Hon members, we are having a very important debate. However, there are members who are even violating the code of members in the House. They stand in gangways talking, to the extent that one can hear them while there is somebody on the platform. I didn't call the House to order because there are students seated up there, who have come to grace us with their presence. It becomes very foolish to start saying that members of this respectable House must have order. [Interjections.]
I won't respond to that. I really won't respond to that. The fact that I am looking in that direction is maybe because I saw people standing in the gangway in that direction, more than the other direction. [Interjections.] So you don't have to respond. [Interjections.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, hon Ministers and members, throughout the ages women have had to fight for recognition as individuals and the right to make their own choices. I think of someone like Florence Nightingale who defied convention and revolutionised nursing during the Crimean War, of Emily Hobhouse who left a life of prosperity in England to come and work in the concentration camps during the Anglo-Boer War in South Africa to assist the woman and children who were living in appalling conditions.
I think of the militant suffragettes in England who risked their lives to earn the right to vote. And then there was our own Helen Suzman who braved ridicule and insults and asked the difficult questions exposing the evils of apartheid. She stood her ground and fought for her principles and the human rights of people like Nelson Mandela and his fellow prisoners at Robben Island.
The national Woman's Day commemorates the 20 000 South African women who marched for justice on 9 August 1956. Fearlessly, they sang a song that has become a rallying cry: "Wathint' abafazi, wathint' imbokodo!" [You strike women, you strike a rock!] Women can be the rock on which a freer, safer and more prosperous South Africa is built. They just need the opportunities to be educated, to be given a descent health care, to make informed choices about their reproductive rights, to determine their own futures and those of their children.
Empowering women economically and giving them opportunity to be gainfully employed is key to social and economic progress. Their creativity, entrepreneurial skills and determination to provide for their families is a driving factor towards economic success and a better standard of living.
Remember that women comprise 52% of our population. How can South Africa prosper if more than half of the people are marginalised, oppressed and not economically productive? If patriarchal attitudes continue, and ignorance prevails, economic growth and prosperity will be impossible.
However, it is interesting to note that, according to the MasterCard Worldwide Index of Women's Advancement, more women are being enrolled at universities. Their figures show that for every 100 men in the workplace there are 75 women. South Africa has many dynamic successful businesswomen, but their biggest issue is hitting the proverbial glass ceiling. However, we need to assist those grass-roots women who have their own informal businesses and projects by giving them necessary mentoring to grow their businesses, as Mrs Lillian Masebenza does so successfully through her Mhani Gingi Programme.
Mrs Masebenza is in the gallery with many of her student volunteers from Norway, and we thank them for their contribution. She provides tailor-made skills and social justice training. "Mhani Gingi" means industrious and caring women, those on whom our social stability and moral values lie. The lives of many rural women are still dominated by the need to fetch water and firewood; they eek out a meagre living.
In some areas, women are denied the right to own property and are regarded as mere chattels to be passed from one member of the family to another. So often, platitudes are mouthed about equality, but we need to make this a reality in every day. I quote Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, UN:
Gender equality and women's empowerment are fundamental to the global mission of the United Nations to achieve equal rights and dignity for all. But equality for women and girls is also an economic and social imperative. Until women and girls are liberated from poverty and injustice, all our goals - peace, security, sustainable development - stand in jeopardy.
I would like to quote our former Speaker, Frene Ginwala, who said:
Education and training are vital for women and for future generations in order that women can be at the centre of restoring social and moral values, bringing back discipline and respect.
Hon Deputy Speaker, as leaders of our nation, may we all encourage all men to support this so that we work together for equal opportunities and progress for women, their families and our entire nation. Malibongwe igama lamakhosikazi! [Let the women's name be praised!]
HON MEMBERS: Malibongwe! [Let it be praised!] [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, Monday, 9 August 2010, marked 54 years of commemoration of the women's march to the Union Buildings. South African women from all walks of life walked to the Union Buildings to hand over a petition against pass laws. The march was a follow-up to the 1954 Women's Charter.
On both these occasions, women came from all walks of life, irrespective of race, colour, creed or political affiliation. Women then - as they still are today - were brought together by the same problems such as poverty, violence against women, gender parity and patriarchy, and so on. These problems are the ones that bring all women together.
Therefore it is very important to understand and acknowledge that 9 August brings all South African women together. We will only be able to fight for women's rights if we fight together as South African women. During the actions taken in 1954 and 1956, South African women came in unity to fight the same problems that we still face today. These are struggles that cannot be fought by one political party, but by the South African women at large.
The theme for this month is: Working together for equal opportunities and progress for all women. When we talk about 50-50 gender parity, Parliament should be the leading example. But, unfortunately, it is not. The reason for that is that not all political parties adhere to the 50-50 gender parity principle. It should start here. Women in Parliament should be working together to achieve 50-50 gender parity.
The struggle for women continues; it does not happen only when it suits you. Therefore, it is very important for us as women in Parliament to take on this fight and ensure that the 50-50 gender parity is legislated. As the saying goes: Charity begins at home.
As Cope we acknowledge the strides taken by the government to deal with these problems. We also acknowledge the steps taken by our government on gender mainstreaming and poverty reduction in line with the resolution of the Beijing Platform for Action taken 15 years ago. But, the problems facing women remain a major challenge. For instance, we are now in the sixteenth year of our democracy, but women are still the ones that are mostly hit by poverty in rural areas and informal settlements. Women-headed households are without employment and a basic salary. Now is the time for women issues to be prioritised in the government's agenda.
Recent statistics show that every six minutes a woman is raped or sexually abused. This indicates that, instead of decreasing, violence against women is actually increasing despite the government's efforts. The recent portfolio committee oversight visits to various provinces observed that, despite having the Domestic Violence Act (116 of 1998), the scourge remains a serious challenge. Therefore the above-mentioned Act needs to be reviewed.
Government programmes that are being implemented today are the same as the demands of the 1954 Women's Charter. Women like Lilian Ngoyi, Ray Alexander nabanye [and others] would be happy in their graves if, one day, poverty- stricken women, particularly those in rural areas, could be financially independent and have access to employment. They would be happy if a gendered approach to poverty reduction would concentrate on the economic development and empowerment of poor women.
Furthermore, Lilian Ngoyi and others would be happy if resource-generating opportunities that are easily accessible and conducive to a woman's needs are made available; indigenous women in rural areas are given access to the ownership of land; programmes that provide financial assistance and credit to women at accommodating interest rates and convenient terms of repayment are initiated so as to increase a woman's opportunity to engage in small business activities; programmes are implemented that provide education and employment training that build the capacity of women to become economically independent and thus enable them to alter situations of violence; and functional literacy programmes are initiated, as these are a crucial step in empowering women to take control of their own lives.
In conclusion, Madam Deputy Speaker, the Multiparty Women's Caucus and women from other political parties should work together to achieve the above. When a human being comes into existence, a woman breaks water. Water is an important component of life - we cannot live without water. Therefore, there is no life and future without a woman. I thank you. [Applause.]
Malibongwe! [Praise!]
HON MEMBERS: Igama lamakhosikazi! [The name of women!]
Hon Deputy Speaker, the national Women's Day must always be the day upon which the women of South Africa - women who are the very rose petals of our society - are honoured and thanked for the untold selfless work and sacrifices that they have endured to make this great nation what it is today.
We in the IFP believe that women are truly, for the most part, the unsung heroines of our nation's history. The mothers, the carers, the wives, the daughters, the grandmothers, in addition to being, in some cases, breadwinners are, in most cases, contributors to household income. They are truly the most precious assets of any nation and, as such, should be treasured and accorded the respect they deserve.
Yet, unfortunately, the reality remains far from the ideal. Many women still live and raise families in abject poverty. They run households with no water, no sewerage systems and no electricity. These women, especially the sole breadwinners and the single-parent mothers, must be identified and assisted by the state in their fight to provide a better future for their children.
Women remain victims of domestic violence and abuse. The Domestic Violence Act has failed women due to its poor implementation. Lack of knowledge on the part of police officers when assisting women has also contributed in this regard. Women's groups around the country are also revealing how apathetic South Africans can be towards domestic violence within their communities. Neighbours, most often, just turn a blind eye to women who are abused by their partners, as they reason that that is none of their business.
This culture of quiet acceptance is wrong and must be changed. Children must be educated from early age as to what is acceptable behaviour in this regard. Our sons must be taught that real men don't abuse women.
Early pregnancy is another issue that must be addressed by the departments of education and social welfare. Teen pregnancy is not in any way a desirable state of affairs for a young woman who is still at school. Once again, we must educate our children so that situations like these are minimised as in most cases both the mother and the child suffer unnecessarily because of these. The mother has to leave school or get a substandard matric while the baby is born into an unsuitable environment.
Human trafficking and forced prostitution of women is yet another sign of a decaying global culture. We in South Africa must show the world that this is totally unacceptable in our country. I therefore urge the Minister of Police and the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development to deal most resolutely with perpetrators of this heinous crime.
