Hon Speaker, at the outset I wish to convey my sincere gratitude to you for acceding to my request for a debate on this important issue.
This is the first debate of public importance since the year 2000. So, it is chilling to think that in the 19 years of our young democracy the people of South Africa, whom we all collectively represent, have been denied such debates for 13 years.
I know the ANC did not want this debate ... [Interjections.] ... and tried to delay it. But Parliament cannot only debate what the ANC wants to debate, which, as we all know, is consistently dedicated to commemorations, celebrations, congratulations and ceremonies. Those are issues that do not touch the everyday lives of South Africans, and they steer clear of the most important things of all, namely scandals and controversies.
I ask you, sir, is this the democracy that was envisaged for the new South Africa, where debate is now suppressed rather than encouraged; where senior politicians use the country ... [Interjections.]
Order, hon members!
... as their own personal fiefdom?
A true democracy does not benefit only the chosen few, but all those who live in it, and the misuse of power is the very essence of tyranny, I say. Consider, if you will, the implications of that for a free society.
The Cabinet's use of officials as scapegoats in this appalling incident, which has become known as Guptagate, this ANC government has made a mockery of the concept of accountability. It has made a mockery of our Police Service; a mockery of our Defence Force; a mockery of our diplomacy; a mockery of our immigration controls; a mockery of democratic systems; a mockery of our hard-fought-for Constitution; and, indeed, a mockery of all we hold dear as a nation.
Mr Speaker, the President's absence from the House is also noticeable this afternoon. [Interjections.] This is much like his absence of leadership, ... [Interjections.]
Order, hon members!
... the lack of which has resulted in officials being blamed, rather than the Cabinet taking responsibility.
The President is our commander-in-chief, yet he forgets that the buck stops with him. What sort of leader is this? A leader who answers tough questions by laughing. A leader who ignores High Court orders to produce tapes that could bring justice in the arms deal scandal. A leader who spends over R200 million on his own home rather than on the poor. A leader whose very name results in questionable access to a military air base, which has brought the entire country into disrepute.
This, Mr Speaker, is a leader who inspires no confidence. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, hon Deputy President and members of this House, for the past 22 days our country has been inundated with the news of the landing of a Jet Airways Airbus A330-200 at the Waterkloof Air Force Base, ferrying international guests to a wedding celebration at Sun City.
On behalf of the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security Cluster, the JCPS cluster, I wish to address this House and highlight the various actions we have taken as a government to investigate this matter and to bring certainty that an occurence of this nature does not take place again.
There have been a number of misinterpretations of the facts and we are accustomed to the approach of opposition parties that choose to appoint themselves as prosecutor, judge and jury all put together. We have become used to opposition parties reaching a verdict while lacking any of the facts and to opposition parties responding hysterically when the facts of the matter do not fit their own fabricated conclusions. [Interjections.]
In a spirit of transparency and our desire to bring this matter to a satisfactory close, I wish to inform the House that I have acceded to the request of the Public Protector to furnish her with a copy of this report.
There is only one report - this report - coming from the investigating team, and it was released to the public today. Criticising the report without having had the benefit of reading it is informed by a much more sinister motive than this official report. It is informed, in my view, by accusations of a cover-up even before the report was presented to the JCPS cluster of Ministers. Other than speculation, it is inconceivable that persons other than the ones who commissioned the report would have access to it before it was presented to the cluster of Ministers.
The Ministers in the JCPS cluster applied their minds to the report and resolved to accept its contents. We are aware that there are some in this House who may want a new route rather than the one we have taken. We will not dictate to the House what decision to take on this new route. We can only reiterate that, having applied our minds to this report, we are convinced that it has satisfied the mandate given to the investigating team.
There was full co-operation by all departments and role-players concerned. Included in the methodology was the collection of sworn statements, affidavits and in loco visits. We are convinced that no methodology exists other than the one deployed to arrive at conclusions of this nature.
The investigating team had already started with their investigations on 1 May 2013. Based on preliminary investigations which were undertaken by government, swift action was immediately taken against implicated individuals. On 2 May 2013, the Minister gave the committee of the directors-general seven working days to conduct this investigation.
The investigating team of four of the highest-ranking officials comprised one black woman director-general, one African male director-general, one African female acting director-general, and one male acting Co-ordinator for Intelligence Services. These excluded the directors-general of the departments whose officials were directly involved in this collusion. We are confident that the investigating team carried out its tasks in a professional and diligent manner. They met all the deadlines set by the cluster of Ministers.
What are the facts, not fiction?
In February 2013 the Gupta family approached the Airports Company of South Africa, Acsa, and requested landing rights and an elaborate reception for the wedding party at the O R Tambo International Airport. This would have disrupted the functioning of O R Tambo International Airport at the time of landing, particularly the operations of the National Immigration Branch at the airport. [Interjections.] As a result, the Airports Company SA and the Minister of Transport turned this request down.
In March 2013 the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans and her political adviser were approached by the Gupta family on different occasions. On 3 April 2013 this request was turned down by the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans.
The Gupta family then resorted to the use of the diplomatic channel, with the support of an individual at the High Commission of India, who redesignated this wedding entourage as an official delegation in order to enable them to use the Waterkloof Air Force Base under cover of diplomatic privilege. It is an undisputed fact that there was no official note verbale from the High Commission of India to the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, and therefore due process was not followed. An individual in the High Commission of India communicated directly with individuals at the Air Force command post. This collusion of officials resulted in the irregular approval of the flight clearance.
The aircraft in question was therefore cleared for landing and the correct clearance procedures were followed, but this was based on false pretences as a result of this manipulation of the process by the Gupta family, individuals at the High Commission of India, the Chief of State Protocol, Ambassador V B Koloane, and the Movement Control Officer, Lt Col C Anderson, who shared a common purpose and acted in concert.
This had the potential of damaging the good diplomatic and deep historical relations South Africa enjoys with India on the bilateral, multilateral, international and Brics level.
Ambassador Koloane admitted under investigation that the request for the Gupta family wedding - an admission on the status of the visit - was clearly not official, diplomatic or military and that the incoming party was not a delegation in the official understanding of the term.
The Director-General in the Presidency made it clear that no one in the Presidency ever gave any instruction in regard to the conduct of Ambassador Koloane. This included the private office of the President.
The reference to an invitation to the Indian delegation to the Free State provincial government was unclear, as no member of this party travelled to the Free State for such a meeting. However, an Indian state minister, the equivalent of an MEC, was received by the Free State MEC for Agriculture three days prior to the arrival of the Gupta wedding party. This Indian state minister therefore arrived in and departed from South Africa completely separately from the Gupta wedding party, despite attending the wedding at Sun City.
As a government, we reiterate that those who are found by the continuing investigation to have colluded will be dealt with in a decisive manner, with the requirement of the labour processes attached thereto.
Six cases have been opened at the Sun City Police Station and the report mentions the pieces of legislation that were infringed and the relevant case numbers. In spite of what one media report said this morning, no decision has been taken to withdraw a case relating to this incident. The National Prosecuting Authority, as we speak, is dealing with these matters.
Members of the executive were not required to issue any instructions, did not issue any instructions and did not create the impression that they ought to have issued any instructions. There is factual and incontrovertible evidence, both real and direct, that would even stand up in a court of law. This evidence clearly shows that the two officials are not fall guys or scapegoats, as we are made to believe, but masters of this manipulation of the process. We therefore say that the only logical conclusion is that they were on a frolic of their own. We want to dispel any notion that the plane just landed as was authorised and cleared, albeit through the manipulation of the process. [Interjections.]
Any insinuation of a cover-up, as alluded to by opposition party leaders and some commentators, is clearly misplaced. Their stance is informed by their viewing of a legal issue from a political, uninformed and emotional perspective.
