually we return to the podium confessing our commitment to ending the violence and abuse against women and children and this publicity is effective, but is it effective enough? Looking at the South African survey of 2007-08, it is reported that between the periods of 2002-03 to 2006-07 there has been an astounding increase of 34,7% in crimes committed against children under the age of 18 years. These crimes range from murder to rape, assault, indecent assault and common assault. The SA Government has policies, conventions and projects aligned with addressing the seriousness of violence and abuse against women and children. However, we remain severely challenged.
Actions speak louder than words. Mahatma Ghandi once said that those who embark on a journey of goals with vengeance, cause the whole world to be blinded. It has been very heart-warming having the hon G Morgan embracing senior citizens of Chatsworth, but what puzzles me is that there has been a bitter attack on our 75-year-old member, the hon Rajbally, by the DA's hon Morgan over the voting issue. He has sent letters to the Mercury newspaper, casting aspersions on her performance in Parliament.
All members are aware of hon Rajbally's consistent contribution and participation at national level and the hon Morgan should hang his head in shame.
Chair, on a point of order: I think that the implication here by the hon Bhoola that I have somehow abused the hon Rajbally, in the context of a serious debate where we're talking about violence, criminal violence and sexual violence, is egregious and that comment should be withdrawn.
We will check the Hansard and then we will come back to you.
The hon Morgan should hang his head in shame for abusing an elderly woman. [Interjections.]
Chair, on a point of order: You have just indicated, sir, that you are prepared to take careful cognisance of what the hon Bhoola has said, and yet he continues on the same theme. I would suggest that in actual fact he should refrain from that particular angle now.
Yes, I think when it comes to repeating those things, we are still going to look at the Hansard and see whether they were parliamentary or not. But I think you should refrain from that, hon member.
I reiterate that while the hon Morgan is counting votes on his fingers, the MF is striving to salvage its communities and enhance delivery. [Interjections.]
On a point of order: Chairperson, despite your ruling, he continues referring to Mr Morgan, etc.
No, this is in a different tone. It is a different line altogether now.
Parliament is not about political trickery and point scoring. For the MF it is about service delivery. [Laughter.] We are not here to represent our people for the pleasure or displeasure of the DA. [Interjections.]
Order, order!
Matters as crucial as the fight against violence and abuse of women and children should not be used as opportunistic moments for the next election, but as a platform to unite efforts to address it. We need to join hands to mobilise the fight against violence and abuse of women and children at various levels of society and figure out ways to deter perpetrators from committing such heinous crimes.
The MF is disappointed and disillusioned by the fabric of criminals produced among us. For them to commit such brutal acts of torture is evidence of people without a heart, without a soul and without humanity. We call on the long arm of the law to bring these barbaric criminals to task and we have great confidence in the words of the hon Minister of Safety and Security that we will take the criminals on, head-on.
Chairperson ... [Interjections.]
Order! Just wait a minute hon member. Order! Hon members, what is going on now? Can we just listen, please! [Interjections.]
Chairperson, on a point of order: Is it parliamentary to confront a member, the way in which the hon Morgan has confronted hon Bhoola?
To do what?
To be confrontational. Is it parliamentary? [Interjections.]
Mhlonishwa, Dingiswayo, ngicela uhlale phansi siqhubeke-izosihlupha lento... [Hon Minister, son of Dingiswayo, please sit down, as this thing will get out of hand ... ] [Interjections.]
Chairperson, I wanted clarity, so that if it happens in future, then we will know whether it is parliamentary or not. [Interjections.]
What do you mean by confrontational?
Chairperson, he moved from his seat and went straight to another member who was debating there. I want to know, if you say it is allowed and it is parliamentary... [Interjections.]
Can we make this clear. You say he moved from where to where?
He moved from his seat to confront the member who was passing after having debated here in the House. Now, it will be okay if you say that this is allowed and should be part of this House. Then you must say so.
Mhlonishwa, members move from one seat to the other talking to other members. [Interjections.] I am not sure what this confrontation means. [Interjections.] Hon Minister, can you clearly explain this to me. What actually happened?