In conclusion, Deputy Speaker, I would like to say that we should respect a woman because you can feel her innocence in the form of a daughter; you can feel her dedication in the form of a wife; you can feel her divinity in the form of a mother; you can feel her blessing in the form of a grandmother. She is a woman, and she is life. Respect her! I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, hon members in the House and invited guests, I would like to use this opportunity to add my voice and congratulate us women for hosting a successful Fifa World Cup.
As I prepared for this speech, I was thinking about two young deaf ladies who have just landed from Venezuela yesterday afternoon - an eight-year-old young girl and a young female leader. This girl-child had a once-in-a- lifetime opportunity to attend the World Federation of the Deaf children's Camp 2010. These two women were the only deaf people from Africa to attend this camp. For this young girl it was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to experience meeting other deaf children from around different parts of the world.
I look forward towards home and I think of millions of other young girls and young female adults who will never experience these kinds of opportunities. We, as Members of Parliament, are in a special position to use our contacts and our opportunity of meeting people in extraordinary positions to be able to give these kinds of opportunities for many other young women.
We can use our skills, our knowledge of Parliament and our constituency work to share our experiences so that other women can benefit and grow. We, as Members of Parliament, can also work in our constituencies with other role-players in civil societies - for example, the different NGOs - to bring on the development of women and young girls.
We have just celebrated August the 9th, our Women's Day commemoration throughout the country - a day in remembrance of women who have fought, marched and were imprisoned for the freedoms of all our women. And we also use this day to reflect on how today we can best advance the goals of working together for equal opportunities and progress for all women.
This year also marks the beginning of the decade of the African women, from 2010 to 2020, which has been adopted by the African Union, AU. Today, we continue to march forward with the theme: Working together for equal opportunities and progress for all women.
Women cannot be free, unless we are free of all discrimination against women. Women cannot be free, unless both men and women work together towards the emancipation of all women. The ANC's 51st National Conference reaffirms the important matter of focusing on the challenges of the eradication of gender oppression and discrimination. It directed us to design a comprehensive strategy on our programme to build a nonsexist society and provide for the integration of gender in all aspects of policies and programmes.
The ANC's commitment to eliminate racism, oppression and exploitation from our society cannot fail to address the question of the emancipation of women. The experience of other societies has shown that the emancipation of women is not a by-product of a struggle for democracy or national liberalisation or socialism. It has to be addressed in its own right within our organisation, the mass democratic movement and the society as a whole.
The majority of women who are black are the most oppressed section of our people, suffering under the yoke of oppression. The liberalisation of women is central to our people's struggle for freedom. The ANC Women's League and alliance partners proposed the formation of a Progressive Women's Movement, PWM, where the key objective was to promote the transformation of the South African society into a truly nonracial and nonsexist society.
The PWM was launched in 2006, and the then Minister of Foreign Affairs in one of her speeches said:
PWM is a movement that is representative of progressive forces in our country; a movement that will stamp the issues that face women daily onto the agenda of every sphere of society in our country.
The aim of the PWM is clearly stated in its founding documents. It states:
We, as South African women, declare our aim of striving for the removal of laws, regulations, conventions and customs that discriminate against us as women and deprive us in any way of our inherent right to the advantages, responsibilities and opportunities that society offers to any one section of the population.
And, ja [yes], I'm quoting from the Women's Charter adopted in 1954. The PWM has six main objectives, but I only have time to highlight one, which I feel is linked to the theme: Working together for equal opportunities for all women. This objective is: To deepen democracy, so as to ensure we fight patriarchy.
Some of the institutions that we have seen and have been able to exist still maintain the culture, values and norms of a patriarchal society. The movement must enable us to fight these atrocities and demons of a patriarchal society in the family, church, government institutions and in the judiciary through all forms of struggle.
To be able to work on this one objective, we need to contribute to the extension of the larger movement for a global justice with women within and outside of the PWM, younger women, mainstream NGOs, national or social movements, the state, multinational institutions and international structures that are committed to women's issues.
The ANC has led efforts aimed at eradicating oppressive gender relations by entrenching the constitutional guarantees of the equality of women; abolishing legislation and policies that discriminate against women; establishing national gender machinery in government; and introducing policies and programmes targeting women and aimed at empowerment and poverty alleviation.
The nongovernmental sector has a role to play in the process of deepening democracy and people-centred development. Democratic forces need to continue to interact with the sector in joint programmes against poverty for social development and assist in strengthening its capacity.
On Women's Day our hon President said: "Everyone has a role to play to ensure that we reach our targets for the benefit of our country." So, hon members, let us continue to work for equal opportunities and the progress for all women in our society. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, on Monday, 9 August, I participated in three Women's Day events, where I joined government officials, NGOs and ordinary women in George, Mitchells Plain and Somerset West to celebrate Women's Day. The more I sat there, listening, the more I began to hear clearly some of the massive challenges faced by women in a male-dominated society.
If women are struggling like this today, imagine what it took for 20 000 women to face the might of the apartheid regime and march defiantly to the Union Buildings in Pretoria on 9 August 1956. I also began to share the view of hon Winnie Madikizela-Mandela that we do not just need large numbers of women; we need quality women who can improve the quality of life for all other women.
I also realised that Women's Day is as much about men as it is about women because, if men truly respected women as equals and worked with them to create equality in all spheres of our society, there would be no need for Women's Month. Patricia de Lille and thousands of other women's contribution towards the struggle against apartheid was no less significant than the contribution of their male counterparts. In fact, they contributed more because, after a day in the trenches, many of them still went home, fed and clothed their families. It is for this reason that all of us must embrace the continuing struggle for equality. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Speaker, hon members and all hon Ministers present in the House, today we celebrate Women's Day to honour the contribution that women made to the attainment of our democracy. In many ways, women bore the brunt of apartheid's cruelty and pettiness. In the aftermath of that repression, we not only decided to celebrate a national Women's Day, but also ensured that gender equality forms a central tenet of the new democratic Constitution.
So, today we can celebrate the advances in gender equality, but with a sense that there is still much more that needs to be done. Indeed, certain indicators are positive, such as the number of women who enrol for further education. However, across the spectrum of social, economic and safety issues, women continue to suffer disproportionately.
In social terms, there continues to be large numbers of women who have to fulfil multiple roles in poverty-stricken households. The burden of being the sole breadwinner and sole parent in the face of overwhelming poverty and little and or no basic services is a heavy one. We have to ask ourselves whether current government interventions, primarily by way of social grants, are having the desired outcome of helping these women.
The social factors overlap with the economic status of women. Those who are at a social advantage often find themselves at the economic disadvantage as well. We must acknowledge that one of the most important aspects to address these concerns in the long run is education. Education is the bridge that can span the gulf between socioeconomic suffering and prosperity. It is our duty to build that bridge, maintain it and help as many disadvantaged South Africans, women included, to cross over it to a better future.
Finally, allow me to emphasise the question of women and security. We live in a country with shocking high rates of abuse and violence against women. These crimes continue with sickening regularity. We - especially men in position of authority - must continuously commit ourselves to rooting out this evil; it is immoral and repressive. It makes a mockery of our attempts to build a society that is fairer and better than the one we had under apartheid. I thank you. [Applause.]
Agb Adjunkspeaker, die afgelope week het ons weer Vrouedag in Suid-Afrika herdenk. Dit is 'n geleentheid wat ons het om stil te staan en te evalueer, nie net hoe ons gevorder het in die proses om vroue te bemagtig nie, maar ook om gelyke geleenthede en vooruitgang vir alle vroue te bevorder.
Dis ook natuurlik nie 'n nuwe onderwerp nie. Onlangs, op 9 Maart vanjaar, het ons in hierdie Huis 'n debat gehad oor Internasionale Vrouedag, en was die onderwerp, "Gelyke regte vir almal, gelyke geleenthede vir almal", feitlik identies aan vandag se onderwerp.
Die VF Plus is van mening dat daar die afgelope klompie jare groot vordering gemaak is om vroue nie net te bemagtig nie, maar ook om gelyke geleenthede daar te stel. Dit is goed en dit is reg. Die VF Plus sal alle maatrels ondersteun om aan vroue gelyke geleenthede te gee. Die VF Plus besef terde welke belangrike rol die vrou speel en wil alle vroue daarvoor eer en respekteer, maar alles is ongelukkig nie net maanskyn en rose nie.
Die ANC wil, soos vandag, die indruk wek dat hulle aan die voorpunt is as dit kom by gelyke regte en gelyke geleenthede vir vroue. Die werklikheid in Suid-Afrika is dat daar gevra moet word of die gelyke geleenthede op kans en op vooruitgang vir vroue in Suid-Afrika vir alle vroue geld, en of daar onderskeid getref word tussen kleur en ras wat vroue betref.
In Suid-Afrika is daar 'n aanslag teen wit vroue en geniet hulle nie gelyke regte en veral gelyke geleenthede nie. Die Direkteur-generaal van Arbeid, mnr Jimmy Manyi, as president van die Black Management Forum, s dat wit vroue uitgesluit moet word met die toepassing van regstellende aksie. Die Minister gaan netnou praat; hy kan daarop antwoord. Dit is mnr Jimmy Manyi se standpunt. Hier word dus blatant onderskeid getref op grond van ras. Wit vroue? Nee!