In conclusion, Mr Speaker, we are aware that with the next elections just around the corner, every effort will be made to use the report, in spite of its comprehensiveness, as a tool to garner support for certain political parties and individuals within them. [Applause.] It would be wrong for us to decide on the election strategies and tactics of other political parties and individuals, but we do caution against the unnecessary exaggeration of facts without corroborative and incontrovertible evidence being brought forward.
If there are individuals in both this House and the general public who have information that will strengthen further investigations into this matter, they are at liberty to submit this to the police and investigating officers.
We have demonstrated our transparency and responsiveness in addressing this incident. We will continue to work even harder and better to secure our country and ensure that our people feel safe and are safe. In doing so, we will not fall prey to the small-mindedness and carping that the opposition makes itself guilty of every time a matter of national importance arises. Thank you. [Applause.]
Speaker, President Jacob Zuma told us during the state of the nation address on 14 February 2013 that government was waging a war against corruption. But, just minutes before, he had welcomed special and distinguished guests, which included none other than Atul Gupta, who was sitting in, of all places, the presidential box.
The President did not hesitate to flaunt his close relationship with the Guptas, right here under our noses in Parliament. That neatly illustrates, as the President likes to say, "where the problem comes" because the root cause of the problem that led to Guptagate is President Jacob Zuma. [Applause.] He is responsible for creating the culture of undue influence referred to in the investigation report. That is why the President should be here today to account to Parliament, rather than hiding away from us in the Union Buildings.
When the Jet Airways Airbus landed at Waterkloof Air Force Base on 30 April 2013, it triggered a massive political fallout. Years of frustration with President Zuma's sugar daddies, who include the Shaiks, the Reddys and the Guptas, and who make up Zuma Inc, exploded. Something snapped inside the ruling party and even Gwede "Don't upset Ministers" Mantashe was moved to issue a public statement condemning Guptagate. With the situation spinning out of control, the hon Jeff Radebe, the damage control officer-in-chief, was brought in to contain the political fallout.
It came as no surprise that the investigation effectively exonerated President Zuma and members of his Cabinet. The Minister was at pains to point out that Ministers were not involved in this matter. Well, the fact is that nobody believes that not one Minister knew anything about 3 fixed- wing aircraft, 7 helicopters, 88 vehicles and 490 personnel supporting a private function from the Waterkloof Air Force Base.
The Minister then went on to make an extraordinary statement that Ministers were not required to issue any instructions, and indeed did not issue any instructions. But, had clear instructions been issued, there would have been no Guptagate.
The Minister of Defence and Military Veterans received a request from the Gupta family to use Waterkloof Air Force Base. To her credit, the Minister turned down that request. But then the Minister failed to inform the Minister of Defence and the Chief of the Defence Force of her decision. We have to ask: In what kind of country does a private individual telephone a Minister and request landing rights at a strategic military base? [Interjections.] [Applause.] And we also have to ask ourselves: In what kind of country does a Minister turn down such a request and then not officially communicate the decision to senior officials in her department?
The Minister, evidently, needs to be reminded that she runs a state department which is responsible for the defence of this country, not a spaza shop. [Applause.] Had the Minister taken action and issued clear instructions, the Jet Airways Airbus would never have landed at Waterkloof Air Force Base, and there would have been no Guptagate scandal.
There is a widely held perception that when the Guptas say, "Jump," the President says, "How high?" So, why are we surprised that when the Guptas said, "Jump", some senior officials said, "How high?"
We cannot sit back and allow Ministers to get off the hook by hanging out a few rogue officials to dry. Ministerial heads must roll. That is why we have requested the Public Protector to conduct an independent investigation into Guptagate. We need to know what the President knew, when the President knew it, and what he did about it. And, we need to know what Ministers knew, when they knew it, and what they did about it. Because, in the end, Ministers are responsible and Ministers must be held accountable.
If the Minister has been really serious about ensuring that such a situation never happened again, then the final report of the investigation should have read something like this:
Name: Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula Position: Minister of Defence and Military Veterans Charge: Incompetence Finding: The Minister was negligent in not communicating her decision to deny a request from the Gupta family to use Waterkloof Air Force Base Recommendation: Fire
But, in the end, if we really want to ensure that something like this never happens again, we have to come together in our thousands, we have to come together in our tens of thousands, we have to come together in our millions, and together we have to fire President Jacob Zuma on election day in 2014. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, Deputy President, Deputy Speaker, fellow members of the House, on Sunday the security Ministers made an astounding confession to the nation. They told us that the President is not in daily management of the affairs of our nation. They said that they did not know what the daily events in this country were, nor did they direct them. In fact, they announced that only appointed staff members, without their direction, were running the affairs of our nation - completely without direction from any one single member of the executive! [Interjections.] [Applause.]
They went further. They didn't end there. They told us that they did not know anything and were unable to enforce the law. The Immigration Act, Act 13 of 2002, explicitly states that no one may enter the Republic other than at a port of entry. If a person is to enter at a place that is not an authorised point of entry, then he or she must have a written and signed document from the director-general. This is a document that would let them into the country. If they do not have such a document, members of the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security Cluster and their departments should make sure that those people are arrested.
But on Sunday the cluster of Ministers responsible for these functions quite brazenly appeared before the nation to announce, "We know nothing"! [Interjections.] [Applause.] "We are responsible for nothing" and "Nobody in the executive, starting with the President, knows anything about what happened." [Interjections.] Then, when they were asked who did all of this, they said that it was some appointed staff members - not even a director- general! Some unknown character for whom we, as voters, never voted exposed the security of the nation to this situation.
Astonishingly, the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development asserted that name-dropping was solely to blame. This seems to suggest that our country is run by rumour-mongering. [Interjections.] Somebody comes and says, "You know, this is what so-and-so said," and then they act on that.
This is not the democracy for which Nelson Mandela spent 27 years in jail. [Applause.] It is not the democracy for which so many amongst the ruling party spent years in prison and in exile. This is not the democracy that so many of our people died in order to achieve. For this rumour-mongering, imagine an executive of the country saying, "It was rumours." These people were following rumours, not the directions of any authorised executive, as set out in the Constitution of our nation.
Now we are supposed to sit here and be grateful for this whitewash, for being fed hogwash. [Laughter.] To show further how farcical the situation is, the Cape Times reported today that 48 hours after Justice Minister Jeff Radebe announced that criminal charges were to be pursued against high- ranking officers, numerous charges were dropped and suspensions lifted! This is an executive that runs this country as if South Africans have a chicken's memory. You say this today and three days down the line you do something different, and then we will already have forgotten what you said on Sunday! The contempt with which the people of South Africa are being treated by this executive surpasses that of a banana republic.
The barefaced disregard for law and authority within this government - for the Constitution and basic law, together with other legislation - is astonishing, although it is not surprising, as it has been happening for so long now. Mostly the voters are lulled into indifference. But, in fact, this thing, including what has happened in the Central African Republic ...
Hon member, your time has expired.
This is the time for the voters to vote them out. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, hon Ministers and colleagues, since the controversial landing of a planeload of passengers at one of our country's most secure national key points - and I want to deliberately refer to it as national key point - government has taken great pains to publicly exonerate the President and his Cabinet from any involvement or culpability.
This had to be done because, in the mind of the public, the Gupta family's personal connection with President Zuma is somehow tainted with impropriety. Thus, whether it was true or not, the average South African assumed that the so-called Guptagate scandal somehow involved the President.