UNGQONGQOSHE WEZOKUPHEPHA NOKUVIKELA: Uyabona baba, umuntu ubekade ekhuluma, ngalokho, uma esuka lo, uyamvimbela. Manje, ngibuza ukuthi uma esuka lo emvimba, engamvimbi nakahle. [Ubuwelewele.] Usuka esihlalweni sakhe lo usuka ezokhuluma la, lo uyamvimbela usho lento ayishoyo. Akasuki ngomoya omuhle. Manje, into engiyibuza kuwena Sihlalo, wukuthi: yinto evunyelwe yini ukuthi yenzeke leyo la? [Ubuwelewele.] Ngoba mina angiboni kuhambisana nemithetho yala ePhalamende, kodwa uma wena uthi yinto efanele yenzeke. Cha, ukusho nje baba, Musi sazi ukuthi sekuyenziwa lokho. Sazi ukuthi cha uyakuvuma impela sekuzokwenziwa. [Ubuwelewele.] (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
[The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Hon Chairperson, you see, hon Bhoola has been debating, and thereafter the hon Morgan was blocking his way. Now, what I want to know is why the hon Morgan blocked him, and not in a polite manner but aggressively ... [Interjections.] Hon Bhoola was passing by after having debated and hon Morgan stopped him to say what he has said. He was not confronting him in a polite way. Now, what I am asking from you, Chairperson, is whether it is parliamentary to do that in this House? [Interjections.] Because I do not see it as complying with the Rules of Parliament, but if you say so, then it is fine. I am just saying, hon Chairperson, so that we should know that it is now allowed. We should know that you have agreed that it is acceptable. [Interjections.]]
Chairperson, on a point of order ... [Interjections.]
Chairperson, on a point of order ... [Interjections.]
Thank you, hon members. I need to say that personally I did not see what the Minister is saying he saw, but from the way he describes it, it should not have happened in that way. Members should not confront members in the manner - threatening - that the Minister is describing.
I also think it should be the responsibility of the Whips to assist the Chair in looking at issues that are disrupting the debates. It should not be part of the debates. The Whips should be assisting in such cases. So, that would be my ruling.
Chairperson ... [Interjections.]
Can you sit down, sir.
Thank you very much, Chairperson. I think that it would be proper for him to apologise to Mr Bhoola. [Interjections.] Seeing that you have ruled now ...
Mr Chairman, this is not a point of order. This cannot be a point of order.
I think that Mr Morgan must apologise to Mr Bhoola ... [Interjections.] ... because he was very aggressive and intimidating towards Mr Bhoola and that is not correct.
I am ... [Interjections.]
Ag siestog! [Ag shame.]
I ruled, Mr Bloem, and admitted that I did not see that; and that if it happened in the way that the Minister is describing it then I should discourage it. Members should not do that to other members. This is a debating Chamber where we are all free to debate and therefore we should not intimidate other members. And, if Mr Morgan did do that, I say I discourage it, not only to Mr Morgan, but to all of us. We should not be doing things like that. Hon Mr Morgan, did you do it in that spirit? [Interjections.]
Mr Chairperson, may I answer for Mr Morgan, please.
Why?
The hon Minister suggests that Mr Morgan stopped the man in his path. Mr Morgan did not leave his seat. He stood up, but he did not leave his seat and he did not confront ... [Interjections.]
Hon Ellis, can I just hear from the hon Morgan what really happened?
Well, let us do some basic physics here. I stayed there. Mr Bhoola walked through there and I did not block anyone. I rose up from my seat but after being accused of abusing someone, of course, I am angry. Will I apologise? No!
You see, I am going to adhere to the ruling I made about this, which is a general ruling that if we are doing that, we don't need to do it. [Interjections.] I did say that if the Whips are here and they are not assisting in things like this, then it's a difficult point for me. [Interjections.] Hon Bloem, please!