Indien die ANC regering werklik bedoel dat daar gelyke geleenthede moet wees vir alle vroue, waarom moes kaptein Renata Barnard, 'n wit vrou, haar tot die hof wend om haar regmatige bevordering tot superintendent in die Polisie af te dwing? Dit bewys dat die regering se beleid en toepassing van regstellende aksie inherent verkeerd en onwettig is, soos ons nog altyd geargumenteer het. Hoekom moet 'n wit vrou, naamlik kaptein Renata Barnard, vir vyf jaar 'n stryd voer om bevorder te word in die Polisie? Sy voldoen aan al die vereistes, is al twee keer goedgekeur vir die pos, daar was geen ander swart geskikte kandidate vir die pos nie, maar die Polisie weier om haar te bevorder.
As die ANC lede wat vandag hier sit s dat hulle die beleid van gelyke regte en gelyke geleenthede vir alle vroue ondersteun, dan behoort hulle toe te tree en vir die Minister van Polisie te s en opdrag te gee om die applaansoek - wat nou gebring word om daardie polisievrou se aanstelling deur die hof te verongeluk - terug te trek of te stop. Selfs die hof het ges dat haar nie-bevordering tot in hierdie stadium neerkom op blatante rassisme.
Solank dinge soos hierdie in Suid-Afrika met verskillende mindersheidsgemeenskappe gebeur - of hulle wit, bruin of Asir is - sal die woorde van vandag, van gelyke geleenthede vir alle vroue, geen betekenis h nie en 'n hol propagandakreet bly met geen betekenis nie. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Dr C P MULDER: Hon Deputy Speaker, this past week we again celebrated Women's Day in South Africa. It is an opportunity that we have to pause and to reflect, not only on what progress we have made in the process of empowering women, but also in promoting equal opportunities and advancement for all women.
Of course, this is not a new topic. Recently, on 9 March this year, we had a debate in this House about International Women's Day, and the topic was, " Equal rights for all, equal opportunities for all", almost identical to today's topic.
The FF Plus holds the view that, in the past few years, excellent progress has been made, not only to empower women, but also in effectuating equal opportunities. This is right and this is fair. The FF Plus will support all measures that would afford women equal opportunities. The FF Plus realises completely what an important role women play and wants to celebrate and honour all women for this, but everything isn't just moonlight and roses.
The ANC wants, like today, to create the impression that they are at the forefront when it comes to equal rights and equal opportunities for women. The reality in South Africa is that it needs to be interrogated as to whether equal opportunities to prospects and the advancement of women in South Africa are applicable to all women, or whether a distinction is made between colour and race as far as women are concerned.
In South Africa there is a plot against white women and they don't enjoy equal rights, especially not equal opportunities. The Director-General of Labour, Mr Jimmy Manyi, as the president of the Black Management Forum, said that white women should be excluded when it comes to the implementation of affirmative action. The minister will speak shortly; he can respond to that. This is Mr Jimmy Manyi's position. Here brazen discrimination is applied based on race. White women? No!
If the ANC government truly has in mind that there should be equal opportunities for all women, why did Captain Renata Barnard, a white woman, have to approach the court to enforce her rightful promotion to Superintendent in the South African Police Service, SAPS? This proves that the government's policy and implementation of affirmative action are intrinsically wrong and unlawful, as we have always maintained. Why must a white woman, namely Captain Renata Barnard, wage a struggle for five years to be promoted in the SAPS? She meets all the requirements, has been approved for the position twice already, there were no other suitable black candidates for the position, but the SAPS refuses to promote her.
If the ANC members, who are sitting here today, say that they support the policy of equal rights and equal opportunities for all women, then they should intervene and say to and instruct the Minister of Police to retract or stop the application to appeal the judgment, which has now been lodged to ruin this policewoman's chance of being appointed as ordered by the court. Even the court stated that her nonpromotion up until now comes down to brazen racism.
As long as issues like these occur in South Africa with its various minority groups-whether they are whites, coloureds or Asians - the words that are being used today, of equal opportunities for all women, will have no meaning and remain a hollow propaganda slogan with no substance. Thank you.]
Deputy Speaker, 2010 is an important year for women in Africa. Firstly, it marks five years since the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa came into being. Secondly, it marks six years since the adoption of the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa which all heads of state and government committed to. Thirdly, it is the start of the African Women's Decade.
Women make up 70% of those living below the poverty line and, therefore, they are most likely to bear the heaviest burden. At the same time, women are often left out of the conversation about adapting to climate change, even though they are sometimes in the best position to provide solutions.
In most poor communities, women play many roles. As providers, women usually work in agriculture or other informal sectors. They collect food, water and fuel. As caretakers, they look after the children, the sick and the elderly, the home and the family's assets. As a result of their multifaceted roles, women have invaluable knowledge about adapting to erratic environmental changes. However, socially constructed roles and responsibilities usually put women at a disadvantage in preparing for climate change.
Women have less access to resources, are frequently unable to swim, are reluctant to leave the house unattended, and are less likely to migrate to look for shelter and work when disaster hits.
Therefore, statistically, women are more likely to die during disasters than men are. But it doesn't have to be this way. If women are included in decision-making in their own communities, the special needs of both women and men can be met, and the survival rate of women will improve.
Article 18(3) of the Charter is aimed at protecting women in the context of the family only. Therefore the Charter needs to be completed by an addition which addresses particular problems encountered by African women. I hope, Minister, that you will spearhead the amendment.
The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights relative to the Rights of Women in Africa comprehensively enshrines civil, political, social and cultural rights, the rights to development, peace, as well as reproductive and sexual rights. It provides a legal framework to address gender inequality. Most importantly, the protocol calls for the legal prohibition of female genital mutilation, a practice which is still in use in at least 23 countries in Africa. South Africa has a responsibility to put pressure on these countries and also on those that have not ratified the protocol.
South Africa has expressed reservations with respect to article 4(j) on the death penalty because that has been abolished. Another reservation South Africa has with the protocol is with regard to article 6(h) where our laws on citizenship are more advantageous for children than the provision in the protocol.
It's all very well to have a protocol on paper. However, for it to be effective, we need to encourage all countries to sign and ratify the protocol; to build the capacity of gender machinery and ministries; to put in place effective monitoring mechanisms to measure implementation of the protocol; to develop and include gender sensitive indicators and sex- disaggregated data on women's rights into national statistics, national development plans and national budgets; and to confront the cultural and religious barriers to full attainment of women's rights as per the protocol, especially in respect of customary inheritance laws and treatment of widows.
In conclusion, I wish to congratulate hon Matladi of the UCDP on her appointment as the Vice President of the Women's Caucus of the Pan-African Parliament. Thank you. [Applause.]
UMPHATHISWA WEZEMISEBENZI: Malibongwe!
AMALUNGU AHLONIPHEKILEYO: Igama lamakhosikazi!
UMPHATHISWA WEZEMISEBENZI: Oko batsho abafazi ngowe-1955 ukuba: "Wathinta abafazi, wathinta imbokodo" umzabalazo awukapheli. Amazwi abo asankenteza ezindlebeni: "Wathinta abafazi, wathinta imbokodo".
Umbutho wesizwe kumgaqo-siseko wawo uneenjongo. Eyona iphambili kuzo kukumanya bonke abantu boMzantsi-Afrika, ingakumbi ama-Afrika. Oko kwakuqinisekisa ukuba zonke iimeko zocalu-calulo nengcinezelo ziyatshitshiswa kwaye nokuxhasa nokuqhubela phambili idabi lenkululeko yoomama kuyaqhubeka. Kula maxesha sikuwo kukho imikhwa nemikhuba ebangela ukuba eli dabi lethu libe neziphene ezifuna ukuguzulwa nokubangulwa. Sibona ukuxhatshazwa nobundlobongela obenza ubomi babantu basetyhini bube nkene-nkene. Amantombazana aphila ubomi bentshontsho engcungcuthekiswa zizidlwengu, kungenjalo esendiswa ngetshova nangenkani. Ezi zenzo ke zibenza babe sesichengeni sokosuleleka zizifo, ingakumbi ezinje ngoGawulayo neGcushuwa.
Ngexesha sisakhula ubuye ubaluleke kakhulu xa uyindoda okanye ungumfana ongudlalani. Kule mihla sithe gqolo sibetha sibuyelela emadlakeni singcwab' odlalani. Abantu kufuneka bazi ukuba kufuneka sithobe isantya kwizinto ezininzi ukuba sizondelele ukuphila. Kwabanye, ingathi kufuneka sibe nezinto esizichwethayo kumasiko nezithethe zethu, ingakumbi ezi zingamanyumnyezi, ukuze sikhuthaze ezi zizakwenza idabi lethu lokukhulula oomama liphumelele.