In this debate, the IFP is less interested in what the President did or did not do. We are not looking for evidence that the President involved himself in the granting of permission for the plane to land at Waterkloof Air Force Base. Our concern is whether this is the kind of leadership we want for our country, the kind of leadership under which South Africa limps from scandal to scandal. [Applause.]
Even with all the revelations, investigations and engagement with the press, this compromising of a national key point has left us with more questions than answers. But one aspect that has emerged quite clearly is that the implicated officials engaged in name-dropping to ensure that the plane landed and the guests were escorted to Sun City. In response, there have been calls for name-dropping to become a prosecutable offence.
But there is another angle to this debate that should not be overlooked. The reality is that the people who used President Zuma's name and the people who reacted to the use of President Zuma's name, were all operating on the assumption that President Zuma would sanction such a gross violation of national security when it came to his friends. [Applause.]
This debate should really be about the perceptions of the integrity of the President. This is because whether or not our President's integrity is compromised, the perception that our President lacks integrity, particularly when that perception emanates from within government structures, speaks of an ailing national leadership.
The IFP knows what leadership should look like. [Interjections.] We understand integrity and the importance of doing the right thing and being seen to do the right thing. [Interjections.] We have an unparalleled example in our leader, Prince Buthelezi, who often points out that corruption is not an inevitable part of leadership or governance, but an evil that enters where integrity fails.
Prince Buthelezi administered the erstwhile KwaZulu-Natal government for almost 19 years, and not a single allegation of corruption was ever levelled against his administration. [Interjections.] That is the kind of leadership South Africa needs.
When a leader walks in an upright way, he or she need have no fear for his or her reputation. The fact that President Zuma felt the need to avoid his friends' wedding speaks of a leader whose reputation is already compromised. The question we are left with is whether this is the kind of leadership we want for South Africa.
We are on dangerous ground when our citizens are already asking: Who really runs this country? Is it the representatives of all the people, or a handful of puppet masters pulling the strings? The President's silence on this matter is disturbing, as it was on the debacle over the Central African Republic. As the commander-in-chief of our armed forces, let alone the executive head of the country, he should have provided the nation with answers. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Speaker, I have never in my entire life seen the ANC as embarrassed as it is today. [Applause.] Look at the hon members on this side. [Applause.]
The Minister of Home Affairs, Naledi Pandor, said much on this issue, but she knew that 207 wedding guests would be landing at Waterkloof Air Force Base in a matter of hours. Her voice should have been the first to be heard here in Parliament.
And, hon Minister, correct me if I am wrong: South Africa has an advanced passenger information system that tells you which plane is coming when, who is sitting where and what is going on. The Minister must inform this Parliament, through the advanced passenger information system, who boarded that flight and what their purpose was in coming here. Advanced passenger processing is an additional layer of security that enables us to perform preclearance of travellers. This system is operational in several countries, including India. All international airlines are required to provide information about passengers and crew within 15 minutes of take-off of all flights.
Let me list the departments that use this system. They are Home Affairs, the State Security Agency, the SA Revenue Service and the SA Police Service. It is therefore hard to believe that the Minister was not aware of what was about to happen. Home Affairs personnel were ready and waiting at Waterkloof to process all the guests. Didn't anyone from the department raise a warning flag then?
Our Home Affairs website states that the Waterkloof Air Force Base is not an official port of entry. The Immigration Act further states that no one may enter at the said location, unless a letter by the director-general is issued and an individual has a certificate from the Minister of Home Affairs, who has the power to exempt such an individual.
Minister Radebe, you indicated on 3 May that the Department of Home Affairs' immigration officers processed all passengers who landed there. The question remains: Who summoned Home Affairs to Waterkloof? Who cares ... [Interjections.] The Minister herself attended the wedding. [Applause.] Minister Gordhan, what happened to the customs officials? Was there no communication between Home Affairs and Sars on the over 200 people arriving there? Weddings bring with them both guests and gifts. Guests bring luggage, and anything and everything else. Gifts have monetary value. How much money did we lose from this little hiccup in your department?
Minister Cwele, what astonishes me about you is that state security in South Africa has become a laughing stock under your leadership. [Applause.] The judgment given by the learned judge in the case of Sheryl Cwele & another v The State emphasised the need to step up security when it comes to people moving in and out of this country. But what did you do? [Interjections.] It happened under your nose. Which Minister will be taking responsibility for this? All of you! I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, hon Deputy President and hon members, for the information of the hon Comrade Lekota, it is called neocolonialism of a special kind. One would have expected government to furnish us with a copy of the report in order to enhance this debate.
However, we are not surprised by this, because here we are dealing with a government that took the dubious decision to investigate itself! This must have been the easiest investigation for government to conduct, considering the close proximity of the Guptas to the Cabinet and the directors-general. This generally corrupt relationship between the Cabinet and the Guptas has allowed the Guptas to use state-owned enterprises as a cash cow in their controversial free-of-charge breakfast shows on the national broadcaster.
Mr Speaker, it is a blatant lie to assert that the Gupta planes did not obtain authorisation to land at the Waterkloof Air Force Base. Without authorisation, none of these planes would have entered our airspace. The fact that they obtained authorisation proves beyond reasonable doubt that the Guptas have been getting away with using Waterkloof as their parking bay each time they host important visitors from abroad. They just happened to be caught red-handed this time around. [Interjections.]
There are a lot of things that do not add up about government's Guptagate report. Firstly, if the Waterkloof base is not a national key point, why waste our time by lining up and parading Ministers from the security cluster to address the nation on the matter?
The SA Revenue Service complained that it was not informed about this matter, whilst other departments such as Home Affairs confirmed that they were informed in advance. This led to a situation in which some of the gifts the visitors brought with them were not declared when they entered the country. I am aware that many of these gifts were given to current and former Cabinet Ministers. [Interjections.] In the interests of good governance, should they not return the gifts?
In conclusion, given the fact that the planes did not obtain authorisation, how and by whom were these planes refuelled?
The only deduction that one can make from this fiasco is that the mere mention of the Gupta name is enough to send the entire Cabinet into a tailspin. In addition to the inconsistencies I have mentioned, if the Waterkloof Air Force Base is not a national key point, why have the senior officials who allegedly authorised the landing been suspended? In the light of the fact that these officials should get delegated powers to authorise ... [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Speaker, ek wil begin deur vir die ANC te s dat hierdie hele Gupta-aangeleentheid nie net 'n verleentheid vir die ANC is nie; dis 'n verleentheid vir elke Suid-Afrikaanse burger.
Agb Minister, as u s die verslag s dat nie een Minister geweet het van die landing van die Guptas nie, s die verslag eintlik dat hierdie vyf Ministers wie se departemente betrokke was 'n sekerheidsbreuk veroorsaak het in Suid-Afrika en dat hulle aanspreeklik en verantwoordelik is. Dit beteken dat vyf Ministers van Suid-Afrika nie genoegsame prosedures in plek het om te verseker dat 'n sekerheidsbreuk nie plaasvind nie. Dit lyk vir my Suid-Afrika het bewustelose Ministers, agb Minister. Dit is tyd dat daar objektief wakkergeskrik word.
Dan wil ek vir u vra: Dink u regtig dat 'n direkteur-generaal wat deur 'n Minister aangestel word en wat dan die ondersoek doen, sal verklaar dat sy of haar Minister eintlik betrokke was en van hierdie ding geweet het? [Tussenwerpsels.] U is naef as u dink die mense van Suid-Afrika moet dit glo.
U s dat u sekerheid wil h. Ek wil vir die agb Minister - en al die ander Ministers - s dat as hulle sekerheid oor hierdie aangeleentheid wil h, hulle 'n regterlike kommissie van ondersoek moet aanstel wat objektief kan kyk of Ministers daarvoor aanspreeklik gehou kan word of nie. Ek is oortuig hulle sal.