Chairperson, on a point of order: The way in which he is behaving is unparliamentary, he cannot tell the Chair that he is not going to apologise. That is wrong! He is undermining you, Chairperson, and the House. [Interjections.]
Hon Bloem, that is your own interpretation of the whole situation. Please sit down. I cannot coerce him to admitting something that he did not say ... [Interjections.]
Chairperson, may I suggest that, seeing that you had asked Mr Morgan to explain himself, you perhaps accord Mr Bhoola the same privilege to explain what transpired in the spirit of the audi alteram partem.
I am not sure whether this is going to take us forward here. Perhaps if Mr Bhoola says something different then what would be the difference in my ruling? Hon Bhoola, do you want to say something about this?
Chairperson, indeed all the sentiments that have been expressed by the previous speakers are exactly what occurred. Hon Gerald Morgan got up from his seat, while I passed there, and addressed me in a very aggressive tone and displayed very aggressive behaviour - unacceptable for Parliament.
I think I did say that I have made a ruling and I will adhere to that ruling. Because now we have his word against his; and a lot of shouting in the House that he did it - can we continue?
Chairperson, on a point of order: A certain member there said: Ag siestog! [Ag shame!] Is that parliamentary language? And I have just heard Mr Ellis saying, on this matter of hon Bhoola, "What else did you expect Mr Morgan to say or do?" [Interjections.] Is that parliamentary language? "Ag siestog!" [Ag shame!]
Well, can I say that we will also check the Hansard and come back with a ruling. [Interjections.]
Is that parliamentary language: "Ag siestog!" [Ag shame!]
Hon member, I say I am going to check the Hansard and come back with a ruling whether ... [Interjections.] No, it needs an interpretation. It is language, hon member. Can I continue with the debate? Continue, hon member.
Chairperson, I regard this debate as extremely important and I take the issue of violence against women as something to be viewed extremely seriously. Therefore I regard hon Bhoola's attempt to trivialise this debate, and giving him five minutes or perhaps two minutes of fame in this House, as highly despicable.
As South African women we rejoice in the fact that one of us, the well- known South African actress, Charlize Theron, has been chosen as a UN Messenger of Peace with a special focus on ending violence against women as something to be celebrated. I am especially proud because Charlize Theron comes from my constituency, Benoni in Ekurhuleni, Gauteng.
But there is something which does not make us proud. It is the fact that Charlize comes from a background of violence and abuse. This is something that is an everyday occurrence for far too many women in South Africa.
A recent UN Population Fund Report puts the life expectancy of a typical South African woman at just 49,6 years - our life expectancy has been cut by six years over the past 10 years. It is now down to the levels of women living in war-torn and poverty-stricken countries such as Somalia and Ethiopia.
Women live longer in Namibia than we do here. They live longer in Ghana, and to our never-ending shame, women live a full decade longer in war-torn Iraq than they do here in sunny South Africa.
These statistics are largely due to South Africa having one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world with 21,8% of all women aged between 15 and 49 being HIV-positive - the fourth highest rate globally.
I find it somewhat ironic that the Minister responsible for allowing the HIV/Aids pandemic to spread almost unchecked has now been sidelined to the Office of the Presidency. Let us hope that she is not there long enough to further compromise the women, children and the disabled who fall within her portfolio.
The previous Minister in the Presidency certainly did nothing to advance the cause of women; in fact, I would go so far as to say he did so little that he practically undermined the women's movement in this country. One only has to look at our poor record in reporting to the UN Committee on the Status of Women. The initial South African country report for the period 1994 to 1997 was submitted to the CEDAW committee in 1998, but somehow, under former Minister Pahad's watch, no report has been submitted since then.
We are now consolidating our second, third and fourth country reports on the implementation of the CEDAW convention for the past 10 years into one. Despite our much acclaimed Office on the Status of Women and Gender machinery, section V 4.2 of the same report also points out that South Africa has amongst the world's highest levels of sexual and domestic violence, and that the HIV/Aids epidemic disproportionately affects women's lives both in terms of rates of infection and the burden of care and support they carry for those with Aids-related illnesses.