Masivume, kunjalo nje sivumelane, ukuba amaxesha ngamanye. Asisanxibi ndyilo kwaye nemicimbi yokwendiselana siyithethela ezindlini, asisayithetheli ecaleni kobuhlanti. Iyabonisa ke loo nto ukuba amaxesha ngamanye. Oomama bayaphangela. Bavuka ngonyezi. Benza imisebenzi efanayo namadoda, maxa wambi bathi xhaxhe bade bathi tyishi kumadoda amaninzi. Ngamaye amaxesha kula amadoda unga ungathi: "Khulula ibhulukhwe ezo, ntondini, sikubolek' ilokhwe."; ingakumbi xa ubona ukunukunezwa koomama phaya emisebenzini. [Kwaqhwatywa.] Bayatswikilwa babhantswe, kungathatyathwa manyathelo ngabaqeshi. Wathinta abafazi, wathint' imbokodo. Iindawo zokugcina abantwana phaya emisebenzini zithe nya. Ndiva buhlungu ngakumbi xa kanti nePalamente le nayo iyindawo elolo hlobo. Kungokuba kutheni le nto kungekho ndawo zokugcina abantwana kusaziwa nje ukuba amadoda akamithi? Mhlawumbi sesi sizathu esibangela ukuba kungabikho zindawo zokugcina abantwana. Amadoda akancancisi. Mhlawumbi yiloo nto kungekho ndawo yokugcina abantwana apha ePalamente. Ukuba bebencancisa, ndiqinisekile ukuba ngeyikhona indawo yokugcina abantwana. [Intswahla.]
Imivuzo yoomama ayikalingani neyamadoda noxa besenza umsebenzi omnye ofanayo. Ewe, ukhona umnyinyiva asizukutsho ukuba awukho, kodwa kuyakrokrisa. Oomama basarhuq' ezantsi nakwizikhundla eziphezulu. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Let it be praised!
HON MEMBERS: The name of women!
They started chanting in 1955 that: "You strike a woman, you strike a rock" and the struggle continues. Their words are still ringing in my ears: "You strike a woman, you strike a rock".
The African National Congress has objectives in its constitution and one of the primary objectives is to unite all the people of South Africa, Africans in particular. This will ensure that all forms of discrimination and oppression are abolished and that the support drive for the emancipation of women continues.
Nowadays there are habits and tendencies that make this struggle defective and that needs to be rectified. We are witnessing the abuse and violence against women which makes them more vulnerable. Girls live in fear of rapists or being forced into marriage. These acts make them vulnerable to diseases, especially Aids and syphilis.
We used to be highly respected when we became fullyfledged men or playboys, but today we are burying the playboys on a regular basis. People must know that we need to slow down on other things if we want to live longer. To some, it seems as if we have to amend some aspects within our customs and cultures, especially those that are disgraceful, and pursue those that advance our struggle for the emancipation of women.
Let us agree on the fact that times have changed. We don't wear traditional underwear anymore and lobola negotiations take place indoors and not at the kraal. That is proof enough that times have changed. Mothers are employed and they wake up at the crack of dawn to go to work. They perform the same jobs as men and sometimes they do even more and do it much better than men. Sometimes you are tempted to say to these men: "Take off your trousers, you idiot, and let us borrow you a dress"; especially when you witness women being harassed in the workplace. [Applause.] They are sexually harassed by being pinched and touched, but nothing is done by management. Wathint' abafazi, wathint' imbokodo. [You strike a women, you strike a rock.]
There are no childcare facilities in workplaces. It concerns me a lot to learn that Parliament doesn't have a childcare facility. Why are there no childcare facilities knowing that men do not conceive? It is probably because of that very same reason that there are no childcare facilities. Men do not breastfeed. Maybe that is another reason there is no childcare facility here at Parliament. If men were breastfeeding, I am certain that there would be a childcare facility in Parliament. [Applause.]
Women are paid far less than their counterparts although they are doing the same job. Yes, there is slight progress, but it makes one very suspicious. Women are still in the minority in respect of executive positions.]
It is clear that we require measures to address the disparities that impact on working women's careers, namely childcare facilities that need to be provided in each and every workplace and - I want to repeat - including this Parliament. Flexible working arrangements must be introduced to enable women to balance careers and domestic responsibilities.
As a member of the ANC, the party that forms the government of the day, I take no delight in talking about how persistent racism, colour division, gender inequality and discrimination are against people with disabilities. For decades, the ANC has advocated a gospel that says South Africa belongs to all who live in it, and all shall be equal before the law. These principles found expression in the new Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. Thus, compliance with the Employment Equity Act is not an option but mandatory in terms of Chapter 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.
For the past 10 years, we have been knocking patiently on closed and barred doors, calling for diversity in the work place, equitable representation and the elimination of unfair discrimination. Once more, the employment equity report conveys the sad news of a people hell-bent of self destruction by resisting the reality that all South Africans have the inalienable right to equality.
I believe it is a society of the equal that can be truly democratic and prosperous. The resistance displayed thus far against the Employment Equity Act whispers an unfortunate message that persuasion is a pale and dry strategy too barren to bear fruit. If that be the case, we are forced to explore other additional methods to realize this constitutional mandate of employment equity in the workplace.
Looking back from the year 2005, when the first Commission for Employment Equity's, CEE, 5-year term ended, we are reminded of how we reported with a measure of satisfaction that the first five years have laid a solid foundation by developing the needed institutional framework, policies, regulations and codes of good practice for employment equity to prevail. Little did we know that by now, when the second commission's term ended at the end of July 2010, we would be submitting a report as gloomy as the one we have.
There cannot be any doubt that the data presented in this 10th CEE Annual Report paints a gloomy picture of the status of employment equity in the country. More whites, both males and females, are recruited into the middle and upper management levels than any other group. The same racial recruitment profile also applies to people with disabilities.
It petrifies to note how the privileged have chosen to distort the substance of the Employment Equity Act to preserve their privileged positions. White males dominate the economy and their privileges continue to hold sway in the work place. There are employers who have chosen to equate gender equity with the exclusive focus on white women when it comes to recruitment and promotion to senior positions.
Black women remain subjected to the brutalities of historical triple oppression. At the workplace, black women can hardly claim to have taken their rightful place as equals in a free nation. This is more pronounced in the economics of our country. They continue to be looked upon and treated as inferior by virtue of being black in the colour of their skin.
Lately, there seems to be yet another distortion of this Act whereby a narrow upward mobility is opening up slowly to black males, leaving behind black women. This cannot but be unfortunate, because it perpetuates the gender inequality aspect of the triple oppression theory in practice.
In the face of all this, the question that calls for an urgent answer is: How we change this trend? I, for my part, cannot preside over this fateful venture. Change must and will come in this regard. We have no option but to revisit the Act and tighten it so that those who stand opposed to this constitutional mandate bear the consequences.
After a thorough scrutiny of the employment equity report, the question arises as to whether it is not high time we considered harsh fines linked to the turnover of the affected enterprises? Should we not revisit the form and content of our inspection work so that a combination of advocacy and injection of the sense of duty on the part of the employer to honour one's obligation ultimately bears the desired fruit?
I will act swiftly to get this matter into the public arena so that the necessary social discourse is embarked upon towards finding the ultimate solution. I am convinced that employment equity still remains relevant in our efforts to redress inequalities in the workplace. We must act speedily to increase representation of, especially, black women and people with disabilities. The longer we take to make reasonable progress towards implementing employment equity, the more negative the impact will be on the growth of our economy and stability of our democracy.
I for one, personally ...
... nje ngegungqayi lakuQoboqobo eZingcuka, eMzantsi ilali ... [... as a rural boy from Qoboqobo, at Lower Zingcuka village ...]
... do not understand why we must beg for this country to be transformed. I do no understand why the reconciliation hand of the ANC is continuously being beaten and thwarted. I do believe that the approach the ANC took to reconcile the people of this country must be taken seriously, because the opposite is too ghastly to contemplate. [Interjections.]
Once more, I implore men and women of living conscience - including the one sitting on this side, howling and very worried by what I'm saying - in every workplace, to join me in this mission to create a conducive environment for employment equity to prevail. The longer we delay, the more we subject our beautiful country to the pain brought by discrimination in whatever forms it presents itself.
If we love Nelson Rholihlahla Mandela, let us not bite the hand that is forcing us into reconciliation in this country. If we do, then it means we do not love Madiba. All that we are doing ...
... sibhibhidla' mazinyo, sikhwaza nje igama lakhe, singenzi le nto yena uMadiba afuna ukuba masiyenze. Malibongwe! [Kwaqhwatywa.] [... is wasting our time, chanting Madiba's name and not doing what he wants us to do. Let it be praised! [Applause.]]
Igama lamakhosikazi! [The name of women!]
Yes, hon Minister, there's a lot that is very sad and we don't understand all these things. I myself have three white sons and a white husband. I know that two of my white sons have to leave this beautiful country to find work. It is sad, it's complex, and it's not as simple as it looks.
Let me now aggravate you more. Women's Month this year for the ACDP is under a cloud as future generations of Africans continue to be labelled as unwanted and are targeted. Unscrupulous groups, largely from the Western World, used the legitimate call for a safer birthing environment at the 15th African Union Summit in Uganda to once again push for the abortion of African babies. Despite the fact that abortion - legal or otherwise - damages women's mental and physical health, these groups continue to claim that, in sacrificing their children and their health, women will somehow gain equal opportunities and progress.