Ek wil 'n ander aspek aanraak. Dit is die aspek van vriendskappe met mense en groepe wat geld het in Suid-Afrika. Almal weet die Guptas het baie geld. Inteendeel, die Guptas kom na Suid-Afrika toe na die hele debakel en s dat Suid-Afrika moet bly wees dat hulle di mense hierheen gebring het. Hoe arrogant kan jy wees? Wie is die Guptas om met soveel geld te kan kry wat hulle wil h, wanneer hulle wil en soos hulle wil? Ek wil vir u s dat u vuil is. Die ANC en die President bevuil hulself om met sulke mense bevriend te wees, want hulle is misdadigers. Hulle koop mense om. Dit is niks anders as bedrog wat hulle gebruik om toegang te verkry nie. [Tussenwerpsels.]
Dan wil ek s dat die DA nie skoon is nie. Hulle hande is ook vuil. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek wil vandag vir u s as u leier, me Helen Zille, s sy gaan eet by Saxonwold die beste kos wat sy nog ooit geet het, maar sy weet nie sy kry geld van die Guptas nie, is u hande nie skoon nie. U moet kyk daarna. [Tussenwerpsels.]
Ek wil terugkom na u, dames en here. Mnr die Speaker, ek het 'n boodskap vir die President van Suid-Afrika, en ek wil ook vir die ANC s: Leer uit die verlede! Jackie Selebi het ges die bedrier en dwelmbaas Glenn Agliotti is sy vriend, "finish en klaar". Ek wil vir die ANC s, s vir die President as hy voortgaan met sy vriendskap met die Guptas, is hy "finish en klaar". Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr P J GROENEWALD: Speaker, I want to start by telling the ANC that this whole Gupta affair is not only an embarrassment for the ANC; it is an embarrassment for every South African citizen.
Hon Minister, when you say the report states that not one Minister knew about the arrival of the Guptas, the report is actually saying that these five Ministers whose departments were involved caused a security breach in South Africa, and that they are accountable and responsible. This means that five Ministers in South Africa do not have sufficient procedures in place to ensure that a security breach does not occur. Hon Minister, it seems to me that South Africa has unconscious Ministers. It is time for an objective wake-up call. Then I want to ask you: Do you really believe that a director-general, appointed by a Minister to conduct this inquiry, will declare that his or her Minister was actually involved and knew all about this matter? [Interjections.] You are nave if you think the people of South Africa must believe that.
You say that you want certainty. I want to tell the hon Minister - and all the other Ministers - that if they want certainty on this matter they should appoint a judicial commission of inquiry, which can investigate objectively whether Ministers can be held responsible for this or not. I am convinced they will.
I would like to touch on another aspect. That is the aspect of friendship with people and groups who have money in South Africa. Everybody knows that the Guptas have a lot of money. In fact, the Guptas have come to South Africa after this whole debacle and they have said that South Africa should be glad they brought their people here. How arrogant can one be? Who are the Guptas, with so much money, to get what they want, when they want it and as they want it? I want to tell you that you are dirty. The ANC and the President are dirtying themselves by being friends with such people, because they are criminals. They bribe people. It is nothing but fraud that they use to gain entry. [Interjections.]
Then I have to say that the DA is not clean. Their hands are dirty as well. [Interjections.] I am telling you today that if your leader, Ms Helen Zille, says she is going to eat the best meal ever at Saxonwold, but she is not aware that she is getting money from the Guptas, then your hands are not clean. You will have to look at that. [Interjections.]
I want to come back to you, ladies and gentlemen. Mr Speaker, I have a message for the President of South Africa, and I want to tell the ANC: Learn from the past! Jackie Selebi said that the fraud and drug kingpin Glenn Agliotti was his friend, "finish and klaar". I want to tell the ANC to tell the President that, if he should persist with his friendship with the Guptas, he is "finish and klaar". I thank you. [Applause.]]
Speaker, Minister Radebe reiterated again this afternoon that President Jacob Zuma and his Cabinet were not involved in the landing of flight JAI 9900 at the military base. This contradicts claims by the Gupta family's spokesperson, who was adamant that permission to land the private jet at the Waterkloof Air Force Base was given by the SA National Defence Force beforehand.
If Cabinet Ministers were not involved in authorising the landing of the Gupta jet at the military airport, we want to know who authorised the deployment of the 194 government personnel and the 88 government vehicles that offered convoy protection from the military base. Why would such personnel and vehicles be authorised to offer protection to people who were not authorised to land at the Waterkloof Air Force Base in the first place? We further wish to know why arrangements for immigration and customs officials to be present at the airport were not made. No one knows what may have been brought into the country as a result of such negligence.
Because of these contradictions, the ACDP has further questions that need to be answered. We want to know why blame for this embarrassing saga of lax security has been placed mainly on two officials, namely the Chief of State Protocol, Ambassador Koloane, and the officer in charge of movement control at the Waterkloof Air Force Base, Lt Col Anderson, who, we are told, does not have executive authority for landing clearances or flight plans. She could not have given permission. We want to know further why Ambassador Koloane has been accused of granting permission illegally, when the Gupta family spokesperson is adamant that permission to land the aircraft was granted by the SANDF. Are the Guptas lying, or is the report full of blatant lies?
If indeed the Gupta family approached the Airports Company South Africa, as we have been told, to request landing rights, which rights were refused, and then approached the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans and her advisers for permission, which was again refused, and again resorted to the use of diplomatic channels, we want to know why the Gupta family is not then being investigated or charged with bringing government departments into disrepute? Was the favour of using the military airport done for them free of charge, or were any payments made for such favours? We want to know.
We further want to know whether we are expected to believe that it was Ambassador Koloane who gave flight JAI 9900 the right to land, knowing that the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans had allegedly refused to give permission. Or didn't he know? If he didn't know, why did the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans not communicate her refusal to grant permission for landing rights for the aircraft in question? Why would Ambassador Koloane risk his career and future by overruling the Minister's decision? Could he have done it without some form of compensation?
There are too many contradictions and improbabilities in this scandal, which make it impossible for the ACDP to believe what has been said. The ACDP therefore calls for an independent commission of inquiry to get to the bottom of what really happened, and to confirm whether the accused and suspended officials indeed acted on their own and whether they did so without the knowledge or approval of any Cabinet Minister. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, South Africa is one, sovereign, democratic state. We have a territory with internationally recognised boundaries. We enjoy international recognition and have a democratically elected government exercising its power over our country's territory. [Interjections.] It was therefore not a surprise that the nation responded in anger when it was found that the guests for a wedding of a private individual had landed at a military installation on the morning of 30 April 2013.
Who is accountable?
This anger was justified and our people demanded answers. [Interjections.] The ANC, through our secretary-general Comrade Gwede Mantashe, issued a statement later the same day, expressing our shared concern.
Who is accountable?
Order, hon member! Order!
I quote from that statement:
The African National Congress waited patiently for the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), the body delegated with authority over the Waterkloof Airforce Base, to explain to the nation how these private individuals managed to land an aircraft at Waterkloof. Up until now, no explanation has been forthcoming. The African National Congress, driven by the concern for the safety and sovereignty of South Africa, shall never allow a situation where our ports of entry and national key points are penetrated with impunity. We (the ANC) demand that those who are responsible for granting access to land aircraft in our country also explain the basis upon which such permission was granted ...
[Interjections.]
Order, hon members!
... particularly to land at Waterkloof Airforce Base. Those who cannot account must be brought to book. The African National Congress will never rest where there is any indication that all and sundry may be permitted to undermine the Republic, its citizens and its borders.
[Interjections.] Did you enjoy the curry?