The Deputy Minister of Social Development, Dr Jean Swanson-Jacobs, has previously said, "There is a clear link between violence against women and HIV/Aids infection." She added that socioeconomic factors, unequal gender and sexual relations, unprotected sex, and alcohol and drug abuse are among the factors that have increased the negative impact of HIV/Aids.
We applaud efforts of organisations, such as Sonke Gender Justice, which conducts surveys and tries to implement legislation and increase support amongst men to prevent violence against women. We need organisations such as these, men and women like Charlize Theron, to keep on reminding us that violence in any form - but particularly against women and children - is not acceptable. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, hon members, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it is now almost a decade since the 16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children campaign was launched in 1999, as part of efforts by the government to rally citizens against the high levels of violence directed at women and children, which has been prevalent in our communities.
The objectives of the 16 Days of Activism campaign is to uphold the rights of citizens and restore the dignity of the most vulnerable members of our society. Among our major goals were the aims of raising awareness of the challenges posed by societal attitudes and practices that continue to perpetuate gender-based violence and child abuse. And I must say that the incident that just happened in this House shows me that even in this House there is not yet an appreciation of those conditions and attitudes that perpetuate gender violence, because the victims of gender violence doesn't only have to be women and children. Violence doesn't begin with a slap; it begins with verbal abuse.
In the past decade, our government, guided by the constitutional rights guaranteed to the people of South Africa, has come up with numerous laws that are meant to protect the dignity of each person in this country.
We have also established progressive policies and implemented various programmes that are currently being implemented to protect women and children. And here I must commend all those departments who participate in the Victim Empowerment Programmes in partnership with the private sector and also the police who have assisted with trauma centres in partnership with the community.
We have also in the past decade been able to expand the campaign activities and extend them to reach even the poorest and remotest of communities and this has been an important milestone as it is in these communities where such violence against women and children is prevalent.
According to research studies conducted by, among others, the Government Communication and Information Systems, GCIS, about a year ago, societal awareness about problems such as child abuse, domestic violence, as well as violence against women in general, has increased considerably.
The GCIS study conducted towards the end of 2006 found that about 33% of South Africans were now aware of the 16 Days Campaign and conceded that violence against women and children should not be accepted, whereas only 16% were aware of this in 2003. So, I think that the campaign does help - our programmes help as well - but it is also very important to change people's attitudes.
But having said that, hon members, let me hasten to say that we still have a lot of work to do if we are to win the fight against gender-based violence. One of the tasks facing us is that of strengthening our structures and improving co-ordination between these structures and enhancing the partnership between the government, private sector, nongovernmental organisations and community-based organisations.
This, however, should not be viewed as an impossible task, because already the basis for this has been laid as the number of civil society organisations that have embraced the campaign has increased significantly since 1999. There has also been incredible growth in partnership between the government and the private sector with all parties throwing their full weight behind the 16 Days of Activism campaign. This has had a number of positive consequences, such as the joint effort that enabled us to raise some of the required funds for a number of nongovernmental and community- based organisations dealing with victims of gender violence and child abuse. About 24 such organisations benefited from the support funds in 2006 alone.
During the past nine years, the campaign has succeeded in getting more men to support the fight against violence that is directed at women and children. This culminated in the Million Men March in November last year in which over a million men from all provinces took part in the main march in Bloemfontein and in various other marches held countrywide. These men not only participated in marches but they have also been actively involved in an ongoing way. They are engaging with the department and attending workshops. I think that the men's movement is definitely growing.
It is important that we strengthen our efforts because one of the challenges that we have to deal with, if we are to win this fight, is the challenge of reducing the levels of alcohol and drug abuse in our communities. There are indications that the abuse of alcohol and drugs contribute towards the high levels of woman abuse, child abuse and elder abuse as well as to the spread of HIV and Aids. This is the most difficult part of the campaign because it requires individuals to undergo a change of heart as well as to change their behaviour. It is something that cannot be dealt with only in terms of policy formulation or by simply enacting laws; but we really need to get the entire civil society to participate and join the structures of the National Drug Master Plan in order to combat the scourge of drug and alcohol abuse that we are experiencing in our country.