An interesting 13-year study of the entire population of women in Finland showed that deaths from suicide, accidents and homicide were almost 250% more likely in a year following an abortion. The majority of post-abortion deaths were due to suicide, a rate six times higher than that of women who had given birth to their children. This is not progress. An examination and comparison of several countries also contradicts the idea that legal abortion lowers maternal mortality rates. Instead, it confirms that countries with restrictive abortion laws are in most cases the leaders in reducing maternal mortality.
South Africa is a shocking example of the link between liberal abortion laws and skyrocketing child and maternal mortality rates. The pro-abortion NGOs' coalition, in a statement to the recent African Union assembly, said that they were ashamed of Africa's high maternal and child mortality. Yet, their statement failed to address the need for better-skilled birth attendants and emergency obstetric care. The impression created is that the concern about reducing maternal mortality is nothing more than a smokescreen as the abortion agenda in unscrupulously promoted.
Abortion advocates have long argued that abortion liberalisation is an unstoppable global trend. However, that is also a lie as more and more countries take a stand, and a trend toward the protection of life is taking root. Ireland, Poland, Mexico, the Dominican Republic, South Korea, Japan and Russia have all issued strong pro-natalist statements reflecting their concerns.
The birthing process is not an area of equality for the sexes, but is the crown of womanhood and produces the nation's hope - children, the children of tomorrow. As such, women and their babies require great respect and consideration from men and women in working together for equal opportunities and progress for all. Thank you.
Madam Speaker, Ministers, 2010 marks the 31st anniversary of the adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, CEDAW. Therefore it cannot be more fitting that, in celebrating Women's Day, we reflect on strides and failures in ensuring that women in particular benefit from created opportunities.
South Africa has undeniably made strides as far as women representation in government and in Parliament is concerned, even though the quota has decreased with this current administration. That is a cause for concern. Forty-one percent of the working population is female, yet women constitute 19,8% of executive managers and 13,3% of directors. Is this right? A recent study shows that for every R1 men earn, women earn 75 cents. How does this justify the country's commitment to gender equity? Only 11% of companies listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, JSE, have 25% or more of their directors' positions occupied by women. I ask again: Is this right?
Women make a major contribution to household wellbeing through productive labour, but they have been largely absent in the debates on land reform or not rewarded for their contribution. Our land reform policy is unlikely to develop poor rural women as its direction prioritises promotion of commercial farming above other commitments. Yet, rural black women suffered most in colonial and apartheid history and had no rights altogether on land ownership. Where is justice?
It is encouraging to learn that 97% of women use antenatal care services, and 95% of babies are delivered in hospitals and clinics with a nurse or a doctor present. But what quality of health care are we giving our women and children if South Africa still has the highest maternal and infant mortality rate in the world? Fifty-five percent of those infected by HIV and Aids are women.
Rural women face enormous challenges in the quest to protect themselves from HIV and Aids as they are often threatened with violence at the suggestion of the use of a condom. What have we done to empower them effectively and efficiently? How many of them have even seen or heard of the female condom? What have we invested in ensuring progressive development and improvement of the femidom?
HIV and Aids treatment requires frequent visits to health care centres that administer treatment. For rural women living in poverty, access to these centres is sometimes virtually impossible. Lack of physical access to treatment centres amounts to denial of health care services. Can we pat ourselves on the back then?
One thousand four hundred women die every year at the hands of their partners. We have the Domestic Violence Act, but how have we made sure that it is implemented effectively? What purpose does it serve to have beautiful policies purporting to emancipate women when we do not implement them?
I conclude that though we have taken great strides in terms of legislation and policy formulation, women, surely, will be raped in our country today. Another one is that you will be beaten by a partner today ... [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon members, I'm asked to correct something here. I think earlier on hon Kalyan referred to hon Matladi as the Vice President of the Women's Caucus of the Pan-African Parliament. Hon Matladi is in fact the President of the Women's Caucus of the Pan-African Parliament, not the Vice President. Thank you.
Chairperson, Minister Mayende-Sibiya, hon Ministers, Deputy Ministers present, hon members, our guests up in the gallery, and a special welcome to our guest Senator Tom Mndzebele and his delegation from the Swaziland parliament. [Applause.] The post-1994 situation has presented new democratic realities for South Africans, in general, and South African women, in particular.
Two decades have seen - from the birth of our democracy after the 1994 elections - a commitment by our government and civic organisations, as well as the development and upliftment of women. The likes of Sarah Bartmann, Charlotte Maxeke, Dorothy Nyembe, Mama Winnie Mandela, Mama Shope, Mama Albertina Sisulu, Mama Bertha Xowa, Mama Lydia Ngwenya, MaNjobe and many more women in the struggle must never be forgotten.
Our Constitution entrenches gender equality and form the basis for transformation of gender relations. The equality clause in our Constitution owes its origin to - amongst other gallant struggles - sacrifices and indomitable spirits of women during the colonial and apartheid eras. It should be remembered that gender equality and women's rights formed the axis of many demands and petitions of women activists. It did not just come on a tray.
Consequently, the current constitutional democratic dispensation bears indelible insignia of struggle against oppression and discrimination from the early 1900s to the present moments. It is worth mentioning that the national liberation struggle has, in the main, been about the creation of a nonsexist and nonracist democratic society for all.
The ANC's Freedom Charter and constitutional guidelines and, ultimately, the Constitution of our country seek to build a caring democratic society for all. The Bantu Women's League under the leadership of Mama Charlotte Maxeke spearheaded struggles for the rights of the oppressed people. At that time, the ANC Women's League was also involved in campaigns against poor working conditions, pass laws and the enactment of apartheid. We would recall women from various different backgrounds who took lead in the fight against the notorious 1913 Land Act.
In 1994, the ANC women's League played a leading role in the building of a nonracial Federation of South African Women. At its inaugural conference, it then drafted the Women's Charter. The Women's Charter called for equal rights with men in various relations, the right to vote and the right to full employment opportunities. It was at this period that the ANC Women's League identified a need for a broader structure that will unite all women around issues affecting women and society.
Currently, this objective has been achieved through the successful launch of the PWM in August 2006 in Bloemfontein. The key role for the women's movement is to build a nonracial and a nonsexist society which will result in the emancipation of women. The ANC Women's League appreciates the current position of women and, despite challenges, supports the women's movement as a broad front of various women's organisations, feminist- orientated groups, researches, faith-based organisations and policy makers.
There are other women formations in different communities that should take up local struggles affecting women. Women empowerment should always respond to the fact that women are not a homogenous group, but have diverse backgrounds and interests.
As early as the 1990s, women rose up to positions of leadership within the structures of the ANC, despite entrenched structures of patriarchy. During the transition period and the post-1994 democratic breakthrough, women representation and popular participation in politics and leadership were on the agenda of the ANC and the Government of National Unity. From this period on, there was a noticeable vibrant engagement on women representation and participation, drawing from continental and global gender relations.
The ANC's constitution provides for a quota of not less than 50% of women in all structures to ensure effective participation in the fight for the emancipation of women. The ANC is committed to the emancipation of women, hence the entrenchment of the 50-50 principle in its constitution. The 50% gender balance is a huge achievement within the Progressive Women's Movement at present. Women have come a long way to adopt that position in the ANC's constitution - the binding document.
Comrade Thenjiwe Mthintso's excellent work focuses on the women's question and gender relations within the national democratic revolution, NDR, and the state. The women question quotas or the 50-50 approach relate to women representation and the number of women in all decision-making structures. She argues that significant numbers of women facilitate access of women to decision-making structures or bodies to fight against their marginalisation, poverty and apathy. However, women need to be mobilised and empowered through education and emancipation.
Concurrently, the perspective and policy of the ANC and other feminist schools of thought advocate transformation of gender relations. This implies changing patriarchal power relations through gender conscious women and state intervention. This further implies that it is not a given fact that the presence of women in leadership and politics would open up space for more women to swell leadership ranks and overthrow patriarchy.
An ANC Today edition criticises the gender blindness of the decision of one woman in a position of power and illustrates the complex nature of the circumstances of women. It uncovers the image of the all-male Western Cape provincial cabinet appointed by a female premier with disregard to the ongoing changes in various levels of governance. A question should then be asked whether there were no capable women in the province. These are some of the contradictions that the PWM should take up in a programmatic manner to isolate and undermine patriarchy and its proponents.
The South African government is committed to the spirit of nondiscriminatory practices and equality of all persons, irrespective of gender or sex, in line with the Bill of Rights as entrenched in the Constitution. The evolution of women representation on national, regional and international level takes place within a broader gender balance of power in accordance with the international law and international instruments.
Accordingly, SADC, the AU, the UN and other protocols and instruments seek to ensure women's representation in all decision-making structures. Data also shows the differing attitudes of various countries concerning the representation of women in their parliaments.
The Constitution and democracy have presented us with various mechanisms to advance gender transformation such as the Bill of Rights; the establishment of comprehensive national gender machinery; high representation of women in government structures; and an accelerated process aimed at the eradication of gender-based violence. Part of other widely noted achievements include the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act, which allows all women access to termination of pregnancy under certain circumstances, helping to improve the rights of women and reducing the health risks associated with illegal abortions.