Fire the Minister! [Interjections.]
Order, hon members!
We again make the call, even at this late hour, to the SANDF to explain how this private aircraft landed at Waterkloof Air Force Base, our national key point.
Speaker, may I address you on a point of order?
On what point are you rising?
Mr Speaker, the hon member asked the question: "Did you enjoy the curry?" I would like to know who she directed it at. [Interjections.]
Hon member, please take your seat.
Your leader! [Interjections.] The alliance partners, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the SA Communist Party, also issued statements demanding answers and expressing their concern. Cosatu called for an urgent investigation into who had authorised the landing and called for them to be disciplined. In its statement, the SACP called on government to investigate how it had happened and for those responsible to be brought to book. [Interjections.]
On 2 May 2013, the JCPS Cluster of Ministers instructed a team of directors- general to investigate the matter, giving them seven working days to complete the investigation. In doing this, the Ministers communicated that the buck stopped with them. [Interjections.] They demanded answers and action.
It is also important to note at this point that two Ministers, the Minister of Transport, the hon Martins, and the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans, the hon Mapisa-Nqakula, had said no to the exclusive use of O R Tambo International Airport and no to the use of Waterkloof Air Force Base. [Interjections.] At that point the executive had already fulfilled their responsibility.
Even before the findings of the report were communicated, it was rubbished by the opposition and the detractors of government. The opposition participates in this Parliament. Well, at least they collect their cheques every month, and by that I gather that they accept that this government is a legitimate, democratically elected government. [Applause.] Yet, they will leave no stone unturned to illegitimise government and taint the image of South Africa, no matter the consequences. [Interjections.] But why are we surprised? Why are we surprised?
Order, hon members!
It is the same Opposition whose mayor of the City of Cape Town said that the people of Khayelitsha preferred bucket toilets. [Interjections.]
The fact that government reacted immediately and decisively is an indication of a maturing democracy.
Fire the Minister!
There was no effort to sweep the incident under the carpet. [Applause.] We welcome the criminal cases that have already been opened and encourage the various departments, as they finalise their investigations, to open more cases if they find that there are more people who should answer to the laws of our country.
As parliamentarians, we need to take cognisance of the weaknesses in the system that were identified through this report. [Interjections.] We should engage with the relevant departments and the members of the executive in order for them to report on how they have corrected those weaknesses in the system, and in order to prevent the reoccurrence of such an incident. [Applause.]
The use of Metro Police officers by a private security company again highlights the need for a single police service ... [Interjections.] ... in the country, which the ANC has voiced over a period of time. [Applause.] The behaviour of the private security company demonstrates and emphasises the need for stronger and more effective regulation of the private security industry. [Interjections.]
There is a need for and a responsibility on us to put in place measures that will ensure that individuals in the Public Service cannot manipulate the system and collude in the way that we have seen happening here. [Interjections.]
Society should engage with the abuse of power, and confront and address that which we see done throughout our daily life by those with money, those who believe that they can bend the rules or that rules do not apply to them. [Interjections.] It embodies itself in various forms within society. [Interjections.] Look at our roads and see how many vehicles are being driven without number plates and speeding recklessly. They are not your average vehicles, but top-of-the-range luxury vehicles. [Interjections.] These people act with impunity and they believe that the rules and laws do not apply to them. [Interjections.] This culture aids and abets corruption. Well, I live in the Western Cape, so I guess it's the Western Cape government. We need to deal with it where it happens, when it happens.
We also need to remind ourselves of what Chapter 10 of our Constitution says about the basic values and principles that must govern our public administration and service. As a country, the executive and Parliament, this is what we should demand from our public administration at all levels. This is how we expect their leadership to behave and to lead. We must demand that public servants have a high standard of professional ethics, that they provide service impartially, fairly, equitably and without bias, and that they are accountable to the people, the executive and Parliament. [Interjections.]
We welcome Minister Radebe's announcement that the report has been given to the Public Protector. Once the Public Protector comes to the same finding as the directors-general, I will personally request the Chief Whip of the Majority Party to ask for a debate in order to provide an opportunity for the opposition to apologise - to apologise to the President, to apologise to the executive, to apologise to the ANC, and to apologise to the people of South Africa. [Interjections.]
We have clearly seen, as demonstrated by speakers before me, what this debate is actually about. The hon Maynier indicated that it was about election fever. The hon Lekota demonstrated rumour-mongering, because he quoted newspapers concerning the report. And then, let's be honest, there was a general hatred of the President. [Interjections.] I wonder how much the hon Lekota actually knows about constitutions, since he cannot follow his own party's constitution. [Applause.] A court needs to tell him to reinstate the hon Ndude. Hon Holomisa, sometimes you must listen when people are speaking. The report was released prior to this debate. The ANC argued that the debate ... [Interjections.] ... The Minister announced it. [Interjections.]
Order! Order!
The ANC argued that the debate should take place after the release of the report. Your political partners could not wait. Choose your partners wisely! [Interjections.] We accept that the opposition is suffering from a serious case of election fever and government envy. [Interjections.] There is nothing that can be done about that. [Interjections.] But I want to say to the millions of South Africans out there, again in the words of the secretary-general of the ANC, Comrade Gwede Mantashe, the ANC is not for sale. Our country is not for sale - not to big business nor to any other country's interest. As a collective leadership ...
Hon Speaker, I rise on a point of order. The hon speaker at the podium indicated that the report of the Minister had been released. I would like to enquire if that report has been tabled in the House or not. [Interjections.]
You can ask the Speaker, but not in my time.
I am asking the Speaker.
Take your seat, hon member. I will look at that and come back to the House. Continue, hon member.
You are misleading the House!
As a collective leadership in the ANC ... you need to understand the culture of the ANC ... we will guard over our hard won freedom, our sovereignty and our standing in the international community.
I thank you. [Applause.]
Order! Once the Speaker's office receives the report, it will be tabled in Parliament. [Interjections.] Order, hon members! Order! It's difficult to listen when your mouths are open. I mean, really! [Laughter.] I now invite the hon Mfundisi to the podium.
Speaker and hon members, it is very strange that the Waterkloof Air Force Base ...
Hon Speaker ...
Yes, sir.
Excuse me, sir. Did you say when the report will be tabled? Did you say that? [Interjections.]
Sir, please take your seat. I will repeat what I said earlier. For now, please take your seat. Hon Mfundisi, please continue.
It is very strange that the Waterkloof Air Force Base could be trivialised and dismissed at a simple party committee meeting while the home of an individual is ascribed the status of a national key point with a fortune in public funds being spent thereon. The day will come when these parliamentary precincts will be devoid of their national key point status.
The ANC government has consistently taken exception when opposition Members of Parliament have pointed out their shortcomings in governance, but then they cede their political and executive responsibilities to government officials. If that were not so, there is no way that Ministers of the affected departments could be absolved from the Gupta plane debacle while officials are made to carry the can. This is as good as saying that those officials are in charge and there are no Ministers.
In real democracies, when an event like this occurs, Ministers will resign or be fired by the President because they lowered their guard where and when it mattered most. In a real democracy, the President himself would have quit and not pleaded with the public not to conflate relations between this country and India because a plane landed at a particular air base. It is up to Parliament to deal with him, as they elected him.
In 2003, Bulelani Ngcuka, the then director of Public Prosecutions, said that Zuma was in trouble because he had surrounded himself with Indians. This sounded like a far-fetched and xenophobic statement, but now look at what is happening to the country because of that type of association. We note that three securocrats: Njenje, Maqetuka and Moe Shaik, lost their jobs because they were concerned about the activities of the Guptas. The buck stops with the President and his executive. There is no way that they can pass the buck.