The messages that we have been carrying to people as part of the communication strategy for the 365-days campaign of talking to people about behavioural change, is the impact of violence and the link between gender- based violence, alcohol and drug abuse and HIV and Aids.
We also need to communicate through the most effective and appropriate channels aiming to reach the maximum number of people across the country, particularly women and children residing in the rural areas, farmworkers, people with disabilities and the aged. This requires us to broaden our focus from the usual reliance on the urban and mainstream media and focusing on the local media as well as increasing our community outreach programmes.
Already we have aligned most of our events in the national programme with that of the international theme for the year, which focuses on matters relating to women's human rights. And we believe that our communications should also seek to highlight the stories of survivors of gender-based violence and the positive impact that the campaign has had on their lives. Before I conclude, let me convey my gratitude to all the South Africans who have taken a stand and pledged not to look away when they witness gender- based violence and child abuse. I am also very grateful of the role played by businesses and the contributions made by the private sector as a whole towards the 16 Days of Activism Campaign. These do not only relate to financial contributions made by the South African media and related institutions which have supported the campaign from day one and played an important role in getting our messages as well as key information regarding the abuse of women and children to the public. I thank you.
Chairperson, it is a great pity that this debate has degenerated into a slanging match. Just to inform members on what the hon Bhoola was accusing the hon Morgan of when he said he had abused an old lady, the hon Morgan was holding the MF to account for not being in this Chamber and for not expressing a view in this Chamber on the Scorpions Bill. Neither did they do so today. So, the hon Morgan informed the voters of Chatsworth that she had no opinion on such an important matter. That is not abusing an elderly lady.
Secondly, ... [Interjections.]
Chairperson, on a point of order: The hon Bhoola did not say "old lady". He said, "the hon 75-year-old lady". So, he did not just use the term "old lady". Correction, please!
The reason I say she or the MF does not have an opinion on the matter is because they did not participate in the debate.
Secondly, we are all equal in this Chamber. None of us deserves special treatment, irrespective of whether you are an elderly lady like the hon Rajbally is or a gay member of Parliament. We are all equal here. It doesn't matter, quite frankly. Elderly women in this Chamber before, like Winnie Mandela and Helen Suzman, did not ask for any special attention or treatment. They were treated equally. They were attacked, and they held their ground.
Lastly, the voters of Chatsworth have obviously seen the light and that is why you are so worried about Chatsworth. You are worried that they are going to the DA and that is why you had to make these ludicrous assertions about the hon Morgan.
You obviously don't take this debate very seriously, hon Bhoola. You don't take being in this Chamber very seriously. So, why don't you do all of us a favour and sell your seat like you wanted to four years ago?
But if I can get on with what you were actually ... [Interjections.]
Hon member, I think you are simply being personal by pointing at the hon member and saying these things. It is unparliamentary to do that. Please continue.
Thank you, Chair. What I would like to say to the other speakers in the debate is that, yes, as the Speaker said, we must all join hands in fighting child and women abuse and we have a national 365-day plan, as the ANC spokesperson said.
However, what have we done in this country over the last few years? Despite all this fanfare of 16 days of activism and the 365-day action plan, we actually scrapped the very units that were there to investigate cases of abuse and rape against women and children - the Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences, FCS, units.
Why did we scrap them when they were doing an excellent job in investigating the rape of women and children? What we need to do - it is a pity the Minister is not here - is to reestablish these units, as I have said before, and strengthen the sexual offences courts so that specialised prosecutors and magistrates that deal with children's cases in particular can work together and develop places where children can give evidence from behind a one-way mirror or a CCTV camera so that they are not intimidated by seeing the person who actually abused or raped them. I think we need to look at these aspects a lot more seriously as Members of Parliament and forget about party politics, please. Let's get specialised units for children. Thank you very much. [Applause.]