Primary health care was introduced with major benefits for poor rural women. The Department of Health distributes female condoms to try to protect women from HIV infection. Thank you, Chair. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, let me first start by using words of wisdom from an unknown author who defines gender equality in the following terms:
Gender equality means that all human beings are free to develop their personal abilities and make choices without limitations set by gender roles, that the different behaviour, aspirations and needs of men and women are equally considered and favoured.
Let me also go further and define gender inequality according to my own understanding. It is an unequal and biased treatment between men and women.
Ho tloha kgolong ya ke ne ke ntse ke lora ka setjhaba seo basadi le banna ba tshwarwang ka mokgwa o lekaneng. Mme toro ena ya ka e ntse e tswela pele. Ke tumelo ya ka e tiileng ya hore ho se lekane ho pakeng tsa banna le basadi, ke taba ya kgale mme e lokela hore e be e fedile mehleng eo e fetileng. Re phela nakong ya sejwalejwale mme re se re tswetse pele haholo. Ha ho sa le nako ya menahano ena e siilweng ke nako. Ke le mosadi wa Moafrika, ke tseba hantle ka tshwaro e sa lekaneng ha ho bapiswa banna le basadi. Ke na le metswalle, basebetsimmoho le ba leloko ba ntseng ba lwantshana le taba ena bosiu le motsheare.
Re a tseba hore re bopilwe ka seriti sa Modimo mme ka pele ho sefahleho sa Hae, re a lekana.
Motsamaisi ya kgabane wa dipuisano, e re ke qale ka ho hopotsa bohle ka seabo sa basadi ba naha ya rona nakong eo ba neng ba itella ho aha demokrasi ena eo e leng hore tsatsing lena e hloleha ho ba lokolla ditlamong. Re lokela ho hopola le ho utlwisisa diketsahalo tsa 1956 tsa mokoloko wa boipelaetso o neng o lebile Union Buildings. Ho ne ho phuthehile basadi ka ho fapafapana. Ho ne ho le basadi ba dipolotiki, bodumedi, le ba mahaeng jwalojwalo.
Basadi bana bohle ba ne ba susumetswa ke ntho e le nngwe, e leng tjheseho le ho labalabela toka. Basadi bana, ho ya ka ho fapana ha bona, ba ile ba tlohela tsohle tse neng di ba arohanya mme ba tsepamisa maikutlo a bona hodima se neng se lokela ho etswa molemong wa naha ena ya rona. Basadi bana, ba ile ba ikakgela ka setotswana ntle le tshabo ya letho ho tlisa diphetoho tseo re di bonang kajeno.
Ba ile ba re neha mohlala o motle wa hore re eme mmoho re le ngatana e le nngwe ho lwantsha bobe mme re emele nnete. Sena se pakahatsa hore keteko ya letsatsi la bomme ha se ya mokgatlo o le mong hobane basadi ba bangata ba ile ba kgatha tema lebelong lena. (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)
[From my youth days my dream has always been to see a society where men and women are treated equally. It is still my dream even today. I strongly believe that the inequality between men and women is old-fashioned and belongs in the past. We live in the 21st century and we have moved forward. There is no time for these old mentalities. As an African woman, I know very well about the unequal treatment between men and women. I have friends, colleagues and relatives who are still struggling to fight this every day.
We know that we are created in God's image and that we are all equal before Him.
Honourable Speaker, let me start by reminding everyone about the role played by women of this country when they made a sacrifice to build democracy, which today is unable to set them free. We need to remember and understand the events of the march to the Union Buildings in 1956. Women converged from different backgrounds.
There were women from politics, religions, rural areas and so forth. All these women were encouraged by one thing, courage and justice. These women, despite their differences, set aside what separated them and focused on what needed to be done in the interest of our country. These women did what was needed to be done without fear in order to bring about the changes we see today.
They set us a good example that we need to stand together as one to fight evil and to stand for the truth. This proves that the celebration of Women's Day is not only for one party, because many women were involved in this struggle.]
Violence against women and children is a scourge in our country. It poses a significant threat to human rights and the development of women and girls. It is clear that women suffer a very high level of sexual assault, rape and domestic violence.
People cannot take advantage of opportunities if their lives are under siege; if their rights are not respected by fellow citizens or their visions are limited by fears. Yet the web of terror that crime throws over women and children is so strong and it affects everyone. The right to equality is the right of all human beings to be treated with dignity, respect and consideration in order to participate on equal basis with others in any area of economic, and political, cultural or civil life social rights.
In South Africa the Constitution emphasises the equality of men and women. However, we lack the implementation of laws that provide effective legal protection against discrimination, harassment and unequal opportunities, and the legal means to promote equality. Gender inequality is a deeply rooted and entrenched attitude by societal institutions and market forces. We need a strong leadership, political will and commitment to institute the policies that can trigger social changes and allocate the necessary resources for gender equality and women empowerment.
Re le setjhaba re tla tswela pele feela ebang basadi le bona ba tswela pele mme le bona ba fuwa menyetla le ditokelo tse lekaneng. Ho setseng feela ke hore sena se phethahatswe ka ho panya ha leihlo.
Hangata re dula re mametse bomaila diphetoho ba dulang ba fana ka envangedi e fosahetseng mabapi le kamoo basadi ba haellwang kateng le kamoo ba ke keng ba tlisa diphetoho tsa makgonthe kateng. Re lokela ho nka mehato ya nnete e netefatsang hore seabo sa basadi se a tshehetswa le hore ba phahamisetswa maemong a phahameng ho ba kgontsha hore ba etse diqeto. Re tlameha ho tshehetsa sena ka ho rupella basadi le ho ba tshehetsa ka ditjhelete tse hlokahalang, le ho ba beha tlasa batho ba ka ba rutang hore le bona ba tsebe mosebetsi ba tle ba tsebe ho ikemela. (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)
[We will only move forward as a nation if women also move forward and are given equal opportunities and rights. The only thing left is for this to be done immediately. We often hear critics of change giving misleading information about how women are lagging behind and how they cannot bring real changes. We need to take the necessary steps to ensure that the roles that women play are supported and promoted to higher positions to enable them to make decisions. We must support women by educating them and providing them with the necessary financial assistance as well as giving them mentoring so that they can be able to be independent.]
We cannot deny the fact that the status of women in our country has improved, but we cannot afford to be complacent. The critical aspect is that women are now struggling to rise. However, without the enabling environment, it won't be possible for the marginalised women to realise their potential.
We cannot talk about freedom or celebrate Women's Day if women are unskilled, illiterate, unemployed, and cannot take decisions about their lives, their health, and especially their reproductive rights as part of their human rights.
Ha ke phethela, ke rata hore ho bomme kaofela ba ileng ba nka kabo letsatsing la bomme, ke re ho bona "bomme, ha re tiiseng". Ke rata hore ho bontate ba dulang ba re tshehetsa ka nako tsohle, le tsebe hore re leboha seo le re etsetsang sona. Ka ho bua jwalo ke re ho bomme, "tshwarang le tiise". Ke a leboha. [Mahofi.] (Translation of Sesotho paragraph follows.)
[In conclusion, I would like to say to all women who played a role in Women's Day, "Ladies, let us hold on tight". I would like to say to the men who always support us that we appreciate what they do for us. With that in mind I would like to say to women, "hold on tight". Thank you. [Applause.]]
Hon Chairperson, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members and invited guests, I greet you all. Women's Day is a day for applauding women's achievements and for focusing attention on tasks which lie ahead. It is a day for reflecting on how far our society has come and how far we still have to go.
The struggle for equality continues unabated. The woman warrior who is armed with wit and courage will be amongst the first to celebrate victory. In our advocacy campaign, let us not forget to take along the girl-child. There is a saying in isiSwati which says: Ligotjwa lisemanti. [Discipline is instilled at the early age.]
We must, as this generation of women, take the girl-child by the hand and move with her to total women emancipation. In the girl-child lies the future heroine who must take the baton in advocating women's total liberation.
Prescribed gender roles lead to the women's role as mothers and nurturers in the domestic sphere being seen as of lesser importance and value than men's tasks. Women are said to be nurturers and domestic labourers while men are perceived to be the natural leaders and decision-makers. These roles are enforced at home, at school and throughout the media, thus restricting women's self-perceptions, disempowering their social and economic potential and limiting the possibilities for their future.
The curriculum taught in our schools still seeks to have one gender portrayed as superior to the other. The girl-child is still seen as the weaker gender when compared to the boy-child. Our education and advocacy need to start from the foundation phase of the education system and educate equality for all genders, as well as the role that can be played by both boy- and girl-children to build a society that is tolerant and respectful of all humankind regardless of gender.
Instilling this from an early stage of development will enable young women to resist all manifestations and consequences of patriarchy, from the feminisation of poverty, physical and psychological abuse to the subjugation of self-confidence. Women must resist open and hidden forms of exclusion from all positions of authority and power.
Social and biological features have been used in human history to exclude and repress the progress of women in our communities. Critical in this regard is the creation of the material and cultural conditions that would allow the abilities of women to flourish and enrich the life of the nation. In doing so, we would place women at the centre of evolution and development in our society.