Besides, no one in their wildest dreams would think directors-general would and could lay the blame at the doors of the President or Ministers without their risking being charged with misconduct in terms of the Public Service Act. Only an independent institution can dig out the truth and make sense of this rigmarole.
Political accountability has been consigned to the dustbin of expediency and sacrificed on the altar of supposed friendship. The Guptas did what they did with sheer impunity to illustrate to their compatriots the muscle they can flex over the leaders of this country. After all, there has been no rebut of the assertion that some Ministers learned of their appointment to Cabinet from the Guptas before the President told them.
While one may believe that none of the members of Cabinet knew of the plane landing at this particular airport, a thousand would not. The report so presented has to be rejected with the contempt it deserves.
In conclusion, I plead with President Zuma and his government to heed the following words. I quote from Matthew 7:15: "Beware of false prophets, which come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves." I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon Speaker and hon Deputy President, the recent landing of a private jet at the Waterkloof Air Force Base ripped off the mask of safety and security which we as a nation wear. Today the whole world knows that we are as secure as a lamb in a wolf's den. The source of insecurity is not the wolves, but the truant shepherds who fail to do their duty of protecting the flock.
Azania is at the receiving end of a toxic mixture of Guptocracy and ineptocracy, and the latter advertises itself as a democracy. Our national security is in danger if the state processes can be so easily manipulated by the notorious Gupta name-droppers. Next time our enemies will first drop names and later drop lethal bombs. If the Indian airliner carrying wedding guests was not properly cleared, it should have been impounded. This is a standard international practice. But do not expect this practice to be implemented by a republic gone bananas!
There are profound lessons to be learned from the Waterkloof saga. Firstly, the Gupta family's influence on the powers that be has a corrosive effect on how South Africa is governed. The outcry of one Minister is still green in our collective memory. He publicly complained that he was told by Mr Gupta about his appointment as a Minister long before the President of the Republic informed him. [Interjections.] If we want to restore our reputation as a self-respecting nation, we must place state affairs beyond the reach of the Guptas' corrupting influence.
Secondly, the Gupta factor goes straight to the core of our political morality or lack of it. If we are serious in curtailing the bad influence of money on politics, all politicians and political parties must be obliged by law to reveal the source of their funding. It does not help much to damn and condemn the Guptas in broad daylight and tiptoe to their house after sunset! [Laughter.] I am convinced that some political parties are receiving money stained with blood and cocaine.
Finally, President Zuma would do this nation a great service by saying four words: "Not in my name". This would clear the air and, most importantly, serve as a powerful deterrent to prospective name-droppers. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr Speaker, India and South Africa's relationship is a long and powerful one. The conduct of communication and information management systems in getting involved is totally unacceptable and must be dealt with. Government has responded strongly, decisively and correctly. [Interjections.]
I don't think we must pass judgement. [Interjections.] Name-dropping - people do it all the time. You cannot just jump to conclusions. [Interjections.] The MF rejects any attempt to stereotype this kind of thing. This is wrong behaviour by individuals, which exists in all kinds of communities, and they must be dealt with accordingly.
The DA is stuck in a mind-set. There is not a shred of evidence, and you can't accept the decision. [Interjections.] The President must have had something to do with this! What kind of nonsense is that? [Interjections.] It seems that the DA is pathetic in their desperate attempts. Really, does it mean that if it starts snowing in eThekwini, Durban, today, it is then the President's fault?
All over the world there is this kind of attempt to garner influence, to try to say you have contacts. People must not be hypocritical. Why political parties ...
Speaker, I rise on a point of order. The hon Rajbansi was very angry about what happened. This is not about Indians. It is about this country. So I don't know what the hon member is speaking about. [Interjections.]
Take your seat, hon member. That is not a point of order. Continue, sir.
The ID is lost and found.
People must not be hypocritical. Why have political parties not denied taking money from the Guptas, and how much is it? Politicians have also gone to the Guptas' residence and had dinner, I believe. Well, that's the nature of business. People all over the world try to develop contacts.
The DA leader also went there and had dinner. And do you know what? She had a delicious meal, she said. That does not mean anything. Parties raise money and parties do things to raise money. That does not automatically mean something is happening.
If there is evidence, that is another matter. No one ever suggested that the President picked up the phone and took a telephone call, or whispered to somebody. There is not a shred of evidence of that. This matter must be dealt with according to its merits, and the merits are that this kind of conduct is unacceptable and must be dealt with.
There are political parties seated here that have uttered worse things about the hon President's name, but they are exonerated. Yes, it is quite interesting to note that those will never come to Parliament for debate.
The MF supports the view of Gwede Mantashe that the President's personal relations with any persons outside Parliament are not for consumption in Parliament. That must be respected. [Applause.] There was far greater abuse of state power under the apartheid regime by white supremacists that really put the peace, security, stability and lives of our people in the intensive care unit.
Mahatma Gandhi once said that he would leave the windows of his home open so that the breeze of all the different cultures and religions flow through, but he would never be blown off his feet.
No form of negativity can bring a good man down. The fact is that the President did not exercise undue power. [Interjections.] True leaders are those who add value to ... [Interjections.] Can the DA sit down, please? [Interjections.]
Hon member, your time has expired. What point are you rising on, hon member?
Speaker, I would like to know if the hon Bhoola will take a question about how Rajbansi served in P W Botha's Cabinet.
Hon member, that is not a point of order. Please take your seat.
True leaders are those who add value to society and, undoubtedly, President Zuma will never let South Africa down. [Applause.]
Your time has expired.
Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon members, the landing of the "HeliGupta" at the Waterkloof Air Force Base represents a violation of our country's sovereignty. Had South Africa been a woman, Azapo would be saying that South Africa had been raped. [Interjections.]
The question that needs to be asked is whether the Guptas would have landed their plane at an air force base in their own country or an air force base of any other country. The answer is a definite no.
Why have the Guptas become so important in South Africa? They have the telephone numbers of Ministers! We hear that they are able to summon Ministers and officials to their compound.
Hon member, there's a point of order. Yes, hon member?
Hon Speaker, I rise in terms of Rule 63 on language. I find it very offensive for an hon member to use the word "rape" in an example in the debate, especially taking into consideration the seriousness of rape in the country ... [Interjections.]
Order, hon members! Order! Continue, ma'am
I'm saying that I regard this as a serious concern, especially in the light of the increase in the rape of women in South Africa. I would like you to make a ruling on the issue. [Interjections.]
Order! Order, hon members! Order! Order! Hon members, please mind your language, especially when you are at the podium. And mind your language in the Chamber also. Proceed, sir.
How do we expect South Africans to believe that the Defence Minister is the only person in her department who knew that permission for the "HeliGupta" to land at the Waterkloof Air Force Base had been denied?
We now a have a peculiar situation in which officials have overruled a Ministerial decision. There is a Sepedi proverb that says ... "t?hwene ge e re ho! e botile lewa." [... people get up to mischief knowing very well that they can get away with it.]
The Guptas knew that what they were doing was wrong, but they went ahead and did it. They knew that nothing would happen to them, and they were right!
The officials did what they did because they were doing the President's friends a favour. They were humouring the President. Alternatively, they did so fearing the consequences if they disappointed the Guptas.
Ambassador Koloane had possibly heard of reports of what had happened to James Maseko, when he refused to redirect government's adverts to The New Age. He lost his job and he is still unemployed. [Interjections.]
Every South African should be angry about what happened at Waterkloof. Our country has been undermined. Hon Minister Radebe and, indeed, the whole executive should be angry.
The ruling party should be concerned about how individuals seem to have influence over the executive.
Indeed, here we are wasting our precious time, talking about the family wedding of a non-national! [Laughter.]
Our country has been mortgaged, and it is a disgrace. Thank you. [Applause.]
Speaker, a wedding of that magnitude at Sun City was not tossed together overnight. Every aspect of it was meticulously planned, like a military operation - from the flying in of the 200 plus guests to the VIP blue-light cavalcade to the venue, along with the President and his relatives who partner the Guptas in business ventures, and the invitations to many Cabinet members. Some Cabinet members attended, but most wisely developed "Gupta-itis", a flu-like symptom brought on by media heat.
The claim that members of the Cabinet didn't know is as flimsy and see- through as a bridal veil. In fact, the report is so transparent, it's invisible! It simply doesn't ring true, especially as the claim is made by a raft of their hand-picked directors-general.
If it were true, it would mean that, for example, the Minister of Police and his R2,7 billion Crime Intelligence Unit knew nothing about a foreign plane landing at an SA National Defence Force base carrying passengers unknown - not on official business or for an official government event - with the VIP cavalcade transporting said passengers and unknown crates. They could have been an entire terrorist contingent taking over the country! Ask Sars, which sat at home like Cinderella, unable to peek into the huge crates that were VIPed to the wedding!
The SANDF spokesperson called Waterkloof a national key point, and no one challenged him, because the Minister of Police won't release the list. Of course, we already know about Parliament, the airport, harbours, nuclear power stations, and the private home in Nkandla.
Dodging the stampede by Cabinet members - most of whom are absent from this debate today - to distance themselves from this debacle, the Minister of Police said he knew nothing of an operation of this magnitude. Charges were laid, but we hear today those cases against the 194 Police Service, Metro Police and VIP Unit members, 20 flying squad members, 40 counter assault members with armoured and special surveillance vehicles, and 296 private security members are falling apart. All role-players met in advance to identify their respective roles. Minutes are kept at these meetings, and an operational plan was drawn up accordingly. I trust those minutes weren't conveniently used as confetti! Fair enough. We accept deniability from the Minister of State Security, as he's the man who didn't notice his wife was a druglord. And we didn't expect to read a word about it in the Guptas' The New Age newspaper, but we did from the Minister of Police as a man on the guest list.
Bring on the scapegoats. They are trying everyone - the head of Protocol, an Air Force colonel and the Police - and everyone acted alone without permission from a single identifiable source!
However, it was confirmed for me by a senior ANC member that for every conceivable regulation in the book to have been flouted in the manner they were, they would have had to have been flouted on instruction from the very top. After that, all other Ministries and officials simply fell into line. Now, that, I believe. Police obey orders - when they are told to jump, they ask how high. And today we are branded as a nation that elected an entire Cabinet of empty suits.
The Auditor-General has agreed to my request to uncover how much this debacle has cost us in regard to reputation, as a sort of banana-republic abuse of public money that will lead us to being downgraded yet again, just as our reputation has been downgraded in the eyes of the rest of the world. Thank you. [Applause.]
Speaker, could I please just ask you to give a ruling?
On what point are you rising, a'am?
Speaker, I am rising on the point that the hon Van Wyk misled this House by saying that the report has been submitted to Parliament. I want to place it on record that neither the office of Mr Xaso nor your office has received a report. [Interjections.] I believe that is misrepresentation to Parliament. Thank you. [Interjections.]
Order! Order! Order! Take your seat, hon member. What point are your rising on, Mr Jeffery?
Speaker, it's the hon Kilian who is doing the misleading. It was never said that the report has been tabled in Parliament. It was said that the report had been released. There's a difference, which the hon Kilian doesn't seem to understand. [Interjections.]
Order, hon members! Order! Order! At this point let me reiterate what I said earlier. I'm quoting myself here! [Laughter.] It was: when the report is received by the office of the Speaker, it will be tabled. I repeat that I said that, and I'm repeating it again. I really don't want us to go back to that issue. When the report is released to the office of the Speaker, my office, it will be tabled in Parliament, as has been the case with previous reports. [Interjections.]
Take your seat, hon member. What point are you rising on? [Interjections.] Minister, proceed.
Speaker, as a speaker of English I was going to correct the hon member and indicate that the hon Van Wyk said that the report had been made public. She did not mention Parliament. The p-word was "public", and so I think she misunderstood. [Laughter.]
Hon Speaker ...
Yes, hon member. Are you rising on this point or another point? What point are you rising on?
I am not rising on a point of order, hon Speaker, but to ask something that deals with this point. In terms of the Rules, I am enquiring from the Minister, on this specific point, whether she is prepared to answer a question.
No, I am not! You are wasting your time.
Hon member, please take your seat. Continue, Minister.
Please take your seat. I am sure, Speaker, he is not the last of those who will stand up, because those who speak the truth are always feared, and here is the truth. [Interjections.] Here is the truth!
All that this debate has been called for is to allow the loud opposition to attack the ANC and the President. They do not want the truth. They will not listen to the truth. They will not allow speakers of the majority party to talk. [Interjections.] All they will do while we speak is shout, carp and insult because they are afraid of the truth. [Interjections.] They are afraid of it because it does not suit their intention. They do not even want the public to hear what we are saying. So they will scream, they will shout. They have no interest in the truth, and eventually the public will come to know who the opposition are, what they are, and what they are really interested in - and it is definitely not the truth.
Everybody in this House knows that the hon Maynier has been on a fishing expedition since he joined the House, and as the election approaches he is desperate to catch a big fish before the election, because he has failed to do so up to now. [Interjections.]
We all know that the hon Lekota has been angry since 2007. [Interjections.] [Applause.] He did not enjoy the weather in Polokwane, and he spends so much time in court that he has lost touch with reality. [Laughter.] [Applause.] He knows full well, and in their opposition caucuses he would have been able to tell his opposition colleagues, since they are now one, led by the DA, as he has accepted, strangely, ... [Laughter.] ... that Waterkloof is, in fact, a declared international port of entry. He would have been able to tell them. [Interjections.] Yes! I have told you, hon members, that the minute the truth comes out, they cannot take it. [Laughter.] [Applause.] He would have been able to tell them that the Waterkloof Air Force Base is a strategic military base under the Defence Act. It is not a national key point under the Police Act but, because he spends his time in court and not in caucus educating his opposition friends, he could not share that truth with them. [Applause.] [Interjections.] We all know that, in fact, this gentleman leads nothing. We know he is not a president and we know he sacks MPs, he readmits MPs, and he just continues to be an angry person. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]
Now, Minister Radebe has provided the House and the public with a report on the findings of the investigation into the landing of a commercial aircraft at this military air force base in April this year. It is clear from the report the Minister has provided, as well as the various media statements he has released, that this landing fell outside established norms for the use of the Waterkloof Air Force Base. It is clear rules were broken and positions of authority were breached. We will consider the recommendations of the report and the proposed interventions.
One of the startling findings of the report is the abuse of position and trust by senior officials in government. [Interjections.] All in this House have agreed previously that one of the objectives South Africa should pursue vigorously is creating a capable, development-oriented public servant. The National Development Plan, NDP, suggests that this public servant will be one fully able to execute her job, committed to working in the interests of the people of South Africa, patriotic, ethical and reflective of the principles and values of our Constitution. [Interjections.]
A democracy in formation, such as our own, relies heavily on the success and support that can result from high calibre public values of the kind described in the NDP. These would be teachers committed to quality education and youth development; doctors who uphold the full meaning of the Hippocratic Oath; nurses who serve to heal; and local government workers who are honest, hardworking and results-oriented. [Interjections.] These qualities are vital for what we term service delivery, but they are even more critical for advancing and protecting the national interests of our nation in the continental and global spheres. No country can thrive if it has senior public servants ready to sell their country to the highest bidder. [Interjections.] This is true, whatever the effects of such disloyalty.