The ANC believes that we cannot say that we are progressing as people and as a nation unless the women of our country are truly liberated and until we have reached a state of gender equality and gender equity. In view of the challenges that the democratic South Africa still faces in achieving gender equality, and as revolutionaries tasked with responsibilities to lead the transformation project, it is necessary to ask ourselves: What kind of struggles do we still need to engage in? What type of organisation do we still need to lead such struggles?
Women and men always remember that we were united through the discovery of our common wounds and scars. The national democratic and nonsexist society will not come as a consequence of liberation of the white minority regime, but as a result of a collective deliberate resolve and effort to eradicate all forms of gender discrimination.
Let me remind all our male citizens here, as Susan Anthony writes: "It was we, the people, not we, the male citizens, but we, the whole people, who fought for liberation." The mobilisation of women is the task not only of women or men alone, but all of us, men and women alike, comrades in struggle in our pursuit for gender equality. The mobilisation of the people into an active resistance and struggle for liberation demands the energies of men, not less than of men, as a system based on the exploitation of man by man can in no way avoid exploitation of woman by the male members of society.
The emancipation of women is not an act of charity or a result of a humanitarian or a compassionate attitude. The liberation of women is a fundamental necessity for the revolution, the guarantee of its continuity and precondition for its victory. The ANC will, therefore, continue to strive for the realisation of the commitment of the Freedom Charter which says: "The rights of all people shall be the same, regardless of gender, race, or colour."
At this moment, let me quote from OR Tambo in his conclusion session of the conference of the women section of the ANC in Angola:
The women section is a weapon of struggle to be correctly used against all forms and levels of oppression and inequality in the interest of a victorious struggle of the people. There is, therefore, no way in which women, in general, can liberate themselves without fighting to the end the exploitation of man by man, both as a concept and as a social system. If we are to engage our full potential in this pursuit of the goals of our revolutionary struggle, then as revolutionaries we should stop pretending that women in our movement have the same opportunities as the men.
This is a clarion call for all of us to take stock of how far our society has come and how far we still have to go in our pursuit of total equality and total equity.
Women have suffered and continue to suffer from all forms of oppression. As women warriors, we will suffer, but, hon members, friends and comrades, we must rise and rise every time we face challenges.
Let me conclude by borrowing these poetic words from Maya Angelou, a well- renowned poetess, who wrote:
Out of the huts of history's shame I rise Up from a past that's rooted in pain I rise I'm a black ocean, leaping and wide, Welling and swelling I bear in the tide. Leaving behind nights of terror and fear I rise Into a daybreak that's wondrously clear I rise Bringing the gifts my ancestors gave, I am the dream and the hope of the slave. I rise I rise I rise.
I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members and guests, on Saturday, 7 August 2010, 18-year-old Mapula Makabole, a grade 12 learner at Derrick Kobe High School in Lebowakgomo, left home to visit a friend in her neighbourhood. She did not return. The following day, her father was called to identify her body at the mortuary.
We later came to know that she had visited a male friend, who allegedly strangled her. The male friend then called another male friend who had a car. They bundled Mapula's body into the car and dumped her in the forest. After dropping Mapula's friend at his house, the driver of the car went straight to the police to report what happened. As we speak, the suspect is still at large.
During the same weekend in Lebowakgomo, there were reports of another three incidents where women were alleged to have been killed by people whom they knew and trusted - husbands or boyfriends. One is tempted to ask as to whether the alleged perpetrators deliberately planned those acts to coincide with the national Women's Day because one man was once heard telling his wife that the 16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children would pass and he would deal with her. Azapo's point is that our mothers and sisters are still vulnerable and feel unsafe in their own country. They are looking towards us and the Ministry of Women, Children and People with Disabilities to come to their rescue. I met some of them on Monday, and they had many complaints. One of their complaints was that a year after the establishment of this Ministry, they are still waiting for a White Paper, or a strategy or policy document, that sets out the vision and activities the Ministry intends to embark upon. They are looking towards this House to pass laws that promote and protect them.
As we were talking, they were very clear that transformation is not an option; it has to take place. The question that we continued asking ourselves in that meeting was: What kind of society do we have that produces young men who have no respect for human life and women? We said that, as the police continued to raid and close down factories producing drugs in our country, the society should close down those that produce angry young men.
We cannot fail our women because, if we do, history will record that this fourth democratic Parliament presided over a system that continued to oppress and marginalise women. History will be unkind to us. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Chairperson, structures are failing dismally, and corruption is the order of the day. Service delivery is nonexistent, and the social ills affecting women are escalating. Relationships are at an all- time low, and unemployment and poverty break up the families. We have all forms of violence and abuse of such proportions that it makes one sick in the stomach.
We speak about women every year. Women's Days come and go. We deliberate, debate, make promises and highlight weaknesses in the system of government, but - year in, year out - the same songs are sung. Some organisations and institutions only come alive during Women's Month.
The ANC continues to claim success based on the numbers game, yet the lucky ones that make the quota race forget where they come from and dismally fail the majority of women who are so trapped in many of the social conditions described above. One wonders if indeed the end of the world is nearing us. It is definitely the end of the ANC in sight.
The ANC-led government established the Office on the Status of Women, OSW. Although this structure worked hard and endured many pressures in the early years whilst under the Presidency, a new Ministry then replaced it, with even more pressures such as a weak Minister, understaffing and underfunding. Why is it so hard to learn from these mistakes? Who are protected in this? Is it the ANC Women's League cadres who must be deployed or maintained in jobs?
The ANC Women's League was present on Monday at the Women's Day celebrations in the Eastern Cape, in its full force and colours. Another ANC party turning sour as it failed to give meaning to real women's issues. It also failed to attract women across all equality expressions of our Bill of Rights. The President had to intervene and call the gathering to order, reminding participants that it was not an ANC meeting, but a Women's Day. The Minister of Women, Children and People with Disabilities is all quiet and not in charge.
Where was the Multiparty Women's Caucus? What part did they play to ensure that that was not an ANC rally? [Interjections.] Is it because its management is clueless about the Joint Rules of Parliament in the sense that they can advise, influence and consult on women's issues inside and outside Parliament? Are they running around not knowing what to do or where to fit in because they are also underfunded and understaffed?
Hierdie tipe flaters is onaanvaarbaar en 'n klap in die gesig van alle vroue van Suid-Afrika. Nog so 'n onaanvaarbare flater is die Konvensie oor die Uitwissing van alle Vorme van Diskriminasie teen Vroue, die Cedaw- verslag. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[These sort of blunders are unacceptable and a slap in the face of all South African women. Another unacceptable blunder is the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women - the Cedaw Report.]
This report was not tabled in Parliament before being submitted to the UN in 2008, nor was it compliant with the UN reporting requirements. But it was signed by the hon Kgalema Motlanthe when he was President and the late Dr Manto Tshabalala-Msimang when she was a Minister in the Presidency.
Just guess who recently came to light to bring clarity on this matter three weeks ago in the year 2010? It was the Commission for Gender Equality, CGE. Why only two years later did the CGE make this important matter known? I can only think that the CGE was so trapped in the mismanagement of their own funds, getting a disclaimer of opinion for two concurrent years, that they were unable to oversee such an important report to the UN. They were also not serious about women.
In the 16 years of democracy in our country, South Africa, I had the personal opportunity, for the first time, to experience a united nation through sports, giving us moments of song, praise, rhythm and the vuvuzela sounds when the soccer World Cup arrived on 11 June 2010. We were able to shift from our own prejudices to something new to support what is good and the will to win even after our own team, Bafana Bafana, lost. We continued to support other world teams. We felt it, saw it, and it was a success. I thought this is how I see our country using the same spirit and will to look after our people.
However, the vuvuzela sound softened, and the togetherness was no longer there. Everything is back to normal, and uncertainty prevails again. The theme chosen for the 2010 Women's Day, namely "Working Together for Equal Opportunities and Progress for all Women" is not in sight.
Building and sustaining the kind of energy of the World Cup - the same spirit, the same will, united as a nation - is needed to change the lives of all our people, especially our women and children. We are all responsible to achieve this. [Applause.]
Chair, Ministers and Deputy Ministers present, hon members, comrades, ladies and gentleman, allow me to join all the other speakers who spoke before me to honour and celebrate the contributions of our great women. Allow me to pause and salute the pioneers who paved the way for us - the gallant heroines who rose against colonialism, protested against the pass laws and took united action against unjust laws.
Women who, under severe conditions of poverty, oppression and exploitation, created homes, and educated, developed and produced leaders of yesterday and today. I think hon Robinson was quite right when she said that we should celebrate our Florence Nightingales and Helen Suzmans. Many will agree that the 1956 demonstrations were probably the most successful and militant of any resistance campaigns mounted at that time - a revolutionary process set in motion long before the 1950s.
It is very important for us to remember and celebrate this day so that we can preserve the memory of our heroines because memory is a weapon. By remembering the brave acts of heroines we are strengthened and encouraged to pick up the spear and take those struggles forward. Let us not use this day as an ANC Women's League attacking platform for people who fail to mobilise their own forces on an open day, but blame us for their inability to motivate. [Applause.] We use this day to celebrate and thank our heroines. So, hon Duncan, go and get your act together and mobilise your own people. [Interjections.]
All these struggles had something in common - a process of deliberate, careful, systematic and coherent planning and organising. These struggles demonstrated and confirmed that when women have decided to undertake responsibility and not complain about other organisations, they can do that so well as these women did. More humbling about these struggles is that they were organised and executed with very little resources in a climate of political repression, setting in motion an irreversible momentum for the struggle of women's emancipation.
Black South African women, under the leadership of Charlotte Maxeke, led the fight against exploitative social conditions even long before the day. They organised themselves for political unity across gender and racial barriers. Under her leadership, they organised an antipass movement in Bloemfontein in 1913. In 1918, Charlotte Maxeke led a women's deputation to Cape Town to put the women's case before the then Prime Minister, Louis Botha.
In the 1920s, following the First World War, women of all races - not the ones that we have today who just complain and not come - began to slowly gravitate towards the towns and cities. Working and living conditions in these townships provided a fertile ground for the formation of trade union movements. The harsh living conditions were also felt in rural areas as political activism was experienced all over the country. During the same period, around 1928, women in Potchefstroom rose in protest against monthly fees of lodgers' permits. And again in 1928, when the Liquor Act was introduced, women organised resistance which began in Ladysmith and spread throughout Natal, focussing on areas like Weenen, Glencoe, Howick and Dundee.
It is important to know that the period after the Second World War opened another difficult period with the South African economy having gradually changed from a mining agricultural economy to a flourishing industrial economy. Reserves by this time no longer provided a subsistence base for African families who lived in extreme poverty whilst, on the other hand, urban blacks in the townships lived under very difficult conditions. The cost of living rose quite sharply to an extent that economic hardships increased and women struggled to feed their families.
It is during this period that a group of young militant trade unionists, professionals, peasants and ordinary women came together to fight against these unbearable conditions. We are reminded of great names like Frances Baard, Lillian Ngoyi, Bertha Mashaba, Dora Tamane, Florence Matomela; I can list many of them.
To create a momentum for these struggles, in 1949 the ANC Women's League elected a dynamic leader, Ida Mtwana, who took over the leadership of the women's league. In the very same period, the youth league introduced its programme of action. In 1953, the ANC elected a very dynamic president, Albert Luthuli. The combination of these forces created a momentum which ensured that, come 1956, there would be a coherent force which would resist any imposition of unfair policies to them. This period witnessed a revival of militant spirit which filtered through the organisation. Provincial branches of the ANC Women's League were established, incorporating township women, working class women, and women in the trade union movement.
I'm trying by this to demonstrate that the process of fighting against oppression was a protracted process, not just an event. Women became prominent in these areas, especially during the antipass campaigns. The protest which culminated in the 9 August 1956 march was sparked by rumours of the new legislation which leaked in the press in 1950. This matter was not new because - as I indicated earlier - it had been resisted under the leadership of Charlotte Maxeke and had been shelved because of women struggles.
After this announcement, meetings and demonstrations were held in a number of centres, including Langa in Uitenhage, East London, Cape Town and Pietermaritzburg. These, as I said, created a base for the protest that we were to see in 1956. During this period, again, women united under the leadership of women from different races and different provinces - Lillian Ngoyi, Fatima Seedat, Dr Goonan, Bettie du Toit, Hetty du Toit, Josie Palmer, Helen Joseph, Henrietta Ostrich, Lucy Mvubela, Amina Cachalia, Mildred Letsie; the list goes on. All of them stood up to protect the rights of women and the rights of everybody in the country.
In September 1955, the then government announced that it would start issuing reference books to black women in January 1956. According to this law, black people - now including women - were forced to carry these books and, at all times, they had to produce them. For instance, in the Western Cape, where these permits had already been issued, the law said that in certain boundaries established by government, no African would be hired unless the Department of Labour determined that no coloured person was available to do that work. Africans were declared as foreigners in those areas, and they would be removed and children would be sent to the reserves.
As soon as this announcement was made, women jumped quickly and organised themselves. As I have indicated, since 1912, a momentum had already been created and that is why they were able to pull together such a successful march. I will not delve into what happened on that day, save to say that the march of August 1956 and all other activities before it were a good indication that women had thrown off the shackles of the past.
Although the majority of people there were African women, coloured, white, and Indian women also attended. The crowd was orderly and dignified throughout the proceedings. After a solemn moment of silence, organisers handed their bundles of signed petitions to Lillian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Rahima Moosa and Sophie de Bruyn, who in turn deposited those petitions at the Minister's office.
Women had once again shown that the stereotype of women as politically inept, immature and tied to the home was outdated and inaccurate. Albert Luthuli, the then president of the ANC, paying tribute to these women, had this to say:
When the women begin to take an active part in the struggle, as they are doing now, no power on earth can stop us from achieving freedom in our lifetime. It is indeed 54 years since the women's march, so where are we now? It is a fact that, under the democratic state, space has been provided to deepen women's struggles for women's emancipation, not complaints.
As a country we have made progress to improve access to the judiciary; access to resources like clean water, sanitation and electricity; and access to education and health. Indeed, the democratic government has created an environment for the empowerment of women through a progressive Constitution and an enactment of gender-sensitive legislation - hon member Duncan, these things have happened. The democratic government has established programmes for women's development and enacted gender-sensitive laws. It has established women empowerment institutions - that is why you and I are here and we can really stand on this platform. [Applause.]
Indeed, these advances have improved the quality of life and status of women. They have created a space for women's voices to be heard on matters of concern for their lives, their wellbeing and that of society; not complaints and insults against other parties.
In 2009, Chief Statistician, Pali Lehohla, observed in Engendering Statistics that:
The early years of the 21st century have seen great improvements ... It's not I who am saying it; it's your statistician -
... in the absolute status of women with gender inequalities decreasing quite substantially in a number of sectoral areas such as education and health.
But, indeed, we will be the first to admit that a lot more still needs to be done. For instance, in the area of education, women and children's access to education is very critical, especially considering the world figures which say two thirds of children who have been denied primary education are girls, and 75% of the worst illiterate adults are women.
Whilst as a country we pride ourselves about the fact that this administration has prioritised education as an apex programme, and that we are doing very well with regard to Millennium Development Goals, MDGs, which call upon us to ensure that everybody, including girls, can complete the course of primary education, a lot still needs to be done. There is no tool for development more effective than the education of girls. No other policy other than education is likely to raise economic productivity, lower infant and maternal mortality, improve nutrition and promote health.
I agree with members who raised - Ntate Dikobo - concerns about violence against children because women, on an ongoing basis, have their movements limited, and they are in constant fear for their lives. Another area of concern which members have raised is that of poverty. Poverty is indeed being feminised. It is wearing dresses and has a woman's face.
Statistics by World Revolution in 2007 revealed that out of the 1,3 million people living in poverty around the world, 70% of them are women. Statistics after statistics give us a sad picture about the participation of women in the economy. We are told that, whilst women do 66% of the world's work, they earn less than 5% of its income in return. Again, indicators make startling observations that women work two thirds of the world's working hours, and produce half of the world's food. Yet, they earn only 10% of the world's income, and own less than 1% of the world's property. Women, in general, do not own the means of production and they still remain at the lowest rung in the job industry and the economy. This is part of the commitment we made in Millennium Development Goal 1, MDG 1, and we need to make progress.
I agree with members that our progress on the reduction of maternal mortality and child mortality is quite worrying. It is very disturbing that young women in their prime age are most affected, and hence the campaign on counseling and testing launched by the President and Minister Motsoaledi is meant to address precisely that. So, hon member Dudley, we don't say untruths. Termination has no link with maternal death. It is a burden of disease that has been scientifically proved by the Minister and statistics that it is the one that is dogging us and creating this high rate of maternal death. [Applause.]
So don't run a campaign and spread untruths which are very dangerous for our young people. It has nothing to do with termination; it has much to do with the burden of disease, particularly HIV and diseases like high blood pressure and sugar diabetics. That is where the problem is, and that is what the Minister is trying to address. So let's not spread untrue rumours.
Mrs Ditshetelo, it's not true that we have high maternal deaths because of bad treatment in our hospitals. It's again the burden of disease that is confronting us as a country, which all of us have to take responsibility for and reverse. The reason that our health system is collapsing is the burden of bad disease. We have more sick people and sick children who are crowding hospitals. It has nothing to do with that. The truth is that all of us, as South Africans, should take responsibility, encourage everyone to go for counseling and testing and confront our biggest challenge - HIV/Aids and TB. That is what we need to do. [Applause.]
Like the women of 1950, we have to work together as women. Let's not shout at each other and ask who was at the rally and who did what. It was an open rally, you could have come. If you chose not to come, don't make it anybody's problem. Let's work together as a collective and make sure that women join and participate in progressive structures. Let us also work with other women for transformation because it is in our unity that our strength lies.
We should take forward the campaigns on education; we should pay particular attention to the development of young women; and we should take the struggles to higher levels and stop bickering and saying all the unnecessary things. But, I must say, most speakers were really constructive and very encouraging. We must strengthen existing organisations, promote gender equality, and work together to ensure that the commitments made by government on the rights of women are implemented. Therefore I agree with my comrade and say, "Malibongwe!" [Praise!] [Applause.] [Time expired.]
Debate concluded.