In this case our strategic military air base was infringed through misrepresentation and the brazen abuse of authority. [Interjections.] As Minister Radebe has said, we must be grateful that the majority of our public servants are hard at work doing what should be done. The minority of bad apples should not cause us to tarnish all of them. Our success in the past 19 years has been firmly supported by thousands of good public servants who have ensured hundreds of schools were built, millions of homes electrified, millions provided with water services, and many other positive changes. [Interjections.] When some public servants behave in an errant fashion, we should not forget these thousands. We should not find everyone guilty in our rush to pursue our narrow political agenda.
It is especially important that we as Members of Parliament take the lead in assisting our new nation to understand due process, to appreciate the value of proper investigation, and to come to an appreciation of the importance of reaching conclusions on the basis of facts and not on speculation, not on the hatred of certain politicians, nor on the narrow pursuit of votes by any means necessary.
All that we, as the ANC, can see is that the opposition is consumed by their hatred of President Zuma, and they are unable to look at an issue objectively and rationally if it involves an opportunity to throw stones at our President. It is tragic that Members of Parliament, who have the unique opportunity to build a new, rules-based society, generally fail to rise above their political interests and tend to be so ready to pronounce guilt that, where it does not exist, they are actually heartily, heartily sore, and they just want this guilt, owing to their deep-seated desire to besmirch the reputation of the ANC and its leadership.
There is no one in the ANC who has suggested that the landing of this commercial aircraft was correct. [Interjections.]
HON MEMBERS: You knew!
The secretary-general raised the alarm. The President raised concerns. The alliance leadership raised concerns. [Interjections.] The executive ensured a senior-level investigation ...
Hon members, order!
... and kept the public informed. [Interjections.] I am absolutely not surprised. What we have seen ...
Speaker! Speaker!
What point are you rising on, sir? [Interjections.]
Speaker ... [Interjections.]
Yes, I can hear you. What point are you rising on, hon member? [Interjections.]
Speaker, I want to check ... [Interjections.]
There is no Rule for checking.
What point are you rising on, sir?
He should sit down. [Interjections.]
On a point of order, Speaker ...
On a point of what?
What happened to the truthful Naledi Pandor? [Interjections.]
Just take your seat, sir. Please. [Interjections.]
Speaker, the hon member did not refer to me in the way that he often insists other members should be referred to ... [Interjections.] ... and I would ask that the Speaker asks him to do so.
Yes, ma'am.
You knew!
What happened to the honourable, truthful Naledi Pandor? [Interjections.]
That is not a point of anything!
The honourable, truthful Naledi Pandor stands right here before you and she causes you to stand on a point of order because in your entire physical make-up, you are unable to accept or see the truth. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Hon member, you cannot insinuate that an hon member is untruthful. That is not parliamentary. [Interjections.] Hon Minister Naledi, proceed.
Thank you, Speaker. As we say, sticks and stones ...
The opposition has claimed that the report and the investigation are a cover-up. This is their normal response to a truth they do not like. Their deep-seated disdain for the ANC means that whether or not a report is accurate and complete with all the facts, if it does not implicate President Zuma and the majority party, they will not accept it. [Applause.]
It is sad that the opposition is sullying the positive contribution of the Public Protector and other Chapter 9 institutions by attempting to make the Public Protector a detective-inspector of the DA, rather than an institution promoting democracy. [Interjections.] Whenever the DA does not like an issue or an outcome, even if it is true, they rush to the Public Protector, and all they are doing is harming the reputation of this vital and important democratic institution. [Applause.] They cannot claim in this House that their constant approaches to ...
Speaker, I rise on a point of order: I submit that the hon Minister is maligning the Office of the Public Protector. [Interjections.] It is a Chapter 9 institution, and I ask that you ask her to withdraw her remarks.
I submit, hon Speaker, that the hon member and her party are maligning the Office of the Public Protector, and I ask her and her party to desist, from today.
I will look at the Hansard and come back with a ruling on this matter. [Interjections.]
That would be my submission and, Speaker, you will find I am absolutely correct. [Interjections.]
It is sad, hon Speaker, that this party that was elected following our democracy, this party that claims it fought apartheid, when it was formed after apartheid had gone, is unable to accept the truth. [Interjections.] It is unable to accept that officials actually exceeded their authority and granted landing rights when they should not have done so. This party is unable to accept that no Minister did anything wrong! [Interjections.] They have failed to do so. [Interjections.]
Where were you? Where were you?
Hon member, please behave yourself in the House! Order, hon members!
The debate, sadly, is on the subject introduced by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party. The debate is not on me.
You should resign! [Interjections.]
You, hon member, can certainly take a decision and you are free to resign! You will never fool the South African public into believing that your interests are in the interests of our country or in the interests of a service-oriented Public Service. Your pure interest is to peddle your hatred for President Jacob Zuma and your hatred for the ANC. You will never succeed in convincing our people that you deserve to enjoy any position of leadership in our country! [Applause.]
We have investigated the matter. There is a report. [Interjections.] The report is now public. [Interjections.] Those who wish to read it will read it. They will consider it and they will see that the directors-general task team did an excellent job and have reported on the matter, and that there are officials who went well beyond their authorised positions and who have embarrassed our country. They will also find that our President did nothing that could be considered wrong. [Interjections.] Thus, they will be disappointed. They will continue to believe the report is not true, because if the report does not find Zuma guilty, they are unable to accept it. [Applause.] [Interjections.] That is the kind of opposition we have in our Parliament. Thank you.
Speaker: Is it parliamentary to say, "If Zuma ..."? [Interjections.]
What point are you rising on, sir?
Speaker, I am asking if it is parliamentary for the hon Minister to say, "If Zuma ...". [Interjections.] She must refer to the President as "the hon President". [Interjections.]
Speaker, all I can call that is the way that Orlando Pirates felt when they were in the Free State a few weeks ago. That is what the hon member of the ID is illustrating: Defeat! Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, may I address you? [Interjections.]
Please do.
I want to raise ... [Interjections.]
Order, hon members! Let the speaker be heard.
Hon Speaker, I did not want to interrupt the hon Minister while she was speaking, but I want to raise the point that was raised by the hon Bhanga. Now, I know you made a ruling, but in terms of the Rules the hon Bhanga needs to withdraw his statement, and I would like to request that you allow him to withdraw, because he has cast aspersions on the hon Naledi Pandor.
Hon member, please withdraw. [Interjections.] Order, hon members! Order!
Speaker, I do not remember what it is I should withdraw. [Interjections.]
I will study the Hansard and come back with a ruling on this matter. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] [Applause.] Hon member, what point are you rising on?
Speaker, I am also rising on a point of order: I want to ask you this. Earlier, I requested a ruling on the matter of the submission of the report to this House ... [Interjections.] ... and, I think we need to check the Hansard about what the hon Van Wyk said. But, secondly, now that the hon Pandor has clarified ...
Hon member, I have ruled on the matter! I am not going to rule twice or thrice. [Interjections.] Ruling on the matter once is enough. I have ruled on the matter. Please take your seat. [Interjections.] Order! Order!
Mr Speaker, I would like to submit that the admission by the hon Pandor that the report was released in public demonstrates the disrespect that the ANC government has for this House. [Interjections.]
What point are you rising on? That is a statement! Hon member, we have come to the end of the speakers' list. Do not make another statement.
Speaker, may I rise on a further point of order? A point of order in terms of the Rules can only be raised whilst the member concerned is still at the podium. These spurious points of order that are raised two or three speakers after a speaker has spoken are completely out of order and should not be entertained at any point. Thank you. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Debate concluded.